Negri Sembilan Mentri Besar  Tan Sri Mohamed Isa Abdul Samad  claimed that the opposition had  asked the Malay voters whether  they preferred a kuil (Hindu temple) or
masjid (mosque) in their  area.

The opposition, he alleged, had  also
told the voters that the Malays  should
only vote for a Malay candidate.

It will be difficult for Isa to  prove
his allegations as opposition 
campaigners are unlikely to use 
these tactics openly.

But it is clear that the opposition  had
decided to field Kassim to capitalise on the high number of Malay voters.

While the decision could well be  a
clever tactical move, it has also  put to
the test Keadilan's claim of  being
multi-racial and non-communal.

In last year's general election,  the
opposition fielded N. Gobalakrishnan on a Keadilan ticket. Although he lost,
the spirit of multi racialism was, at least, reflected.

Many issues will crop up during  the
campaigning, but what is more  important
here is the concept of  power-sharing
among the various  races in this country,
which has  been taken for granted
lately.

The politics of accommodation  and
consensus in Malaysia has  made this
country special and  unique.

None of the 192 parliamentary 
constituencies is an Indian-majority area, but the belief in power
sharing has allowed the community to have a minister, a deputy and  two parliamentary secretaries  from its list of seven MPs and 15  state assemblymen.

This is to ensure that every minority group, no matter how small  they are, are represented in Dewan  Rakyat and Dewan Negara.

Malaysian society is plural, and  its
politics will always be complicated. There will always be moments of
frustration, but the spirit  of
consensus, if constantly upheld,  will
allow problems to be amicably 
resolved.

The Alliance and subsequently  the
Barisan Nasional may be made  up of
communal-based parties, but  it has been
able to bargain, compromise and accommodate in a  non-communal fashion.

It has its flaws, but it has been  proven
to be effective in holding  this
multi-racial and multi-religious country together because of  its moderation.

In past general elections, MCA 
candidates had stood in Malay-majority areas and won with the support of
Malay votes because the  Malays were more
comfortable  with the MCA than the
DAP.

Last year, the Chinese supported  Umno
candidates, throwing out  even Chinese
DAP candidates, for  various reasons.

They had confidence in the leadership of Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir  Mohamad, the economic recovery,  the cohesiveness of the MCA, the  fear of an Islamic state, and the  strong belief that only the Barisan  can hold the country together.

The bottomline is that the majority, irrespective of their ethnicity,  believed that only the Barisan  could work, even when the credibility of the
coalition was at its  lowest.

This pragmatic approach, including the component parties'  ability to strike durable compromises, has
been the Barisan's winning formula.

Thus, right from the beginning  when the
Teluk Kemang seat fell  vacant, the
understanding among  the component
parties was that the  seat would go to
MIC. The racial  composition of the
constituency  was never an issue.

The concept of accommodation  needs to be
re-emphasised from  time to time. Even
Barisan leaders,  especially the younger
ones, do not  fully appreciate its
magnitude at  times.

The Gerakan and MCA grassroots, for example, must appreciate that even when
Umno had more  state seats than the two
parties in  Penang, the chief minister's
post  automatically went to a
Chinese.

It was a non-negotiable issue and  the
Barisan leadership, including  those from
Umno, did not bow to  pressure,
particularly in 1995.

The same scenario has taken  place in
Sabah. Dr Mahathir has  correctly
insisted that the rotation  of the chief
minister's post must  continue although
Umno has the  most number of seats.

Despite continuing pressure  from the
Sabah Umno rank and  file, the prime
minister has refused to budge.

That aside, younger Umno leaders must also understand the need  to reward other communities in the  wake of efforts by PAS to win their  support.

Similarly, the other Barisan  component
parties must be prepared to forego their posts in the  event their parties perform badly  in future elections should they demand more
now.

The politics of compromises  must be
fully appreciated by everyone. It is a win-win game but no  one ethnic group is supposed to be  fully satisfied.

Over the years, there has been  less
emphasis on communalism,  but the reality
is that it has not  gone away.

In the case of the Teluk Kemang 
by-election campaigning, racial 
and religious slurs have come into 
play.

The voters of Teluk Kemang  need to send
a reminder that racial  play, in whatever
form or manifestation, is unacceptable.

Like any parent, she was obviously proud that her
daughter had  done well and wanted to
share her  accomplishment with anyone
who  cared to listen.

Her daughter must have secured  a place
in ITM on her own merit.  The scholarship
was presumably  given based on her scholastic
and  financial positions.

It's unlikely that her father, a 
full-time party worker who had 
failed in all his political outings, is 
financially well-off. Given his 
prominence, her friends and ITM 
officials would have known about 
her family background.

But credit must be given to the 
Government and ITM for not discriminating against her.

In all likelihood, she is to share  her
father's political inclination  but it
would be terribly unjust had  she been
denied her scholarship  because of her
link with PAS, of  which she had no
control.

