Author Archives: wcw

A craving for unworthy awards


Mushrooming ‘recognition’: Malaysians are far too easily impressed by certificates, awards, plaques and honorary accolades, even when these honours are questionable, says the writer. — 123rf

IF there is an award for an Asean member country with the highest number of titled persons, we can be fairly certain that Malaysia will win hands down.

In fact, Malaysia could even win the APEC record – we can beat everyone in the Asia Pacific region.

Last week, a controversy cropped up when it was reported that business entities were allegedly using the “Asean name” to market and sell costly “Asean Record recognitions’’ to Malaysian businesses.

The matter first surfaced when the Peninsular Malaysia Consumers Association (PPSM) claimed that it had received multiple complaints from businesses on the matter.

The Consumer Association of Penang (CAP) followed up by urging all businesses to exercise caution and to verify any claims of Asean endorsement directly through official Asean channels.

So, how did we come to this point? It’s simple. Malaysia, how we love our titles.

We lobby and chase after titles and if we are to believe what we hear, we can also buy titles to look important.

We chase them, flaunt them, print them on name cards, social media profiles, wedding invitations and probably even on tombstones.

“Datuk”, “Tan Sri”, “Dr”, “Professor”, “Datuk Seri,” “Dato Sri” – the longer the string of titles before a name, the more important the person appears to be.

The Majlis Datuk Dato Malaysia (MDDM) receives information almost daily of dubious Malaysians who pass themselves off as Datuks even when they have not been awarded such a title.

Now, apparently, there is another addition to this curious national obsession – records and recognitions from obscure organisations, with grand-sounding international names.

The latest controversy involves a purported “Asean records” recognition and has once again exposed an uncomfortable truth.

Many Malaysians are not just content with getting Malaysian awards but crave regional, if not international, recognition.

It may just be a piece of paper and one even wonders if they actually add any value to a business but there are many businessmen who want it.

Malaysians are also far too easily impressed by certificates, plaques and honorary accolades, even when these honours are questionable, commercially driven or openly purchasable.

There are many businessmen who barely passed their school exams but would not mind paying for an honorary doctorate online. Many assume these institutions are recognised.

Many do not even have the decency to put a bracket to their “Dr” title to denote it’s an honorary title.

The issue is not whether achievements should be recognised. Genuine accomplishments deserve applause.

Malaysians who excel in science, sports, business, education or community service should indeed be celebrated.

The problem arises when recognition becomes transactional. In simple and blunt language – you paid for it without working for it.

Over the years, we have seen the mushrooming of honorary doctorates from dubious institutions, self-styled international awards, “world excellence” recognitions and now various “records” supposedly acknowledging extraordinary feats.

In many cases, recipients are quietly asked to pay processing fees, event table charges, membership subscriptions or “administrative costs”.

And then, the recipients proudly display these honours without any sense of shame.

What is troubling is not merely the existence of such organisations; there will always be businesses exploiting vanity and insecurity. The more worrying issue is why there remains such strong demand among Malaysians for these symbolic validations.

In many Asian societies, including Malaysia, titles confer status. The British are guilty, for sure. For them, titles and accolades open doors, command respect and create a social hierarchy.

In Malaysia, titles often carry enormous weight. At functions, introductions or salutations can sound like the reading of a royal honours list. Sometimes the titles are longer than the actual names.

We are conditioned from young to associate titles with authority and success. A person without one may seem less accomplished even if he or she possesses genuine expertise and integrity.

And yet, we see people with Tan Sri and Datuk titles being regularly arrested and charged in courts for all kinds of crime, including cheating.

This unhealthy fixation has also created an ecosystem where appearances matter more than substance.

Social media has amplified this phenomenon. Platforms like Instagram and LinkedIn reward image cultivation.

Photographs of gala dinners, award ceremonies and robe-wearing “graduations” create an illusion of prestige. Few bother to question the legitimacy behind the recognition.

Many respected professionals, scholars and corporate leaders rarely insist on being addressed by their honorifics. Their reputation speaks for itself.

It’s hard for the vain people to realise that genuine achievement requires no decorative embellishment.

A real record does not require self-promotion. It will be recognised and accorded all the respect it deserves – without the need to pay for it.

Rain Rave’s success music to the ears


Big win: The recent Rain Rave Water Music Festival 2026 attracted many international visitors and reportedly raked in RM200mil in tourism income. — GLENN GUAN/The Star

THE Rain Rave 2026 Water Music Festival event in Bukit Bintang, Kuala Lumpur, has been a huge success, no doubt about it.

The Tourism, Culture and Arts Ministry has been cautious in releasing official figures as it is still tabulating the numbers. But that has not stopped the Malaysian Inland Tourism Association from claiming that the three-day event raked in RM200mil in tourism income, drawing over 180,000 visitors.

Its president, Mint Leong, reportedly said the festival boosted economic activity during the Labour Day holiday period around May 1, recording 1.4 billion click-throughs on global social media platforms and giving Malaysia huge international exposure.

This is an interesting angle as the event should not be measured merely by crowd size or estimated revenue.

Money derived from the festival is certainly essential. After all, Rain Rave was created as a tourism product precisely for that.

Anyone who actually took the trouble to visit the scene would have noticed the large number of families, senior citizens, and, more importantly, tourists.

Of course, there were also immigrant workers who took advantage of the holidays to unwind with free entertainment.

But did anyone see any hedonistic activities as imagined by some individuals and groups?

No.

