Author Archives: wcw

When diesel is more than just fuel


Power mode: The columnist on the way to Lusong Laku in Belaga, Sarawak, a few years ago. In Borneo 4WD vehicles are a vital form of transport. — Photos: GLENN GUAN/The Star

IT’S always difficult to explain to many Peninsular Malaysians why Sabah and Sarawak pay less for diesel while people on the peninsula face market-linked prices several times higher.

At first glance, the numbers provoke instinctive outrage.

Why should diesel in Sabah and Sarawak remain heavily subsidised at around RM2.15 per litre against RM6.72 per litre in the peninsula?

To many on this side of the country, it looks like preferential treatment. To those who understand the Bornean states, though, it is anything but.

It would not be wrong to suggest that many Peninsular Malaysians have even not visited the two states. After all, air fares aren’t cheap.

Even among those who have visited, most would never have set foot outside of Kota Kinabalu or Kuching.

They probably wouldn’t have gone to the interiors. They can’t be faulted for that; there are no reasons for them to do so.

However, the story of Sabah and Sarawak is not about inequality. It is a story about geography, necessity, and the realities of a country that is far more diverse than many urban Malaysians appreciate.


On a logging truck road in Belaga, where a regular car cannot go through.

We often grumble and whine about having to take a one-hour drive from Petaling Jaya to Cheras in Selangor. But in many areas in the two Bornean states, going from one place to another means travelling by car, boat, and then a long trek, or even taking a flight.

A 150km journey, the distance between Kuala Lumpur and Melaka, takes about 90 minutes by road in the peninsula. In Borneo, it could mean six hours on muddy and slippery roads.

On a sunny day, one is driving through a red dust storm; the moment it pours, that red earth turns into a dangerous slippery road.

Sabah-born The Star journalist Philip Golingai says: “Think about a villager from Tongod, right in the heart of Sabah, trying to get to Kota Kinabalu.

“It is a gruelling 280km trek that can easily take seven to nine hours depending on how much the earth has shifted that day.

“You don’t just drive to KK, you navigate. You need a 4WD just to tackle the ruts and the steep, muddy inclines of the interior.’’

In logging territories, especially in Sarawak, the drive is hazardous and it can mean an eight-hour journey or even an entire-day, with 4WD vehicles navigating rough and unpaved roads, or you’d have to take boats that connect riverine and coastal communities.

Trucks transport food, fuel, and essential goods across vast distances. As we know, such items are more expensive than in the peninsula.

The most fundamental misunderstanding lies here: in Sabah and Sarawak, diesel is not just another fuel option. It is the backbone of daily life.

The Federal Government has acknowledged that diesel is used “comprehensively” in these two states, which is why subsidy rationalisation for diesel has been confined to the peninsula.

It is not just transportation. In the peninsula, we just flick a switch on to power our electrical items.

In remote villages in Borneo, generators still supply the electricity. In many areas, there is simply no alternative. As policymakers have pointed out, “Nearly every boat and vehicle relies heavily on diesel’’ and certainly not on petrol.

Sabah and Sarawak are not just “bigger states”. They are geographically vast, sparsely populated, and infrastructurally uneven.

Diesel-powered boats are a vital, daily mode of transportation and economic activity in rural and interior Sarawak, particularly along rivers, for longhouse residents and farmers.

More than 5,000 villages are distributed across Sarawak, a state the size of the entire peninsula, and in Sabah, whose land mass also equals the size of the entire peninsula. Sabah is 90 times the size of Perlis.

The rural Keningau parliamentary seat in Sabah alone is larger than the states of Melaka, Penang, and Perlis combined.

What the people face there are not inconveniences. They are structural realities. As local leaders emphasise, diesel-powered vehicles – especially 4WDs – are “a necessity, not a luxury”.

Another factor often overlooked in the peninsula is logistics.

Much of the food, construction material, and consumer goods in Sabah and Sarawak are shipped from the peninsula.

Every step of that journey – by sea, road, or river – depends heavily on diesel.

If diesel prices were suddenly floated, transport costs would surge and prices of basic goods would rise astronomically, with rural communities being hit the hardest

The reality is that diesel subsidies help stabilise the cost of living in these regions, where incomes are generally lower and supply chains more fragile.

The call for uniform fuel pricing sounds fair in principle. In practice, it ignores unequal starting points.

Peninsular Malaysia benefits from dense highway networks, widespread access to petrol vehicles, more developed public transport systems, and better electricity grid coverage.

An MRT ride from Surian station in Petaling Jaya to Bukit Bintang, KL, costs just RM2 for a one-way ticket for this senior citizen. It would be unimaginable for our brethren across the South China Sea.

Sabah and Sarawak do not enjoy these advantages at the same scale. Attempting to impose identical fuel policies would not create equality – it would deepen inequality.

The government recognises this, noting that targeted subsidy mechanisms are harder to implement in the Bornean states due to the complexity of usage and access.

Urban Malaysians in Kuala Lumpur, Petaling Jaya, or Penang rarely encounter, nor understand, the disparities.

This is the rural reality which many of us never see. When a fisherman in Banggi, Sabah, or a villager in Ulu Baram, Sarawak, says diesel must remain affordable, it is not political rhetoric.

It is about survival – about getting to town, powering a home, or keeping food prices within reach.

Until infrastructure gaps narrow, until alternative energy sources are viable, and until rural connectivity improves, diesel in Sabah and Sarawak will remain more than just fuel.

The other reason for the heavy use of diesel is that 4WD vehicles and boats using the fuel run longer than petrol-powered ones, so it will always be regarded as an economical choice.

That basically explains why a “one Malaysia, one price” policy cannot work as we face the challenges of fuel price increases.

Rural Sabah and Sarawak are not the same as the highly urbanised peninsula.

Pos Malaysia and its social obligation


POS Malaysia has been in existence for over 200 years as a quiet infrastructure of nationhood – binding cities to villages, commerce to households, and government to citizens.

Its origins go back to the early 1800s during the British colonial period when postal services were first set up in the Straits Settlements.