There are many students, both in  local
and foreign universities, who  are not
supportive of our government. It is certainly not a recent  phenomenon and our government  should not be unduly worried.

Even during the 60s, when the  Socialist
Club was allowed in Universiti Malaya, it attracted many  idealistic students who believed  they could change the world.

In recent years, as a result of Islamic revivalism, many supported  PAS in our local universities; non Muslims
would support the DAP  and Parti Rakyat
Malaysia.

But many students switch their  political
allegiance when they  graduate. Some do
so for selfish  and opportunistic
reasons, believing that they would have better 
prospects backing Umno, MCA or 
MIC.

Others genuinely believed that it  would
be more effective working  from within
the system than shouting themselves hoarse from outside.

In this context, not many would  agree
with Entrepreneur Development Minister Datuk Mohamed  Nazri Abdul Aziz for saying that  priority for Mara's education loans  would be given to Barisan Nasional  supporters.

He had said that in politics, priority must always be given to party
supporters.

Nazri reportedly said applications from others would only be  considered after this was done.

His statement, if correctly reported, is certainly regrettable.  One would have thought that loans  or scholarships are given out  based on meritocracy.

It will be alarming if the child of  an
opposition member is penalised  as a result
of his parent's political  beliefs.

Nazri should be more concerned  with
scholarship holders who fail  to repay
their loans or the possibility of rich parents getting loans  and scholarships for their kids, depriving
those who really need the  assistance.

There should be no political consideration because the money belongs to the
taxpayers.

A Parti Keadilan Nasional supporter, for example, is also a taxpayer and a
citizen. It is his constitutional right to enjoy the same  benefits as a Barisan man.

Nazri's stand is contrary to Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad's  recent reminder to Umno members not to
penalise opposition supporters, especially government  servants.

The Umno president had argued  that Umno
members should try to  win them back as
many were former Umno supporters.

Dr Mahathir's advice makes  sense as many
Malays turned  against the leadership on
a few  specific issues, such as the Datuk  Seri Anwar Ibrahim case.

These unhappy citizens turned to  PAS
recently simply because it is  an alternative
political vehicle to  voice their
grievances  and nothing more, much less
its radical policies.

With the same principle, the  PAS-led
Terengganu government  should not stop
Barisan supporters  from getting loans
and scholarships. The oil royalties belong to 
the people of Terengganu and not 
Mentri Besar Hadi Awang.

But Nazri is not entirely wrong.  The
Government expects its scholarship holders to concentrate on  their studies and not waste their  time in street demonstrations.

They should not be used by selfish politicians. If they fail in their  examinations, they should realise  that their political idols won't lift a  finger to help them.

A university dropout is useless  to
whatever political cause the student may want to champion later in  life.

The Education Ministry should  pay more
attention to university  lecturers, some
of whom use up  public money to pursue
post-graduate studies and then return home 
empty-handed.

Many of these academic failures,  who
have become harsh critics of  the
Government, never had to worry about being axed during the recession, unlike
those in the private  sector.

Not many of them appreciate  government
efforts in restoring  the economy, never
having worked  in the demanding
environment of  the private sector.

It cannot be denied that students  should
not be divorced entirely  from politics
as the campus must  allow
intellectually-stimulating  debates and
ideas to flourish.

Neither is politics the monopoly  of
politicians.

The concern of many Malaysians  is that a
large segment of our students and lecturers have become  too partisan and preoccupied with  politics, resulting in neglect for  their work.

Those who disagree with their  political
views in campus are  afraid to express
themselves for  fear of being
ostracised.

If a lecturer is paid to teach 
chemistry, he should just stick to 
it. He shouldn't waste time lecturing students on the purported
evils  of the government.

Nazri would probably get a better hearing if he acts against loan takers who can
no longer fulfill the  requirements and
criteria because  of their political
involvement.

More importantly, everyone  should be
given a chance to contribute to our beloved nation.

If money politics is mere fantasy, then Datuk Seri Dr
Mahathir Mohamad must have  been
ill-informed. There would have been no 
need for him to issue so many warnings before the party elections.

There was only talk, perhaps because no 
complaint was lodged or no one was caught  in the act.

Money politics, it has been alleged, first 
surfaced during the 1993 party polls. Till today, candidates have
privately complained  of delegates who
demand money, contracts  and state
awards.

It would not be realistic to expect money 
politics to go away with warnings from the  president. For a start, Umno members
have  to change their mindset and rid
themselves  of the handout
mentality.

To think that money is required to do a 
good political job is a flawed assumption.

One delegate openly proposed that the 165 
divisions be allocated RM1mil each to enable them to conduct their
political activities  better.

The Kedah Youth leader was not the only 
one. A student, speaking on behalf of the  overseas Umno clubs, also asked for
money.

It has become so predictable. At every 
general assembly, even before she spoke, 
reporters following the debates at the media  centre all forecast correctly that she
would  ask for subsidy.