Gender segregation may be practised in Kelantan, Terengganu, Kedah and Perlis but surely not in KL. It must have disappointed the naysayers that the event attracted many Malaysians of all faiths.

Rain Rave 2026 has effectively ticked several structural boxes to prove that it is an exemplary modern tourism product.

First, it demonstrated the power of low-cost, high impact programming – that explains why Bukit Bintang was the best choice of location.

It could accommodate a huge audience with hotels, restaurants, businesses and MRT connections nearby. A place like Sepang, Selangor, and its space would not be able to offer such attractions close by.

Unlike mega events that require heavy infrastructure and public spending, Rain Rave leveraged existing urban spaces in KL, turning streets into stages and participants into content creators.

This kept costs relatively contained while maximising visibility.

Second, it validated the growing importance of the experience economy. Rain Rave was not a passive spectacle but an immersive, participatory event – people did not just watch, they became part of the show.

This is critical in an era in which travellers, especially younger Asians, prioritise shareable experiences over traditional sightseeing. Instagram postings of themselves are a top priority!

Third, the event showed how social media amplification rivals physical attendance. For those who didn’t make it to KL, millions, mainly young people, watched it online across the globe.

Just think of the free advertising that social media has given to Malaysia as a result of Rain Rave 2026.

While the headline figures of tens of millions of views needs to be treated cautiously, the qualitative impact is undeniable: the festival generated sustained online chatter, user-generated content, and cross-border visibility.

In effect, every attendee became a micro-broadcaster, extending KL’s reach far beyond the actual footprint of the event.

A lot of fuss has been made about Rain Rave 2026 being an imitation of Thailand’s Songkran water festival. It certainly was not.

Rain Rave carved out a more urban, music-driven identity – a hybrid of street party and water festival.

This differentiation matters because it avoids the trap of imitation and instead builds a distinct, exportable brand.

Finally, and perhaps most importantly, Rain Rave proved that controversy – if managed – can be an accelerant rather than a liability.

The debates the event sparked about culture and propriety may have unsettled some quarters, but they also expanded the conversation and drew attention well beyond the usual tourism audience.

In the digital age, visibility often follows friction.

Taken together, these factors suggest that Rain Rave is not just a one-off success but a scalable model.

It offers Malaysia a template for future events: relatively low in cost, high in engagement, digitally amplified, and anchored in urban energy.

We are beyond the question of whether it worked, the challenge now is whether it can be institutionalised, refined, and repeated without losing its spontaneity – the very quality that made it succeed in the first place.

Rain Rave 2026 would not have taken off without a strong-willed politician like Tourism, Arts and Culture Minister Datuk Seri Tiong King Sing who dared to openly snub the critics.

Amusingly, he was attacked on social media for being a DAP politician when he is actually the president of Sarawak’s Progressive Democratic Party – in fact, he beat DAP candidates to win his Bintulu seat in the past six elections.

He is blunt and brash. He doesn’t care about having to pander to the media. In fact, many of us find it hard to get a response from him, but in the end, it is the delivery that matters.

The media has reported that Malaysia’s status in tourism has been “a strong overperformance relative to the region’’ with 10 million arrivals in 2022, 20.1 million in 2023, and 25 million in 2024, according to The Edge. The Star reported 38 million total visitors.

Malaysia was among the earliest in Asean to cross pre-Covid-19 benchmarks, well ahead of Thailand and the Philippines.

We have also seen record-breaking revenue numbers with RM71.3bil in receipts in 2023 and RM102bil to RM106bil in 2024.

The Star reported a 43% jump in receipts in just one year, and for the first time we crossed the RM100bil mark.

The bottom line is that Malaysia’s revenue growth is outpacing arrivals growth, which suggest higher per capita spending and better yield per tourist.

The Department of Statistics Malaysia reported that the total tourism contribution was RM291.9bil in 2024 – which is 15.1% of the shared GDP – as well as 3.5 million jobs or 21.6% employment of the workforce.

The reality is Malaysia is an attractive tourist spot but beaches, jungles and street food are not enough.

The Rain Rave event must now be institutionalised and become a fixed spot in the calendar, so tourists know exactly when to come.

Let’s retain a strong tourism product and a performing minister if it helps the economy. It’s the bottom line that matters.

Seeing red over book ban

FINALLY, there’s some sense of rationality. Home Minister Datuk Seri Saifuddin Nasution Ismail has announced, rightly, that the Home Ministry is in the midst of revoking the ban on the memoir of Shamsiah Fakeh, a former communist.

It is hard to comprehend how a book, which has been in circulation for nearly 20 years, is suddenly deemed dangerous and banned.

The book was first published in 2004 by Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM), one of the country’s premier universities, and not by an ordinary one-man show non-governmental organisation.

Shamsiah was a prominent nationalist leader and a member of the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM), who lived in exile in China for many years.

Finally in 1994, following the 1989 peace agreement signed between the CPM and the government of Malaysia in Thailand, permission was granted for her return with her family.

The feminist and leader of a women’s organisation, AWAS (Angkatan Wanita Sedar), died in 2008 following years of poor health at the age of 84.

Her granddaughter Jamaliah Jamaluddin, from DAP, is serving as the Bandar Utama assemblyman and Selangor state executive councillor.

UKM has rightly interviewed the prominent CPM Malay woman leader, who had returned home, by filling the gaps of history through its series of oral history exercises.

It does not matter whether we agree with her political inclinations, but history should never be the victor’s version.

As academics, UKM had a chance to listen to a CPM leader and to record what she had to say.

It is odd that only the Bahasa Malaysia version of Shamsiah’s book was banned, according to reports.