The institution is older than the country although the current corporate structure is relatively modern but never before have the challenges become so untenable.

Pos Malaysia is navigating a near-perfect business storm: shrinking traditional revenues, rising operating costs, fierce private-sector competition, and an unrelenting obligation to serve every corner of the country.

Trying times

The numbers are not good with persistent losses. For the year 2025, it suffered a net loss of RM209mil with cumulative losses approaching RM1bil after eight years of losses.

Pos Malaysia is not a conventional commercial entity. It is a national utility operating under a Universal Service Obligation (USO) – a mandate to provide affordable postal services to all Malaysians, regardless of profitability.

In an era when letters are disappearing and logistics economics favour urban density, that mandate has become both its purpose and its burden.

To put it simply, it is mandatory for Pos Malaysia to continue serving on behalf of the government, amid the rising costs, stagnant tariff rate, and serving far-flung areas where other couriers refuse to deliver as it comes with high cost.

For example, it is a must for Pos Malaysia to send a mail to Pulau Malawali, Sabah, even after sorting it at the hub in Shah Alam.

It is then sent to the airport, fly the goods with huge cost of air transport and subsequently rent a boat to arrive at the island; all these with a meager charge of only 70 sen for mail or RM2 for a parcel of 500g.

As a comparison, even the highway toll within the city is already at RM2; even for a quick 4km ride. As a senior citizen, I merely have to pay RM2 for a one-way trip from Surian in PJ to Pavillion in the city by MRT.

As long as there are more and more addresses being created through residential, industrial and office building developments, it is mandatory for Pos Malaysia to service all these addresses and areas.

This means that more employees need to be recruited, losing the opportunity for postal companies to reduce cost of operations.

As of now, Pos Malaysia serves 11 million addresses on a daily basis and is also required to serve delivery to and from 236 countries. But there is also the human capital factor.

The front-line staff takes great pride and honour to wear the Pos Malaysia badge but 90% of Pos Malaysia’s 13,000 employees, with an estimated 70,000 households, are under the B40 category with some of them forced to undertake two jobs.

Pos Malaysia employees became one of the front-liners in the country, tasked to supply Covid-19 health kits to about 2.6 million people; especially to B40 households, delivering hazmat suits, face masks and vaccines to hospitals; amongst other essential goods.

And, part of the frontline’s responsibilities also includes playing the important role of handling the postal ballots during every general election; as commissioned by the Election Commission.

Certainly, the staff deserve performance rewards as they did their job the best they can. But due to the unaddressed regulatory imbalance affecting the postal sector, excluding token ex-gratia payment which was stopped two years ago, the last time bonus was paid to them was in 2018. Their company’s affordability to pay rewards has been significantly affected.

Current progression

Over the years, Pos Malaysia has progressed from a traditional postal service into a dynamic mail and parcel delivery services, postal counters service and supply chain solutions; with the largest touchpoint footprint in Malaysia.

But it is clearly not enough. Postal companies all over the world are facing challenges as they all carry the same obligation under the USO.

Even in advanced economies around the world, the postal companies are granted a Postal Service Fund irrespective of whether they are publicly listed, privately owned or government owned; because postal is deemed as a service to the country first before it is taken as a business.

The list includes the luminaries such as Deutsche Post, Poste Italiane, Royal Mail of UK, Japan Post, La Poste (France) to name a few and all these entities are privately owned or partly private.

In the United States, lawmakers debated over the extent of assistance to be granted to the United States Postal Service. The outcome in 2022 was a US$107bil financial assistance as lawmakers agreed that postal is first deemed as a “service” to the country rather than a “business” concern.

Last year, Canada Post received C$1.034bil as funding from the Canadian government.

Understandably, Pos Malaysia is also appealing to the government, pointing out the obligation for the government to set up a Postal Service Fund is enshrined in the Postal Services Act 2012; which the Dewan Rakyat approved 14 years ago.

Amongst others, the purpose of the fund is to expand and to facilitate USO activities throughout Malaysia.

Pos Malaysia has been arguing its case, pointing out that compensation for essential services have been in practice such as rural air services fund for MAS Wings to ensure connectivity to remote areas in Sabah and Sarawak, a function now transitioning from MASwings to the new state-owned Air Borneo as of January 2026, with federal funding committed to continue supporting these vital, often unprofitable, routes.

Then, there is the Universal Service Provision or USP for telecommunications companies (telcos) to ensure that telecommunication services including accessible and affordable Internet connectivity are accessible to as wide a population as possible; even though these telcos record high profits (in billions).

CESS fund is also allocated for Tenaga Nasional Bhd (TNB) fund where the government has provided financial assistance to TNB’s activities to ensure that electricity lines are accessible in rural areas, even though TNB records high profits.

The reality, however, is that the traditional postal model relied on high volumes of stamped mail to subsidise the cost of nationwide delivery.

That model has collapsed worldwide. Digital communication – email, messaging apps, e-billing, and e-government portals – has permanently reduced letter volumes. This is not a cyclical downturn; it is structural decline.

At the same time, while eCommerce has boosted parcel deliveries, this segment is intensely competitive.

Private courier companies operate with flexible cost structures and concentrate on profitable routes.

They can price aggressively because they are not required to serve sparsely populated rural interiors, islands, or remote highlands.

Now, the three online-shopping players, are oligopoly in their own right, control about 75% of parcel volume in Malaysia; with 80% of that volume being delivered using their own courier subsidiary companies.

Pos Malaysia has responded by creating a new business called “Pos Shop” as a convenient store in post-offices, expand into warehousing and fulfilment business under “Pos Fulfill”, create a freight-forwarding initiative mainly for global market called “redlyexpress”, including rationalisation of cost reduction via streamlining of some activities.

It is now even selling freshly brewed coffee or ice-cream at Pos Shop.

Supporting USO does not mean preserving inefficiency. It means redesigning the model so that public service obligations are transparently funded while commercial operations are modernised.

Possible measures include explicit government compensation for rural routes, periodic review of service standards, leveraging post offices as multi-service community hubs, strategic partnerships in eCommerce logistics and investment in digital tracking and automation.