She revealed how Parti Keadilan Nasional 
campaigners, who appear to have the financial means, had travelled to
Europe to  preach reformasi.

The student blamed the Government's delay in sending their scholarship money as
a  cause for the Opposition gaining
support  among students overseas.

That's a lame excuse. One Barisan Nasional component party with an
overseas  club is so resourceful that it
runs a newsletter for Malaysians, fully sponsored by travel  agencies and phone companies.

The club also helps Malaysians who run 
foul of the law there or encounter money 
problems  all that without a
single sen  from party
headquarters.

Money is certainly needed to run the operations of a modern political party effectively.

Even the opposition parties, judging from 
the number of posters, banners and flags put  up during last year's polls, must have
spent  quite a bit.

But there is no guarantee that money will 
win votes, at least in a general election. It is  not a way to win the hearts and minds of
the  people.

The Kuomintang, reputed to be the richest 
party in the world, lost in the Taiwan election. It was the same with
cash-rich Golkar  in Indonesia.

Umno leaders have to lead by example if 
they want party members and the public to  believe that they are serious in
fighting  money politics.

They should stop flaunting their wealth, for 
one. A reporter cynically described the 
parking area at the Pan Pacific Hotel as having the “larget number of
luxury cars in the  smallest area in
Malaysia'' during the general assembly.

It'd be nice to see Protons in the area for a 
change.

After all, it takes two hands to clap. The  giver and the taker share equal blame.

Dr Mahathir's declaration of war against 
money politics is timely. On Wednesday, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi
will open  the Youth and Wanita
assemblies, followed  immediately by
voting.

All eyes will be on the tussle for the top 
Wanita post between incumbent Datuk Dr 
Zaharah Sulaiman and Datuk Seri Rafidah 
Aziz.

On Thursday, Dr Mahathir will open the 
general assembly proper where delegates 
will decide on the three vice-president's  posts, which are vied by nine
contenders.

Dr Mahathir and Abdullah have both won 
their respective posts unopposed. Acting 
Youth chief Datuk Hishamuddin Hussein, 
likewise, won without a challenge.

The target of these so-called demanding 
delegates, according to Umno insiders, are  the vice-president aspirants, where the  stakes are the highest. The winners are
seen  to be in line for the top party
leadership.

If delegates believe that they command a 
price, because of their voting power, then  they would spend money to get themselves  elected at branch and division levels.
Should  leaders at higher levels splurge
on these delegates, then they are merely endorsing money politics.

It is a vicious cycle because those who 
spend huge sums of money need to recoup 
their expenses.

It would not be surprising if those holding 
public office compromise their positions or  are prepared to accept kick-backs. There  must be an open display of disdain and
contempt against money politics.

Although the party elections would be the 
focus of the party and the media, many also  want to know the future directions of
Umno.

This year's general assembly is important 
because it is the first of the millennium and,  more importantly, the first since the
1999  general election.

There is immense interest in the assembly, not just among the Malays but
others  Malaysian because Umno is the
backbone of  the ruling Barisan
Nasional.

Critics of Umno have charged that the 
party has lost its credibility and an overhaul  is needed. They point out that there is
resentment against the leadership among the 
Malay community.

The result has been a split among the Malays, with many supporting PAS even if
they  are wary of the Islamist party's
extremism.

This issue is expected to be a focus in Dr 
Mahathir's address at the assembly.

Although Umno has come under intense 
criticism, many still accept the fact that the  party's strengths outweighs its flaws.

Its moderation and willingness to compromise have been its strong points.
Umno  should not be ashamed that it has
the support of non-Malays.

In fact, Umno has proven itself to be committed to self-renewal over the years.
Even  as PAS debate over whether
non-Muslims  should be associate members,
with no voting  rights, Umno has long
accepted non-Muslim  bumiputras from
Sabah as members with  equal
rights.

It also has shown great ingenuity in the 
formulation of the New Economic Policy, 
which has led to fairer distribution of wealth  and the strengtening of Malay-Sino
relations.

Dr Mahathir's expected emphasis on the 
substance of Islam, rather than its form, will  reassure many Malaysians that Umno has
no  intention of competing with PAS to
win Muslim votes.

The assembly offers the members the 
highest channel to carry out some soul searching. For a start, some
confidence building will help mend the post-election  dent.

Umno must accept the fact that it has to 
enhance its image at the grassroots through  more community-related work.

The “Datuk politician,'' in his corporate 
image and shiny Mercedes-Benz, may project the image of a successful
bumiputra but  it has also sent wrong
signals to the kampung voters.

Complaint bureaus, where the ordinary 
people can seek help, could be set up in 
housing areas so that the party will be accessible to the
grassroots.

If the successful Sanggang by-election 
campaign is to be a lesson, Umno leaders not  only need to make themselves relevant
but  they have to relate to the
sentiments of the  ordinary rakyat.