But a check online showed that the Malay version is still readily available. The reality is that many books, which were banned or are still banned, can be found with a simple click.

From The Communist Manifesto by Frederich Engels and Karl Marx to Mao Zedong’s The Little Red Book and the Malay version of the Bible, they are freely available to be read and downloaded.

It makes a mockery of any decision to ban Shamsiah’s book, with Saifuddin Nasution saying the book-banning process had led him to “fire fight” as he had only learned about the ban after enforcement had taken place.

The other two books banned by officials were Komrad ASI (Rejimen 10): Dalam Denyut Nihilisme Sejarah written by Aziz Suriani and Mao Zedong: China dalam Dunia Abd ke-20, a translation of a book by Rebecca E. Karl.

Shamsiah’s book is not the only published works on former CPM leaders, many of whom have passed away or are in the last lap of their lives.

Others include Memoir Rashid Maidin: Daripada Perjuangan Bersenjata Kepada Perdamaian (2005), Memoir Abdullah CD: Zaman Pergerakan Sehingga 1948 (2005) and Memoir Suriani Abdullah: Setengah Abad Dalam Perjuangan (2006), all published by Strategic Information Research Development (SIRD).

Kudos must go to the Cabinet for deciding to act against the Home Ministry ban following its meeting, as it is an affirmation of intellectual maturity and historical confidence.

Malaysia is no longer haunted by the ghosts of dead communists.

Communist China is a close friend of and big investor in Malaysia; and let’s be truthful – the Chinese mainlanders have long embraced capitalism.

That the memoir could exist quietly for 20 years before being deemed objectionable suggests it is less a genuine threat than an uneasy relationship with our own past.

It also exposed a recurring dilemma in governance: when enforcement appears arbitrary or delayed, it risks eroding the credibility of the very institutions tasked with safeguarding public interest.

By reversing the ban, Saifuddin Nasution has signalled a more measured and pragmatic approach.

It reflects an understanding that Malaysians today are better equipped – educationally, socially and politically – to engage with complex and even controversial chapters of history without fear of being unduly influenced or misled.

This is not the Malaysia of decades past, when information was scarce and narratives tightly controlled. Today’s citizens navigate a far more open information ecosystem, where ideas compete and are tested in the court of public opinion.

To some, Shamsiah is part of a painful chapter linked to the communist insurgency and the sacrifices of security forces and civilians alike. To others, she represents a personal story shaped by ideology, struggle and exile.

Allowing her memoir to be read does not legitimise her political stance; rather, it recognises that history is rarely one-dimensional.

For younger Malaysians in particular, access to such materials offers an opportunity to better understand the ideological currents and human experiences that shaped the country. It encourages them to ask questions, to compare narratives and to appreciate the sacrifices that underpin the peace and stability they enjoy today.

But meanwhile, Saifuddin Nasution still has to await the advice of the Attorney General’s Chambers, although it may seem like a minor administrative procedure.

The real threat to Malaysia isn’t dead communists, but racial and religious extremists and corrupt leaders.

They are the ones that need the attention of the authorities.

To poll or not to poll, that’s the question


Unnecessary distraction: Having an election in these times of global turmoil is not prudent. — Filepic/The Star

DESPITE continuous speculation that the general election could be held soon, there is actually no urgency for the unity government to call for one. Its full term ends only in December 2027.

Even then, the prime minister has another 60 days before polling day. Assuming that Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim wants to serve a full term, he has more than a year from now.

He has already emphasised that politics needs to take a back seat as Malaysia, like the rest of the world, grapples with the oil crisis and the escalating cost of living every day that the Iran conflict goes on.

No one knows how long this will drag on. The Strait of Hormuz remains shut and the supply of oil is slowing to a trickle.

The PM faces a familiar but increasingly urgent political dilemma: whether to call for fresh elections now, amid gathering economic headwinds, or to hold the line until conditions are more favourable.

This debate is sharpened by the reality of a looming oil supply crunch, rising global tensions, and the knock-on effects that will inevitably be felt at home – from inflationary pressures to fiscal strain.

On the one hand, there is a compelling argument for seeking a fresh mandate sooner rather than later.

Periods of crisis demand clarity of leadership and many Malaysians would put their faith in Anwar.

Many of us are baffled by PAS president Tan Sri Abdul Hadi Awang who questioned the necessity for a fuel price hike. Surely he should know better – unless he has no idea that global prices are fixed and that Malaysia is a net importer of oil.

Then there is Perikatan Nasional chairman Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar, who proposed the setting up of a non-partisan national council comprising representatives from NGO, academia, industry and civil society to develop strategies to handle rising energy prices and supply and logistics disruptions.

The Terengganu Mentri Besar surely means well, but with the extremely fluid situation daily, there is really no time for a talk shop.

It is best to leave it to PETRONAS, the Finance Ministry and the experts with oil industry background to decide on the measures, which would include seeking oil supplies from alternative sources.

A government that goes to the rakyat and secures a renewed endorsement can govern with stronger legitimacy, make difficult decisions with greater confidence, and rally the nation around a coherent plan.

In times of economic uncertainty, hesitation can be costly. Markets, investors and ordinary Malaysians alike value decisiveness and stability.

An oil crisis is anticipated, and it is not a distant threat. Any sustained disruption to supply will push up fuel prices globally, affecting everything from transport costs to food prices.

For a country like Malaysia – an oil producer but which provides subsidies on fuel at RM7bil a month – the policy choices will be politically sensitive and economically painful.