Can and should Pos Malaysia be rescued as it slides into financial distress if conditions worsen?

Pos Malaysia is in a serious but not terminal condition: It has a nationwide network monopoly advantage, owns valuable assets, has growing parcel volumes and remains systemically important. But it cannot be expected to perform national duties without clear compensation.

It must also be remembered that in the balance sheet of nation-building, connectivity may be one of the most valuable assets of all.

A gentleman, a giant in legacy


A legacy: Dr Ling looking at the containers parked at the Klang Container Terminal (KCT) Yard after meeting officials in this file photo from Jan 28, 2000. He served for 17 years as the Transport Minister, turning Port Klang into a global player, which is today one of the highest-ranked ports in the world.

HE spoke in a soft, measured tone. Never loud but always firm and clear and often repeated himself so we understood his message.

That’s how most of us who covered Tun Dr Ling Liong Sik during his time as Transport Minister and MCA president as reporters will remember the Chinese community leader.

We didn’t need to use our voice recorder at his press conferences as he always carried himself with a calm and almost understated presence.

As a politician, he was not the loudest voice in the room, nor the quickest to offer a headline-grabbing quote.


Mark of respect: The MCA flag flying at half-mast at Wisma MCA in memory of Dr Ling. — FAIHAN GHANI/The Star

Often, he would respond with just a smile and give a short rebuttal when criticised by the opposition, especially the DAP.

As reporters, we were hungry for controversies, and often pressed him for sharp answers.

Dr Ling would listen, pause, and then respond in his characteristically composed manner – never evasive, but never inflammatory. It was his way of reminding us that governance was not theatre.

He will be known as the gentleman minister who preferred quiet work over noise.

But in his quiet ways, he founded and raised funds to set up Universiti Tunku Abdul Rahman (UTAR) for students from all walks of life.

The donations came from hawkers to tycoons and naturally the government.

Today, UTAR with its gleaming and sprawling campus in Kampar will always be synonymous with Dr Ling.

A massive fund-raising campaign by Dr Ling for TAR College generated RM30mil, which, when matched ringgit-for-ringgit by the government, resulted in RM60mil for infrastructure expansion.

Together with his wife, Toh Puan Ena Ling, his pillar and strength, they raised funds for many causes through the Caring and Sharing Choir Group at fund-raising dinners.

Dr Ling provided tertiary education opportunities to working-­class Malaysian families who could not get a place in public universities or could not afford education in private universities.

He started his career as a medical doctor with a private practice in Butterworth, Penang.

Dr Ling served as the Member of Parliament for Mata Kuching, now known as Bagan, from 1974 to 1986.

Like many doctors, he had an elephant’s memory with the ability to remember details and names – which became an asset when he entered politics.

Qualities like patience, diagnosis and the importance of steady hands also came useful.

Grassroots members and reporters loved him for remembering their names when they first met.

He had many firsts as a politician. He served for 17 years as the Transport Minister, overseeing the construction of the Kuala Lumpur International Airport (KLIA) and turning Port Klang into a global player, which is today one of the highest-ranked ports in the world.

It came at a time when Malaysia was building – airports, ports, highways – the infrastructure of a nation finding its economic footing.

Dr Ling was at the centre of that expansion, quietly overseeing decisions that would shape how Malaysians and goods moved for decades.

But what I remember most was not just his political or government works but the man himself.

He treated journalists with respect, even when the questions were uncomfortable.

Dr Ling never brushed off questions. He was never condescending or displayed irritation.

He opened the doors of his Bukit Damansara home to reporters, generously sharing his best whiskey with me and others.

Dr Ling was what we called “a banana” – yellow outside and white inside. Yet for someone who spent his years schooled in English education, he studied hard to improve his speech deli­very in Mandarin.

Often before the annual party general assemblies, he would practise his presidential speech, written in pinyin, in front of a mirror – and on the actual day spoke in perfect Mandarin.

He studied Chinese classics to deepen his knowledge of Chinese history, realising his limitations.

As another “banana” myself, he shared what he read about Romance of The Three Kingdoms, one of the most popular books in East Asia for its traditional wisdom, war strategies, political manoeuvring and historical insights.

At one point, Dr Ling even promoted kong ming lanterns or sky lanterns, which was traditionally attributed to military strategist Zhuge Liang (181-234 AD), who is said to have used a message written on a sky lantern to summon help on an occasion when he was surrounded by enemy troops.

Dr Ling also achieved a rare distinction, which will probably never come up again. Not many Malaysians will remember that Dr Ling held the post of acting Barisan Nasional chairman for over 10 days in February 1988.

But like many leaders who serve long enough, his career was not without storms.

The Port Klang Free Zone episode tested his reputation and resilience, placing him under intense public scrutiny. Yet even then, he remained composed, facing the process in his own unhurried way.

“When the courts eventually cleared him, it was less of a moment of triumph than one of quiet closure.

“That, perhaps, was quintessential Dr Ling – never one to claim vindication loudly, never one to seek sympathy either,” as one news report put it.

With Dr Ling’s passing, Malaysia has not just lost a former minister, but a public servant, one who believed in restraint, decorum, and the slow, steady work of nation-building.

As he ended his political career, I remember being invited for a small dinner at the Castell restaurant in Petaling Jaya, where he took the microphone and sang Que Sera Sera (whatever will be, will be), a popular 1950s song.

And for those of us who covered him, we will always remember a gentleman who never raised his voice, yet was always heard. Farewell Doc Ling.

Did the US win anything in Iran?


Still standing: The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC)is estimated to have more than 190,000 active personnel. — AFP

US President Donald Trump has declared that the United States has won its war against Iran, and that the conflict could end in a few weeks as the “objectives have been met”.

It’s certainly good news for the world because we can all get on with our lives with his victory claim, even if it sounds hollow.

If he says the US has won, so be it, as long the US attacks really stop in the coming weeks. Thank you very much, Trump. You had our attention.

