Crunch time: Anwar meeting Tuaran residents on the campaign trail recently. While Pakatan’s performance in the Sabah polls may not be reflective of its position in the peninsula, the Madani government needs to deliver more tangible policy wins and real reforms, says the writer. — ZULAZHAR SHEBLEE/The Star
THE political clock is ticking. For Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, 2026 has to be the Year of Delivery as Malaysia inches closer to the next general election.
Pakatan Harapan fared badly in the recent Sabah elections, and there are many reasons for it. However, the same barometer cannot be applied for the peninsula.
Without a doubt, there is unhappiness and anger among the core base of Pakatan supporters in the 2022 elections, although the sentiments in Sabah differ to some extent.
The Sabahan Chinese overwhelmingly backed Warisan but their peninsula brethren aren’t likely to choose the opposition Perikatan Nasional, especially not with PAS there.
In fact, even in Sabah, Bersatu led by Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin failed to win a single seat despite fielding 33 candidates.
Perikatan state chief Ronald Kiandee even lost in the state polls as the anti-Semenanjung sentiment swept through.
Although the focus has been on DAP because it lost all eight seats it contested, the fact is all peninsula-based parties suffered badly including Umno, although it did better than others.
PAS won its first ever seat in the state and while the Islamist party has reason to celebrate, it would be wrong to assume that the single symbolic breakthrough has translated into structural strength, political momentum or electoral viability, as analyst Phar Kim Beng pointed out.
“One victory, however headline-grabbing, does not establish PAS as a significant force in Sabah’s political landscape,’’ he wrote.
It was more likely that the voters picked Aliakbar Gulasan, the state PAS chief, as he is seen as a working candidate. Also, his challengers were not strong. PAS, in fact, lost in five other seats it contested.
Certainly, PAS’ uncompromising Islamic agenda was not the reason Aliakbar was picked.
That brings us back to the main point – if the peninsula Chinese voters are upset with the DAP, which they backed previously, will they now back the MCA via Barisan Nasional or Gerakan in Perikatan?
Or will they just stay away from the polling stations all together as a silent show of protest?
In the coming Sarawak state elections in 2026, the Chinese voters will also be deciding if they want to reject DAP and give all their support to Sarawak United People’s Party (SUPP).
It would be safe to say that the community will go the way of their Sabah neighbours, and stick to Sarawak-based parties.
Many have already written off Pakatan, especially DAP, but it must be remembered that one week is a long time in politics. A year is much longer – but it has to be used properly.
Anwar knows fully well that the restlessness is palpable, especially among his supporters and his reformist coalition.
Voters who once rallied behind the promise of sweeping reform now feel the weight of delay, compromise, and political fatigue. For Anwar, 2026 cannot be another year of careful calibration or incrementalism.
It is not easy to implement reforms if it involves laws and the Federal Constitution as laws need to be drafted and presented to Parliament.
Next year, the Constitution will be amended to allow for the separation of powers of the Attorney General and Public Prosecutor.
Then, there is the two-term limit on prime ministerial tenures, which Anwar supports, but it has to be passed into law.
With the perception that the pace has been slow and limited, it is obvious the momentum on reforms has to be put on the fast track.
The PM campaigned as a reformer, and many expected early, bold shifts: judicial independence safeguards, anti-corruption reforms, a more transparent governance model, and depoliticisation of institutions.
Quick deliveries in 2026 are absolutely needed to rekindle support among the urban electorate. It must be a year of reform, delivery, and visible transformation – because the coalition’s support base is no longer satisfied with rhetorical commitment.
They want results.
Anwar came into office carrying a historical mandate: to fulfil a reform agenda that had animated Malaysian politics for two decades. But mandates are not indefinite, and public patience – even among the faithful – has its limits, even if such sentiments can seem unreasonable at times.
Supporters frustrated by rising living costs, perceived slow institutional reforms, and ongoing political horse-trading now question whether the reformist politics can survive Malaysia’s entrenched system.
If 2026 does not provide a clear breakaway moment – and an unmistakable acceleration of the agenda – disillusionment risks becoming disengagement at the ballot box.
It doesn’t help that the cost of living crisis is no longer a talking point; it is the central lived reality of Malaysian families.
Food prices, youth unemployment, and stagnating wages fall squarely into the category of issues that cannot be postponed.
Initiatives such as the one-off RM100 cash assistance SARA (Sumbangan Asas Rahmah) may be small to the more affluent Malaysians but for many Malaysian families, the amount when pooled together is regarded as generous.
The petrol assistance through BUDI Madani Ron95 targeted subsidy programme is also felt directly by the voters. It helps as it reaches the people directly and they remember.
Supporters are not demanding miracles – they are demanding movement – but the PM needs to announce good initiatives every few months, just as public-listed companies have to announce quarterly results to its shareholders.
There has to be swifter moves as they would be seen as decisive actual turning points from old political culture.
If reforms are not accelerated in 2026, the opposition will seize the narrative that the government has abandoned its ethos – and many supporters may quietly agree.
To be fair to Anwar, he has been able to steer the country well and has kept the unity government together for three years.
We had three PMs in five years but Anwar has stabilised a fragmented Parliament and contained the constant political turbulence of recent years.
No investor would put money on Malaysia if it is unstable politically – but stability is not a voter-moving achievement in itself. Malaysians do not go to the ballot box to reward neutrality; they vote based on direction. They want to know where the country is heading, not only that the ship has stopped rocking. They want to see and feel electoral promises, including reforms, being kept.
Ahead of the general election, Pakatan needs a strong and convincing narrative built on tangible wins – policies that make life better, institutions that become stronger, and corruption that becomes a thing of the past.
Anwar has to win back the core supporters in urban and semi-urban constituencies. Forget the PAS fans in Kedah, Kelantan and Terengganu, they won’t vote for Pakatan no matter how much he tries to please them.
2026 is a make-or-break year. It is a year that demands courage, speed, and political will. He has to go to the polls with the strength of achievement rather than the memory of promises. But don’t be too quick to write off Anwar especially when the options are not palatable.