Rationalising subsidies, managing public expectations, and cushioning vulnerable groups will require firm and trusted leadership.

An election, if won convincingly, could provide that political capital.

On the other hand, calling for polls in the midst of such uncertainty is not without risk. Elections are, by nature, disruptive.

It is also a highly expensive exercise. The last general election, in 2022, cost taxpayers nearly RM2bil.

The Melaka state administration’s term ends in December while Johor’s ends in April next year. A Sarawak state election could be held by this year, too, although its administration’s term only ends in 2027.

Former Elections Commission deputy chairman Datuk Seri Wan Ahmad Wan Omar reportedly said that, from an election management perspective, holding state and general elections simultaneously is the best method to save funds, manpower and resources.

He said that if state and general elections were to run concurrently, it would cost up to RM1.3bil, saving up to RM200mil in gross budgeted costs.

But money aside, when we are facing a serious economic problem, including cutting costs, it is hard to accept our politicians crisscrossing the country spending huge sums of money on political events – and burning fuel for unproductive reasons.

Politicking can also distract from governance at a time when full attention is needed on managing the economy.

Campaign rhetoric may over-simplify complex policy choices, with populist promises over-shadowing fiscal realities. Worse, a fractured or inconclusive result could produce political instability – precisely what the country cannot afford in a crisis.

There is also a matter of timing from a political stand-point. Delaying elections until next year may allow the ruling coalition to consolidate its position, strengthen internal cohesion, and improve its standing with voters.

Given time, economic condi-tions could stabilise, and the government may even be better positioned to mitigate the worst effects of the oil shock. Political sentiments, often fluid, may shift in its favour.

The biggest concern for many in Putrajaya is this: If the oil crisis deepens and the cost of living rises even more sharply, public frustration could harden into disillusionment.

Although the price of fuel in Malaysia is second lowest in Asean, locals still complain about the increasing cost of fuel. It is hard to talk logic when pockets are empty and jobs may be lost.

It is easy for the opposition to make empty but populist promises. Governments are rarely rewarded for presiding over hardship, even when the causes are external.

A splash of courage in KL for tourism

KUALA Lumpur’s inaugural Rain Rave Water Music Festival has done more than soak revellers in Bukit Bintang. It has washed away a familiar Malaysian trait: our instinct to fear the new.

Nothing will get done if there is always negativity, suspicion and doubt each time we want to begin a tourism project.

Tourism revenue is a low-hanging fruit. As more Asian tourists turn to regional holidays instead of Europe and West Asia, we need to up our game.

In the weeks leading up to the event, apprehension was palpable. Questions were raised about culture, congestion, propriety and even necessity.

Some worried it would be an imported concept ill-suited to local sensibilities. Yet, as the music played on Thursday night and the crowds gathered, those fears proved largely unfounded.

To put it bluntly, the massive crowd of mostly young people did not give two hoots about the politicians and groups who tried to pour water on the event.

Careful planning made the difference. Authorities put in place traffic control, crowd management and safety measures, deploying hundreds of personnel to ensure order and security.

The result was not disorder, but a controlled, vibrant celebration that drew thousands and injected life into the capital.

It was not a hedonistic gathering, as some groups tried to project to discredit Rain Rave 2026.

More importantly, the event demonstrated something Malaysia’s tourism industry has long needed: imagination.

Positioned as part of the Visit Malaysia 2026 push, Rain Rave was never just a party. It was conceived as a strategic urban tourism activation — a deliberate attempt to drive visitor traffic, boost spending and showcase Malaysia’s multicultural identity in a contemporary format.

And it worked.

The festival blended music, culture, food and creative industries into a multi-sensory experience that appealed to a younger, regional audience increasingly shaping travel trends.

There were even traditional Malay cultural dances and, of course, Malaysian food was available.

Crucially, Rain Rave also distinguished itself from the more familiar water-based festivities in the region, particularly Thailand’s Songkran.

It was not a copy of Songkran, which ironically the Kedah and Kelantan governments had organised their own versions of in April.

Songkran, for all its exuberance, is largely decentralised and spontaneous. It is a joyous free-for-all where water pistols, buckets and hoses become tools of playful ‘combat’ on the streets.

Its charm lies in its informality and tradition, but it can also be indiscriminate, with passers-by inevitably becoming targets whether they wish to participate or not.

Rain Rave, by contrast, was curated rather than chaotic.

It was not about aiming water at one another, but about creating a shared, immersive environment where music, light and water effects were synchronised.

The ‘rain’ became part of the stagecraft, a unifying element rather than a weapon.

Participants were not adversaries in a water fight, but co-experiencers in a choreographed spectacle.

The water also helped cool down the huge crowd. This distinction matters.

It made Rain Rave more inclusive, more controlled and arguably more exportable as a tourism product.

It was not about splashing strangers, but about staging an experience.

With geopolitical tensions such as the ongoing Iran conflict casting a shadow over long-haul travel, many Asian tourists are turning closer to home.

Regional travel is no longer a secondary option. It is the main game.

In such an environment, destinations that innovate will win, while those that remain static will be left behind.

Rain Rave signals that Kuala Lumpur understands this shift. It recognises that tourism is no longer just about beaches and shopping malls, but about experiences: immersive, shareable and distinctive.

In contrast, Langkawi is almost a dead town. Once hailed as Malaysia’s crown jewel, Langkawi has struggled to keep pace.

The island still boasts natural beauty, but its tourism model has become increasingly constrained.

This is what happens when local authorities over-regulate, carry out inconsistent policies and show reluctance to embrace new lifestyle offerings.