But we have all got used to his mood swings, tantrums, bullying, insults, and constant change of deadlines.

First, he issued a deadline for March 27, then he adjusted from seven days to 10 days, and then on March 26 Trump announced a further delay, pushing it to April 6.

He warned that if the Strait of Hormuz – a critical artery for global oil – is not opened by this time, he would blow up Iranian energy infrastructure, including desalination plants.

In a post on his Truth Social platform on April 1, he said that until the Strait of Hormuz “is open, free and clear” the US would be “blasting Iran into oblivion, or as they say, back to the Stone Ages”.

It would not be wrong to suggest that many do not think the US has really won the war despite the extensive bombing of Iran’s military assets and the deaths of over 100,000 Iranians, including children.

From the outset, the US entered the war with a shifting set of objectives: crippling Iran’s military, halting its nuclear ambitions, weakening its regional proxies, and forcing a regime change.

Trump’s victory declaration is no more than a political narrative. Eliminating Iranian leaders – with the help of Israel – is hardly a regime change.

These leaders may have been assassinated but they can be replaced. The regime structure remains.

The Revolutionary Guard still operates. Its regional influence has not collapsed. And crucially, there is no clear political settlement in sight.

Trump’s statements have been notably inconsistent – declaring the war nearly over, already won, and yet still ongoing, sometimes within the same week.

The world is wondering if he even has a plan.


Trump has declared that the US has won its war against Iran and that the conflict could end in a few weeks. Can we believe him? — Bloomberg

More telling is the quiet dilution of aims. Early priorities, such as reopening the Strait of Hormuz, are no longer central to the exit strategy.

Instead, the administration now signals that it may leave even without achieving such outcomes.

It looks like the US can’t do much if Iran refuses to open the Strait except to friendly nations or demands payment – in Chinese yuan – from less favoured countries that need to use the waterway.

Trump has also threatened to “obliterate” or seize Iran’s key oil hub, Kharg Island, by suggesting potential control of the terminal, possibly by deploying ground troops.

If that happens, we will see a major escalation of the war. We will see real combat between American/Israeli and Iranian troops.

Trump talks of ending the war, but has increased the American military presence, including soldiers and marines, to over 50,000 personnel. Hundreds of elite forces have also arrived to guard the Strait.

If these US soldiers set foot on Iranian territory, we can expect some serious combat.

Bodies being brought home in coffins wrapped in the Stars and Stripes will certainly be horrible optics ahead of the US mid-term elections for the House of Representatives and Senate.

This raises a fundamental question: If core objectives can be abandoned, what exactly constitutes success?

How can it be a victory for the US – or anyone – when the war has destabilised the Middle East, disrupted global economies, spiked oil prices and inflation, and strained alliances, with European partners distancing themselves from Washington?

In the US, the political cost is mounting. A significant majority of Americans now favour ending the war – even if objectives remain unmet.

American consumers are fuming that they have to pay more for the gas they are using in their cars and for the food on their tables.

This is not the profile of a nation confident in victory. It is the profile of a country seeking an exit.

The danger of Trump declaring a premature victory, however, masks unresolved threats and leaves underlying conflicts to fester.

The US may have signalled its intention to walk away but stopping the bombing does not necessarily end the war – or secure the region.

Israel hasn’t said anything about ending the war. It has not respected any ceasefire agreement in Gaza and it has continued to bomb the place.

In short, peace has not been respected or secured. The same will happen in Iran even if the US stops its attacks.

Without a diplomatic framework, without a stable post-war order, and without clarity about what has been achieved, military success risks becoming strategically hollow.

So has the US really won the war, met its objectives, destroyed Iranian assets, toppled the regime, and stopped Iran from building a nuclear bomb?

Yes, militarily, it has inflicted damage but strategically, the answer is far less clear.

It is clear that Iran is not defeated, the regime has remained, and most likely the war itself may end not with resolution but with withdrawal.

To put it bluntly, it is a pointless war, and even if it is quickly ended, the bottom line is how little it ultimately changed the political equation in Iran.

If Trump was hoping for a quickie result like the arrest of Venezuela president Nicolas Maduro recently, he got his calculations all wrong.

The reality is, the world has to pay the price for the stupid war started by Trump. Even if he orders a pullout in the coming weeks, we will still bear the consequences for a long time.

Many people visit the quiet Italian city of Turin to see this one special thing


The Cathedral of Saint John the Baptist looks unassuming on the outside, compared to Italy’s other famous churches like the Duomo in Milan. — Eccekevin/Wikimedia Commons

For many travellers to Italy, Turin is the city they simply pass through rather than plan for a visit, as it is overshadowed by the flashier, livelier Milan. One can say they are worlds apart in reputation.

The two cities are approximately 140km from one another, which is about a two-hour drive on an average traffic day, or a one-hour high-speed train ride.

Unlike Turin, Milan is a global brand. It has a glamorous image, being one of the world’s major fashion capitals and home to famous labels like Prada, Armani and Versace.

Then there are also the iconic landmarks like the Duomo di Milano (a Gothic cathedral that’s also one of the largest churches in the world) and the posh shopping plaza, Galleria Vittorio Emanuele II.

And of course, Milan is also where you can find Leonardo da Vinci’s world-renowned mural, The Last Supper – specifically at the Piazza di Santa Maria delle Grazie.

I had always bypassed Turin during my previous visits to Italy, but for some reason, the place remained on my mind.

In fact, I even felt a little guilty for not stopping by this quiet city when I had the chance to.

Finally, in 2024, my wife Florence and I decided to make our way to Turin, to visit the Cathedral of Saint John the Baptist, where the Shroud of Turin is kept.

The Shroud of Turin is a 4.2m-long cloth bearing the faint image of a crucified man. It is traditionally believed to be the burial shroud of Jesus of Nazareth.

The purported image shows detailed wounds that are consistent with Roman crucifixion from many centuries ago, including from scourging and the wearing of a crown of thorns. There are also blood stains, as well as wounds on the wrists, feet and sides of the body.

Scientific analysis is divided with some saying the shroud is man-made but the Catholic Church has treated it as an object of veneration, representing the suffering of Jesus.

(However, the Church does not officially recognise it as the actual burial cloth of Jesus.)

Before the trip, we had done thorough research and reading on the matter. We were well aware that we would not get to see the original physical shroud, but instead a high-resolution reproduction of it.

The original remains sealed in a climate-controlled case for preservation, and taken out only on special occasions. Yet even the replica holds gravity.


The writer and his wife inside the church office, with a replica of the Shroud of Turin hanging on the wall. — FLORENCE TEH

It shows the faint outline of a man – wounded, crucified, enigmatic. A negative (inverted) image that became clearer to the human eye only after photography was invented, which then deepened its mystery.

True to Turin’s reputation as a quiet, restrained, intellectual and calm city, from the outside of the church nothing prepares you for the fact that one of Christianity’s most debated and venerated relics rests inside.

No flashing signs. No grand theatrics. No tickets required to enter the Renaissance church. Just marble stone, symmetry, and silence.

Ironically, though, even one of the world’s most famous relics – the Shroud of Turin – does not guarantee crowds of visitors to the city.

Inside the cathedral the air is cool and the environment hushed, as though voices had learned over centuries to lower themselves. Candles flickered in corners.

We joined a few visitors scattered across pews, each wrapped in private thought.

When I told my Malaysian friends earlier that we would be going to Turin, many were perplexed. Why even bother? We were not going to see the real cloth anyway.

But it was faith that drew us to the city. It wasn’t a pilgrimage but rather an invisible pull to go there. Just like the shroud, it holds many different meanings for many different people. For some it is evidence, for others artifice. For many more, it’s a sacred mystery.

For me, it was faith; pure and simple. The shroud’s attraction is not in proving or disproving anything.

Those who take a detour to Turin often feel they have discovered something personal, a city that was not “performing” for them, yet welcomed them anyway.

If Rome is theatrical, Venice dream-like, and Milan outlandish, then Turin is dignified – elegant without trying, cultured without all the noise.

Once the capital of the Kingdom of Italy, the city still carries itself with a certain royal composure.

Turin has a distinctly Baroque and neoclassical personality. It is orderly, rational, almost Parisian in spirit.

Turin is also a city of cafes – not hurried coffee counters, but hushed salons where marble tables, chandeliers and gilt mirrors recall an age when conversation was considered an art.

“At historic spots like Caffe San Carlo and Caffe Torino, you sense that intellectuals, politicians and poets once sat where you now sip your espresso,’’ as one article aptly described Turin.

We left Turin with the belief that faith and reason work together in the pursuit of truth. As the Italian priest St Thomas Aquinas said, in seeking wisdom, we need to deepen our understanding and grow closer to God.

Navigating through pricey uncertainties


Strong leaders redesign systems so productivity does not depend on physical presence.

THE war in Iran may be thousands of miles away from most countries but its economic impact is being felt globally.

The situation remains fluid even if President Donald Trump has announced that the war will end in the next few weeks.

From the ordinary taxi drivers in Thailand, who now found petrol stations shutting down, to street food hawkers in India having to close up because there are no gas cylinders available, to world leaders having to grapple with the price of petrol.

The chief executive officers (CEOs) of companies may not be field marshals at the battle front but the war has hit them hard.

As heads of companies, they are required to navigate this dangerous territory of soaring energy costs, supply disruptions, inflationary pressure and renewed remote working.

For directors and senior executives, this is not merely a geopolitical story. It is a balance-sheet event, a workforce event and, ultimately, a leadership test.

They can ask the staff to work from home (WFH) to reduce the use of petrol but workers are asking who is going to pay for the home use of electricity for company work.

In every crisis, weak management reacts. Strong management recalibrates. This is when the leadership of CEOs are tested.

“Oil is not just another commodity; it is the economy’s bloodstream. When it spikes, everything else follows – transport, logistics, food, manufacturing and services.

“Supply fears tied to Middle Eastern instability have already pushed prices sharply higher, particularly because of risks to the Strait of Hormuz, a chokepoint for global oil flows.

“Higher energy costs quickly translate into higher production costs and consumer prices worldwide,’’ as one analyst rightly put it.

It’s very simple and we don’t need economists to tell us – sustained high oil prices will slow growth while pushing inflation up.

For most CEOs, this means margins are squeezed from both ends: costs rise while customers grow more price-sensitive.

Good boards recognise that energy shocks are not temporary inconveniences. They are structural shocks that demand structural responses.

Let’s get back to the issue of WFH. It’s deja vu really as this move is the same one normalised during the pandemic.

The International Energy Agency has explicitly recommended remote work as a demand-reduction measure to ease pressure on fuel consumption during the crisis.

Forward-looking management teams are reframing hybrid work not as an employee perk but as a cost-management strategy.

Reduced commuting lowers wage pressure for transport allowances, trims corporate travel budgets and can even reduce office energy consumption.

But effective remote work requires more than laptops and video calls.

It demands clear performance metrics, strong middle management, cybersecurity investment and a culture of trust.

Research from the Chartered Management Institute (CMI) found that employers that take the time to invest in that culture and lead with trust reap the rewards of retaining the best and brightest staff.

In times of uncertainty such as an energy shock, staff turnover is the last thing you want to add into the mix.

Anyone who has been charged with recruiting new hires knows that it takes both time and money to bring in someone new and train them up.

The smarter leader doesn’t risk losing good people in the first place.

Over a third of managers told CMI that flexible working (including fully WFH and hybrid models) was the top reason they remain at their current organisation.

Three in five managers (60%) believe flexible working that includes WFH is one of the top three most important factors for organisations to offer, followed by positive and inclusive workplace culture (38%) and competitive salaries and benefits (36%).

But I have to confess that I am an old school taskmaster.

I like to see faces and to feel the energy in the office. This is the result of spending over 40 years in the newsroom.

Nevertheless, I have also embraced modern working tools and adopted new ways of working.

WFH without interference from colleagues and unproductive meetings, let’s face it, has enabled me to finish my work faster.