Visitors today are not just looking for scenery. They want energy, spontaneity and choice.

When every initiative is met with hesitation or burdened by layers of control, the result is stagnation.

In Bukit Bintang, the authorities took a calculated risk and were rewarded. In Langkawi, caution has too often become paralysis.

Rain Rave looks set to become an annual tourism event, as social media went viral over the massive turnout.

It is probably a case study, once competitors look at how it has become so attractive and successful.

This is not an argument for recklessness. Standards, safety and cultural sensitivities must always be respected.

But there is a difference between responsible governance and overbearing control. The former enables growth; the latter suffocates it.

Rain Rave shows Malaysians, across backgrounds, are ready to embrace new ideas when they are thoughtfully executed.

It proves fears of social disorder are often exaggerated. It underlines a simple truth: tourism thrives on confidence.

Innovation will sometimes be uncomfortable. It will invite criticism.

But without it, there will be no progress.

Just as importantly, Rain Rave is not the kind of extravagant, big-budget spectacle that strains public finances.

In short, the argument by some politicians who questioned why the event was allowed when the Madani government is on austerity does not hold water.

The core elements, water, music, urban space and crowd energy, are already available.

Unlike mega events that require massive infrastructure, costly venues or long-term commitments, this festival leverages existing city assets in Bukit Bintang.

The returns, however, are immediate and tangible.

Hotels fill up. Restaurants and retail outlets see higher footfall.

The informal economy, from vendors to ride-hailing drivers, benefits from the surge in activity.

In tourism terms, this is high-yield with relatively low capital outlay.

Placing people over pageantry

By scaling down Tuanku’s Silver Jubilee and Sukma 2026, the Sultan of Selangor champions discipline and humility in the face of economic uncertainty.

THE call by His Royal Highness Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah for a measured and prudent appĀ­roach to Sukma 2026, the Malaysia Games, is not only timely but deeply responsible.

At a time when economic headwinds and global uncertainties continue to cast a long shadow, the Sultan of Selangor has rightly reminded us that the essence of Sukma lies in sport.

There is no need to make a spectacle of Sukma, which Selangor is hosting in August, because it is not the Olympics, the Commonwealth Games, or the Asian Games.

Surely, there is no need to splash for the biennial national multi-sport event.

The national sports event has been around for 40 years and is rightly an important event in the national sports calendar, as it is a platform to nurture young Malaysian athletes and select them for the South-East Asia (SEA) Games.

It is essential to identify future national athletes and build unity through healthy competition.

They are not meant to mirror the extravagance of mega-events like the Olympics or Asian Games. Sukma is a platform for athletes, not politicians.

When priorities are clear, then there is no need for lavish opening ceremonies, grandiose displays, and costly fanfare. Sukma is a sports event, not a concert or a performance.

For too long, there has been a tendency – not just in sports, but across public events – to equate success with scale.

Bigger stages, flashier per formances, and higher budgets are often seen as symbols of prestige.

Unfortunately, the reality is every ringgit spent on fireworks and pageantry is a ringgit that could have gone into athlete development, training facilities, or grassroots programmes.

The Sultan’s call for prudence is therefore a call for discipline – fiscal discipline, yes, but also conceptual discipline.

Tuanku himself has led by example. He has called off the 2026 edition of the Sultan of Selangor Cup between Selangor and Singapore due to high costs and the uncertainties in the Middle East.

He had also earlier suggested postponing the 2026 Sukma Games but has consented to the event’s proceeding in Selangor, which is the host, in August with specific cost-saving measures.

The Sultan of Selangor has also decreed that the celebration for his Silver Jubilee (25th anniversary of his reign) be significantly scaled down due to economic challenges and to prioritise the people’s welfare.

The cancelled events included a royal banquet, fireworks and public concerts, with saved funds redirected to the Sultan Selangor Foundation and other charities to support those in need, rather than festivities.

A modest Sukma opening ceremony does not diminish the spirit of the Games; if anything, it reinforces the idea that the real stars are the athletes, not the stage.

Malaysians are increasingly mindful of how money is spent. Importantly, prudence does not mean compromising quality.

Competitions can still be well-organised, venues functional, and athletes well-supported – all without unnecessary extravagance.

The people of Selangor have the right to know how their money will be used.

Naturally, the games will be sponsored by allocations from the state and federal governments, but ultimately, it is the taxpayers’ money.

We would want to know the adjusted budget, where the allocations go, and whether they are justifiable.

The Sultan of Selangor has done more than set a tone for one sporting event.

He has set a standard for how we should approach public spending – with humility, clarity of purpose, and a firm eye on what truly matters.

Real unity is by the roadside


Beyond politics: What makes the story of Dicky Yau and Abang Usop particularly powerful is its authenticity. — Facebook/Agencies

IT was certainly the news story of the week, and a really uplifting one.

Scrolling through social media, it is always easy to come away with the impression that Malay-sians are becoming more divided.

There is so much toxicity there. Sometimes, I wonder if it is reflective of our country, but I want to convince myself that these narratives are politically manufactured, on thousands of fake accounts, ahead of elections.

Has this race and religious talk influenced our minds and perhaps made many of us more inclined to see one another through the narrow lenses of race and religion?

Even accidents can be turned into a race issue, as we pick our victims in the tragic cases.

Often, many forget that we live in a multiracial society and it is natural that incidents, including accidents or crime, can involve people of different races.

The narrative of polarisation has been repeated so often that it risks becoming a self-fulfilling prophecy.