Weak CEOs fear loss of control because of their shortcomings including a lack of confidence.

Strong leaders redesign systems so productivity does not depend on physical presence.

Inflation management is not a finance function alone. It is a whole-company strategy.

Periods of geopolitical stress tend to tighten financial conditions.

Investors turn cautious, borrowing costs rise and capital flows retreat to safer assets.

The hallmarks of prudent management in such times include strengthening cash reserves, securing credit lines before they are needed, stretching payables without damaging supplier relationships, accelerating receivables collection and reviewing dividend policies

The fear of most CEOs is companies may fail not because they are unprofitable, but because they run out of cash.

But leaders need to keep their troops and morale high. Inflation hits employees as hard as companies.

Rising food, fuel and housing costs erode real wages, increasing stress, turnover risk and labour disputes.

Good leaders communicate early and honestly about the firm’s position and constraints, while exploring targeted support such as flexible work, transport subsidies for essential staff or performance-linked bonuses instead of permanent wage hikes.

In turbulent times, competence is not merely desirable. It is the most valuable asset on the balance sheet.

This is the time to reframe challenges, act with speed, ensure visibility to stakeholders, clients and staff.

As the late Colin Powell, an American general and diplomat, said: “Leadership is solving problems. The day soldiers stop bringing you their problems is the day you have stopped leading them.’’

PM Anwar’s Phone-call Diplomacy Wins Safe Hormuz Access


Credit: FB Anwar Ibrahim

KUALA LUMPUR, April 1 (Bernama) — Let’s give credit when it’s due.

The decision of Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim to engage in relentless phone-call diplomacy – and many foreign visits – is now yielding tangible, measurable results.

Few outcomes are as strategically significant as Iran allowing Malaysian vessels to pass through the Straits of Hormuz.

According to news reports, about 50 per cent of Malaysia’s total oil passes through the narrow strip.

The Prime Minister had called up Iranian president Masoud Pezeskian, while Foreign Minister Datuk Seri Mohamad Hasan also spoke to his counterpart, Abbas Aragchi, to allow seven ships to continue their journey home, of which four are carrying crude oil.

Iran’s Ambassador to Malaysia, Valiollah Mohammadi Nasrabadi, has stated that the vessels would be allowed to pass through the strait safely – and free of charge.

As of late March 2026, reports indicate that Iran has begun demanding "transit fees" or "tolls" from ships navigating the Strait of Hormuz, with some reports suggesting charges of up to USD2 million per vessel. 

It is not just a symbolic win but a hard geopolitical achievement. Malaysia has always strongly defended its neutrality.

Malaysia is a friend to everyone, but we are not afraid to speak up when something isn’t right, including the attacks on Iran and the Palestinians in Gaza.

The passage through the Straits of Hormuz is crucial, as while Malaysia produces its own oil, it imports significant amounts of crude from the Persian Gulf, which is roughly 69 per cent of its crude oil imports, to keep domestic refineries running.

Malaysia exports its own lighter, higher-priced crude while importing heavier, cheaper oil from the Middle East that passes through the Strait of Hormuz.

The closure of the Strait of Hormuz has created significant economic pressure, forcing the government to increase fuel subsidies to control domestic prices.

At a time when the Strait of Hormuz – through which roughly a fifth of global oil supply flows – has effectively become a conflict zone, Iran has been restricting passage and asserting tight control over shipping. 

Yet, Malaysia has secured a special carve-out, with its tankers and crews allowed safe passage following direct engagement with Tehran and other regional powers. 

Why does Malaysia’s foreign policy work?

First, Anwar has positioned Malaysia as an honest broker, not a partisan actor. Unlike major powers entangled militarily or politically, Malaysia has consistently called for de-escalation and dialogue, rejecting military involvement while maintaining moral clarity on the conflict.  This neutrality gives Kuala Lumpur credibility in Tehran.

Second, Anwar’s personalised diplomacy matters. In an era of fractured multilateralism, direct leader-to-leader communication – phone calls with Iranian, Turkish and Egyptian counterparts – cuts through bureaucracy and builds trust. 

These are not mere formalities; they signal respect, recognition, and seriousness to a country like Iran that feels strategically isolated and “repeatedly deceived” by global powers.

Third, Malaysia brings economic relevance without a strategic threat. Iran understands that Malaysia is a major energy consumer and trading partner, not a military adversary.

Allowing Malaysian ships through does not weaken Iran’s geopolitical posture, but strengthens its ties with a key Southeast Asian nation.

We may be a small country, but middle powers like Malaysia can still exercise influence, not through force, but through credibility, consistency and communication.

Let’s not forget that when our 23 Malaysian volunteers from the Global Sumud Flotilla were detained by Israel while on a Gaza aid mission, they were freed following intense diplomatic efforts led by Anwar last October.

It was the result of many phone calls to numerous leaders, including the influential and powerful President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey.

During peacetime, it is easy to overlook the quiet effectiveness of diplomacy conducted over the phone.

Yet, the release of Malaysian tankers and the reopening of a critical supply route show that such diplomacy is not naive – it is pragmatic and consequential.

Anwar’s approach demonstrates that even in a highly polarised conflict, access is negotiated, not assumed.

And Malaysia, by choosing engagement over alignment, has secured something many larger nations have not – trust. That's the real strategic capital in international diplomacy.

Hari Raya is about coming together


Spirit of the season: His Majesty Sultan Ibrahim, the King of Malaysia, who is well-known for his very muhibbah personality, with (from left) Datuk Kuik Cheng Kang (Group Editor In Chief, Media Chinese International Ltd), Datin Paduka Esther Ng (Chief Content Officer, Star Media Group Berhad), Arul Rajoo (Editor in Chief, Bernama), and Datuk Wong Chun Wai (Chairman, Bernama) at Istana Negara earlier this week. — Handout

ANYONE who has only spent their time reading social media content, especially on politics, can be forgiven for thinking that this country is being torn apart by race and religion issues.

Nothing good seems to be taking place in this country. Unfortunately, such toxic narratives, which include a heavy dose of fake news, have eaten into the lives of many Malaysians.

So consumed are they by these manipulative stories, especially on the Threads platform, that they are not seeing the beauty around them.

“Social Media Malaysia” is increasingly defined by suspicion and guarded spaces.

For the past one month, I have been invited by my Muslim friends and contacts for Ramadan buka puasa functions as well as on-going Hari Raya open houses.

Not many Malaysians, especially non-Muslims, are aware that in Arab countries, Syawal is only celebrated on the first day of Hari Raya. In Malaysia, it is feted for a full month.

Hari Raya is among the most beautiful and enduring expressions of what it means to be Malaysian.

The involvement of neighbours, friends, colleagues, and even casual acquaintances – of all races and religions – make these gatherings very special and unique.

Everyone is made to feel welcome, and that has long been – and should remain – the hallmark of Malaysia.

Hari Raya Aidilfitri is a deeply significant religious celebration marking the end of Ramadan. Yet in Malaysia, it has also evolved into a shared national tradition.

Non-Muslims arrive in baju kurung and batik shirts, gamely uttering a few phrases of “Selamat Hari Raya” and “Maaf zahir dan batin”.

No one checks identity cards at the door. No one asks who you voted for, what language you speak at home, or which god you pray to. You are welcomed because you came.

Inside, the scene is a portrait of harmony, laughter, and happiness that rarely makes the news.

These interactions may seem ordinary, but collectively they form the invisible glue that holds a plural society together.

Many take this for granted.

From modest kampung houses to grand official receptions, the spirit is remarkably consistent: generosity without calculation.

The hosts cook for days, not knowing exactly how many will come, trusting that the effort itself is meaningful. Guests reciprocate with conversation, laughter, and presence. It is a social ritual built on goodwill, not obligation.

Indeed, it’s no longer just the aroma of lemang and rendang that rises at these gatherings. I have noticed that the Chinese-inspired char koay teow has become part of Hari Raya servings. The mamak mee goreng and tosai are also a must nowadays.

This tradition did not arise from policy papers or national campaigns. It grew organically from decades of living side by side – attending one another’s weddings and funerals, sharing tools over fences, sending food during illness, watching each other’s children grow up.

The open house is simply the most visible expression of that everyday coexistence.

Social media amplifies the loudest, angriest voices, creating the illusion that hostility is widespread. Yet, step into any Raya open house and that illusion collapses.

The beauty of Malaysia lies in our ability to live comfortably with each other.

We celebrate each other’s festivals not as spectators but as participants – lighting lamps during Deepavali, tossing yee sang during Chinese New Year, and visiting longhouses during Gawai and Kaamatan.

Hari Raya open houses stand at the heart of this culture of mutual presence.

To allow divisive rhetoric to erode this tradition would be to surrender one of the country’s greatest intangible assets: social trust.

Perhaps the most meaningful response to voices of division is not anger but participation. Attend an open house. Take your family. Taste unfamiliar dishes. Compliment the host. Apologise for past shortcomings and forgive small grievances.

Post photos of smiling multiracial groups rather than screenshots of inflammatory comments. Every handshake, every shared table, every spontaneous laugh is a quiet reaffirmation that Malaysia’s centre still holds.

In the end, Malaysia is not sustained by slogans or speeches. It is sustained by millions of ordinary encounters in living rooms across the country – moments where differences fade and common humanity takes over.

Hari Raya open houses remind us that beyond politics and online noise, respect and affection still flow naturally among Malaysians.

The only thing Malaysians will have to look out for will be their waistlines and the sugar level in their blood.

Thank you to all my Muslim friends – and even non-Muslim CEOs who are hosting company Hari Raya open houses – for the many Hari Raya invitations!

Oil price hike: Why Malaysia is coping better


Blow softened: Subsidies are keeping petrol prices low in Malaysia – for now. — The Star

THE conflict in the Middle East between the United States-Israel and Iran has thrown the rest of the world into serious disarray.

We all have been caught up in the issue as the war continues, although we live thousands of miles away.

US President Donald Trump has also made conflicting statements over the past week. One day he says the war is ending soon and that the US is “ahead of schedule” – and then he flips by saying it won’t end so soon as there is still much to be done.

The war has expanded with Iran’s attacks on its neighbours, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Oman, Bahrain, Kuwait and Iraq while Israel has hit Lebanon.

The Strait of Hormuz, a critical artery through which over 20 billion barrels of oil and gas reportedly pass daily, has been shut down by Iran.

Global oil prices have spiked, with many countries already feeling the pressure with fears of a long-term, high price energy crisis and looming recession.

Higher fuel prices ripple through every sector of the economy – from transportation and food production to electricity and manufacturing.

To put it simply, we will have to pay more for everything – from the petrol for our cars and food items to the electricity for our homes.

Across Asia and beyond, governments are struggling to cushion their citizens from the impact with economies already being badly affected.

While attempts have been made to keep oil to US$100 (RM394) per barrel, Iran has served notice that the world should be prepared to pay US$200 (RM788) a barrel.

Against this volatile background, Malaysia has managed the shock relatively better compared with regional peers like Singapore, Thailand and the Philippines.

The price of petrol in Malaysia is the second lowest in Asean after Brunei, thanks to government subsidies.

There has not been any panic buying by motorists rushing to fill up their tanks like in neighbouring countries.

However, the question remains: How long we can continue doing this?

The total subsidy for RON95 petrol could reach RM24bil by the end of 2026 if the conflict continues. It means forking out RM2bil a month to keep RON95 at the subsidised price of RM1.99.

We have been lucky as Malaysia occupies a unique position as an oil producer, exporter and importer while also maintaining policy tools that help soften the blow for consumers.

World Bank Malaysia chief economist Apurva Sanghi tweeted that as a major gas exporter, Malaysia produces light and high-quality crude oil and exports lots of it.

“So exporters benefit from higher oil prices. Same for gas exporters, with higher gas prices,’’ he tweeted on X.