And then, quietly and without fanfare, comes a story like that of motorcyclist Dicky Yau and “Abang minyak hitam jalanan”, an itinerant mechanic who repairs bikes that break down on the streets.

It was a small and ordinary incident. A motorist caught in a difficult situation on a late evening; his calls for a mechanic were ignored; he was short of cash and unsure how to settle a bill.

On the other side, a mechanic – the kind many Malaysians fondly refer to as “abang minyak hitam” – chose to accept his call and repaired his bike.

Mohd Yusof Mohamed Noor could have chosen to be transactional and maybe agitated but instead, he responded with understanding and trust, choosing compassion over convenience.

Abang Usop, as he is fondly known, refused to accept the payment for his service after realising how little money Yau had in his e-wallet.

At any other time, this might have remained a fleeting roadside encounter, quickly forgotten. But in today’s Malaysia, such moments carry a deeper resonance.

When the story surfaced, Malaysians did what they so often do when presented with genuine humanity: they rallied.

Suddenly, the usual negative tone of social media changed. Words of encouragement poured in with a sense of shared pride.

No one paused to dissect identities. No one demanded to know who belonged to which community.

For a brief but meaningful moment, Malaysians simply saw two individuals – one in need, and another who stepped up – and they responded as fellow human beings.

Online citizens shared stories of how the mechanic refused to accept donations and even offers of a motorcycle, and there were calls to support the halal-certified restaurant where Yau works.

It was beautiful. Beneath the political noises, generated mostly by politicians, paid cybertroopers and self-declared community heroes, we know there exists a quieter, more enduring, more forgiving Malaysia.

It is the Malaysia of everyday interactions: the stranger who helps push a stalled car in the rain, the hawker who adds a little extra to a meal, the neighbour who keeps an eye on your home when you are away.

These acts do not trend, nor are they politicised. These people are too busy trying to put food on the table, to pay the bills, send their kids to school, worry about their future, and focus on their work.

Ordinary Malaysians share more in common than what divides them. We all navigate the same daily routines. These are the ordinary Malaysians who form the social glue that has long held this country together.

We have built, quietly and consistently, through small acts of trust and kindness, at work places, in workshops, by roadsides, in markets, and coffee shops.

The reaction to Dicky Yau and Abang Usop reaffirms something fundamental about us. It reminds us that, at our core, Malaysians are still guided by a sense of decency, rationality, and fairness.

That when confronted with a genuine situation, we do not retreat into suspicion – we step forward with generosity.

What makes the story of Dicky Yau and Abang Usop particularly powerful is its authenticity.

It serves as a timely reminder that unity in Malaysia has never been manufactured through slogans or campaigns alone.

The mainstream media as well as influencers and ordinary people online can play their role by highlighting more of such stories that bring Malaysians together.

We need more such positive stories, and Malaysians will respond positively, too, as they did in the Dicky Yau and Abang Usop story.

It is a story that deserves to be told – and retold – as a reminder of who we are, and who we can continue to be.

Social media and the hijacking of facts

At a time when anyone with a phone can publish ‘news’, unverified and often racially-tinged information are common. Being responsible when reporting news has become crucial.

AS a new reporter who had just joined a newspaper in 1984, I was assigned to the crime and courts beats to hone my skills.

Covering police stations and courtrooms taught us rookies, as we were called, to verify facts, work multiple sources, and understand the legal boundaries of reporting. It taught us what could be said and what must not be said.

It was an education in responsibility. Crime reporting exposed journalists to real human consequences – loss, grief, injustice – and instilled the need for accuracy, restraint, and sensitivity.

In the courts, we learned the importance of due process, the presumption of innocence, and why reporting must never be prejudicial to a case. Probably the most important word used in our stories was “alleged’’.

Just as importantly, these beats trained reporters to separate fact from rumour. In environments where speculation was rife, discipline mattered.

That grounding helped ensure that when reporters moved on to other roles, they carried with them a respect for truth, balance, and the potential impact of every word they wrote.

Our editors, regardless of the medium of the newspapers, drummed into us important ethics – never mention the race of an accident victim and the alleged offender motorist, especially if it involved two persons of different races.

The same principle applied to other cases, too, in particular rape and murder cases. The ethnic background was omitted, although in cases involving foreigners nationalities could be mentioned.

The names of the alleged offenders and victims are mentioned only when those accused are charged in courts.


Data-proven: Alcohol-related crashes account for less than 0.5% of total road fatalities in Malaysia, with fatal cases typically in the low double digits each year. — The Star

It was not about hiding facts; it was about understanding context and consequence. Editors drilled into us that words matter, and that an unnecessary reference to race could inflame tensions in a plural society.

Social media has changed all that.

Horrific videos captured from dash cams are immediately shared and anger is stoked as netizens post racist comments, as was seen in a recent high-profile case of an Indian driver and a Malay victim. This was compounded by allegations of alcohol consumption.

The national mood can quickly turn brittle.

We find ourselves, as the old phrase goes, on tenterhooks. Malaysia has long prided itself on a delicate but workable social compact – an understanding that our diversity is a strength, not a fault line.

What is most worrying is how quickly individual incidents are framed through the prism of race, rather than treated as what they are: matters for the rule of law.

It is most disturbing and sad. When an incident occurs, facts are often still emerging. Yet on social media, the story is already being written – and rewritten – with dangerous certainty.

Race is inserted early into the narrative, sometimes deliberately. The mention of alcohol, too, is not neutral; it is weaponised to invoke moral judgment, particularly within a Muslim-majority context.

Compounding this is a dangerous distortion of facts. Public outrage is often amplified in cases involving alleged drunk driving, particularly when race is inserted into the narrative.

Yet the data tells a very different story. Alcohol-related crashes account for less than 0.5% of total road fatalities in Malaysia, with fatal cases typically in the low double digits each year.

In 2023, for example, there were just 13 fatal cases linked to drink driving; in 2024, 12 cases. Even in 2025, the numbers remained extremely low relative to the thousands of overall road deaths.

The fatal accident cases involved drivers who tested positive for drugs, were fiddling with their mobile phones, and driving dangerously and without helmets. In many cases, it was pure incompetence.

Motorcyclists and pillion riders account for about 65% to 70% of all road fatalities in Malaysia, according to Paul Tan’s Automotive News portal.

A significant contributing factor is vulnerability – not just behaviour – but lack of physical protection compared with cars. Studies showed that up to 38% of motorcycle accidents involve riders not wearing helmets.

In some observations, 42.8% of riders did not wear helmets at all, and many others wore them improperly.

Even when helmets are worn, around 45% are not properly fastened, reducing effectiveness.

It doesn’t help when we see pictures of politicians riding in rural areas without helmets in a convoy. They set bad examples.

A Klang Valley study found that 43.4% of drivers admit using phones while driving, and over 50% use phones when caught in traffic jams, according to the Transport Ministry.

Despite the high awareness of danger, only 4% of reported accidents are linked to phone use (self-reported).

However, enforcement and police data indicate that distracted driving (including phone use) is among the top causes of accidents, alongside reckless driving and human error.

The Daily Express reported that Malaysia records hundreds of thousands of accidents annually (over 600,000 in 2024 alone) with the dominant causes being: reckless or inattentive driving, failure to observe traffic rules, and loss of control.

Put simply, drink driving – while serious and entirely unacceptable – is statistically one of the least common causes of fatal accidents in the country.

By contrast, the real killers on Malaysian roads are far less discussed: reckless driving, human error, and systemic safety gaps.

Motorcyclists alone account for about 65% of fatalities, and broader risky behaviour – not alcohol – is the dominant factor behind the deaths.

Today, anyone with a smartphone can “publish”, and often does so instantly. The old gatekeeping role of editors has been replaced by algorithms that reward speed and outrage.

In this new environment, the restraint that once guided reporting is frequently absent. Race is no longer a detail to be carefully considered; it is often the headline.

Instead of getting news from trained reporters, we are consuming news from so-called content creators and influencers.

None of this is to diminish the tragedy of a life lost to an intoxicated driver. Even one death is one too many.

But when public discourse elevates a statistically small category into a racialised national crisis, we risk losing perspective. Worse, we risk fuelling division based on perception rather than fact.

We should ask ourselves: When did we begin to lose confidence in our institutions? The police, the courts, and the investigative process exist precisely to establish facts and deliver justice.

When public discourse runs ahead of due process, it creates pressure – not just on the authorities, but on communities themselves. Every such case risks being seen not as an isolated crime, but as a proxy for communal grievance.

Malaysians have become more connected online but also more disconnected in their thinking.

As Communications Minister Datuk Fahmi Fadzil put it – Malaysians are using 5G connectivity but we have 6G capability when it comes to sharing fake news in this country.

Defence Services Asia show returns


Gandhi: The timing and success of DSA 2026 is important as the world faces strong headwinds, especially those in the convention and exhibition trade.

THE return of the three-day Defence Services Asia (DSA) exhibition to Kuala Lumpur beginning April 20 is more than just another date on the calendar of global defence shows – it is a strategic signal of Malaysia’s relevance in an increasingly uncertain world.

Its importance is often overlooked because it is not seen as a business or tourism event but in reality it is actually both.

Over the decades, since its inception in 1998, the biennial gathering has attracted over 15,000 participating companies, 600,000 trade visitors, 90,000 international visitors and 7,000 foreign VIP delegations.

DSA has long been one of Asia’s most established defence and security exhibitions, drawing policymakers, military leaders and industry players from across the globe.

There is a personal interest here as a war-movie buff.

I have always looked forward to the DSA show as this is the only opportunity for me to see armoured vehicles, drones, naval vessel models, arms, ammunition, specialised troop equipment and others.

The fact that it is not opened to the public, for security reasons, makes it even more special for me as a journalist.

It has facilitated billions of dollars in defence and security deals. The benefit to Malaysia is enormous with a multi-million-ringgit spinoff from the passenger service charge, exhibition and financial services, hotels, logistics and transport, as well as tax revenues.

For Malaysia, DSA is not about flexing military muscle. It is about positioning.

As a nation that has consistently championed neutrality and multilateralism, Malaysia offers something increasingly rare – a credible, moderate voice that can engage all sides.

The presence of delegations from diverse geopolitical camps under one roof reflects this trust.

This year, 62 countries will take it up – they include the United States, China, Turkiye, Russia, Iran and Ukraine, of which 38 are official national pavilions.

This year, the seven largest country pavilions will come from Turkiye, China, the United Arab Emirates, Italy, the United States, India and South Korea.

Defence exhibitions today are as much about industry as they are about security.

From aerospace to cybersecurity, the defence sector drives high-value investments, technology transfer and skilled employment.

For Malaysian companies, DSA opens doors to partnerships that would otherwise take years to cultivate. For foreign investors, it provides a window into Malaysia’s growing capabilities as a regional hub for maintenance, repair and overhaul, as well as advanced manufacturing.

There is also a quieter, often overlooked aspect – diplomacy. In the corridors of such exhibitions, conversations take place that seldom make headlines.

Defence officials who may not otherwise meet, find common ground in shared concerns: maritime security, counter-terrorism, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief.

For Malaysia, we have built a reputation for our neutrality. Trust-building is essential, these informal engagements matter.

Critics may question the optics of a defence exhibition at a time when parts of the world are engulfed in conflict.

But engagement should not be mistaken for endorsement. Platforms like DSA allow nations to better understand evolving technologies and doctrines, and more importantly, to ensure that their own security preparedness is not left behind.

“When geopolitical tensions arise and leisure demand becomes more vulnerable to shifts in sentiment, governments need dependable drivers of visitor economy activity. Business events provide that resilience.

“The timing and success of DSA 2026 is important as the world faces strong headwinds, especially those in the convention and exhibition trade. People travel for business with clear commercial objectives, and trade exhibitions, in particular, help protect hotel demand, air connectivity, urban spending, jobs and small and medium enterprises livelihoods.

“At the same time, they create a platform for investment promotion, trade expansion, knowledge exchange and international partnership building,’’ said Datuk Dr M Gandhi, the president of the Malaysian Association of Convention and Exhibition Organisers and Supplies.

More importantly, by hosting DSA, Malaysia is not choosing sides – it is choosing relevance, readiness and responsible engagement in a world that is becoming anything but predictable.

Politics Needs To Wait As Malaysia Faces Oil Crisis


KUALA LUMPUR, April 12 (Bernama) — The country is in a crisis mode.

That’s a reality and the government, to its credit, has not tried to sugar coat the situation by pretending all is well and fine because it isn’t.

The ceasefire between the United States and Iran is a welcome relief but it is only temporary and conditional.

A lot will depend on the outcome of the negotiations but even if the Strait of Hormuz reopens to all ships, it will take months before normalcy sets in.

 Lale Akoner, a global market analyst at financial services company eToro, was quoted on CNN as saying that it could take six months to get ship traffic back to where it was before the war began.

These are situations beyond our control. Malaysia is spending RM6 billion a month to keep our fuel prices low.

Obviously, this cannot go on but more worrisome will be whether ample supplies will continue, so we would not want to see petrol stations closed or motorists having to camp at these outlets.

Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim has given his assurances that domestic fuel stocks remain sufficient to meet national demand through April and May.

But at a time when missiles are flying across the Middle East and oil routes are no longer guaranteed, the Prime Minister is right to remind Malaysians – especially our politicians – that the nation faces far bigger headwinds than partisan quarrels.

The implications are immediate and tangible: rising fuel costs, supply chain uncertainties, pressure on inflation, a weaker ringgit and even jobs lost.

Even Bank Negara has acknowledged that a prolonged conflict poses downside risks to growth despite current resilience. 

The war has severely disrupted global supply chains – triggering shortages in plastic resin and essential medical supplies including plastic medical tubes, syringes and packaging materials. Major palm oil producers have been hit as there is now a critical shortage of fertilisers due to the strait blockage.

There is now a global shortage of bitumen essential for the construction and maintenance of roads as price surges as well as caused construction delays.

The government has had to take unusual measures – encouraging work-from-home arrangements to cut energy consumption and recalibrating national spending priorities. These are not routine policy tweaks. They are signs of a country bracing itself.

And yet, in the midst of this, our political discourse risks being hijacked by the familiar – endless manoeuvring, positioning, and speculation about elections.

There are seasoned politicians who question why the fuel prices have gone up – pretending to be oblivious to what has happened in Iran and the global impact.

One politician asked why the refineries in Terengganu are not enough to serve Malaysia, pretending to be unaware that we are an oil importer.

Politics thrives on immediacy – who said what, who gains advantage, who loses ground. But governance, especially in times of global crisis, demands focus, continuity and discipline. It is also a test on real leadership.

In times of crisis, we can sieve out politicians who can navigate us through the difficulties and the mediocre ones who merely speak unintelligently.

To his credit, Anwar has not merely sounded the alarm – he has acted. His phone diplomatic engagement has secured tangible outcomes, including safe passage for Malaysian vessels through a tense Strait of Hormuz.  That is not abstract foreign policy – it is economic survival.

Malaysia can ill afford such political posturing now as we balance energy security, cost of living, trade and shipping issues, and maintain investor confidence.

Political instability at home, layered onto global uncertainty, is a recipe for capital flight. These are not issues that can be debated in campaign slogans or resolved in ceramah speeches, press statements or social media postings.

Our approach must continue to be measured, principled, and pragmatic – reflects an understanding that Malaysia must navigate carefully between global powers while safeguarding national interests. 

Relentless political contestation now sends the message that some politicians are more preoccupied with Putrajaya than with protecting Malaysians from the economic aftershocks of war.

Expanding subsidies irresponsibly would widen the fiscal deficit, risk our credit standing, and ultimately undermine the very economic stability these politicians claim to defend.

Fuel prices in Malaysia do not exist in a vacuum as they are tied to global oil markets, which are now being shaken by conflict in one of the world’s most strategic energy corridors. When prices rise internationally, the government has only two choices: pass on the cost, or absorb it through subsidies.

If we fork out RM6 billion in subsidies, let’s not forget that they are drawn from national coffers which could have funded healthcare, education, infrastructure, and targeted assistance for the most vulnerable.

To shout “lower fuel prices” without acknowledging these trade-offs is unhelpful and irresponsible politics.