He explained that Malaysia also imports crude oil, mostly from Saudi Arabia and the UAE, which it then refines, partly for local consumption and partly for further export.

Malaysia has turned into a net importer of crude and refined products in recent years and the higher oil prices will lead to higher import bills.

Still, unlike Singapore which imports nearly all its energy needs, Malaysia benefits from its own petroleum resources.

Through national oil company PETRONAS the country still earns substantial revenue when oil prices rise. These revenues provide the government with fiscal space to manage subsidies, fund targeted assistance, and maintain economic stability.

Singapore, in contrast, has little choice but to pass on higher global prices to consumers and businesses. While its economy is resilient and well-managed, the city-state must absorb the full impact of rising import costs.

Thailand and the Philippines face a similar predicament with both economies being heavily dependent on imported energy, making them vulnerable when oil prices spike.

Governments in Bangkok and Manila often resort to temporary price controls or emergency subsidies, but these measures strain public finances and are difficult to sustain over time.

For Bangladesh and Pakistan, the situation is even more acute as they face severe fiscal and currency pressures partly driven by rising energy import bills.

In Pakistan’s case, higher oil prices have repeatedly forced the government into painful fuel price adjustments that trigger inflation and public discontent.

That does not mean Malaysia is immune to the oil price surge. It’s just that we enjoy a buffer that many others do not – for the time being, at least.

Another key factor is the government’s subsidy and price stabilisation mechanisms as targeted fuel subsidies and price ceilings still play a role in preventing sudden spikes at the pump.

This ensures that households and small businesses are not immediately exposed to global price volatility.

But over-reliance on subsidies is fiscally unsustainable in the long run. Ordinary Malaysians, who do not understand the mechanism of such subsidies, will not appreciate it when adjustments have to be made to petrol prices periodically.

Equally important is the country’s relatively diversified energy mix and infrastructure, which includes domestic refining capacity and natural gas resources. These help moderate supply disruptions and reduce dependence on imported fuels.

In circumstances like this, austerity helps. Thus Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s directive to government bodies not to hold Hari Raya open houses.

There has been criticism that caterers and small businesses will be affected by the decision but, the fact is, we have to use the current breathing space wisely.

We do not know how long the war will last. It is easy to start a war but it is far more difficult to end one.

Iran has said it is not ready to end the fighting even if the US wants to. We know Israel has will never keep its part of any bargain, even if there is a purported truce. We have seen it in Gaza where it continues to rain bombs.

This is the time to strengthen fiscal discipline, accelerate targeted subsidy reforms, and invest in energy diversification, including turning to renewables.

Malaysia is resilient today as a result of structural advantages, prudent policy tools, and strong institutions such as PETRONAS.

But maintaining that resilience will require good leadership, steady hands, careful stewardship and forward-looking reforms.

The real test is not surviving the latest oil price hike but preparing the nation for what comes next.

Harmony is the answer, not hate

WITH the world gripped by the fallout from the conflict in the Middle East, and its ripple effects on oil prices, trade routes, inflation and global security, the last thing Malaysia needs is domestic political distractions.

Malaysians are aware of the escalating conflict between Iran and United States-Israel. They know enough about the hike in oil prices, effects on shipping lanes, financial markets and food supply chains.

But the real impact has yet to fully land in Malaysia. Airline travellers have been the first to be hit with flight disruptions and shocking ticket prices.

We still have the second lowest petrol prices in Asean, after Brunei, and there are no petrol shortages or long queues at petrol stations.

That’s because the government allocates about RM2bil a month to maintain the price of RON95 petrol so as not to burden the public.

The question is: how long can our government support the subsidies, given that there are no signs of the conflict ending soon. The continuous disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz have driven the monthly subsidy bill to RM3.2bil.

The consensus is that the government can only sustain the current price ceiling for about two or three months. After that, petrol price will have to be revised up.

Amidst these problems, Malaysia cannot afford domestic squabbles.

Wake up, please. All the nasty racist postings on social media won’t help to stop the increase in the prices of meals on the dining tables of ordinary Malaysians.

This is the moment to close ranks, steady the ship and put the economy first.

Small traders, factory workers, gig drivers, young graduates, pensioners – they do not experience geopolitics as headlines.

They experience it as more expensive groceries, higher transport costs, slower hiring, rising household debt and uncertain business prospects.

No amount of ethnic posturing or religious grandstanding can lower the price of cooking oil or school supplies.

Ahead of Hari Raya, Malaysia received encouraging news: leaders from several Malay Muslim and Indian Hindu non-governmental organisations sat down together to seek reconciliation and a comprehensive resolution to tensions between the two communities.

It’s a good start. One meeting will not resolve the issues immediately but it’s good to meet with a desire to end the tensions.

It will also be good if the stakeholders can promise to put a stop to the provocative and insulting social media postings which bring no benefit. The group should also be expanded to include other individuals and organisations who are prepared to be committed to find amicable solutions.

For weeks, public discourse has been dominated by issues touching on race and religion – unregistered temples, vigilante actions, inflammatory rhetoric online and competing narratives of grievance.

These issues are deeply sensitive and cannot be dismissed lightly. But neither should they be allowed to spiral into a national obsession that crowds out far more urgent concerns facing every Malaysian household.

At such a moment, national unity is not a moral luxury – it is an economic necessity. Simply put: division is expensive.

This is why the dialogue between Muslim and Hindu NGOs matters. It signals that civil society can step in where noise and polemics have drowned out reason.

It demonstrates that communities themselves do not wish to be dragged into perpetual conflict by fringe actors, political opportunists or social media provocateurs.

Most Malaysians, regardless of race or religion, want the same things: affordable living, good jobs, safe neighbourhoods, quality education for their children and a stable future. They are far less interested in symbolic battles than in practical solutions.

That is why face-to-face dialogue remains irreplaceable. When leaders sit across a table, look each other in the eye and listen rather than shout, the temperature drops.

Misunderstandings can be clarified. Genuine grievances can be acknowledged. Compromises become possible.

Malaysia’s strength has always been its imperfect but resilient pluralism. The nation has weathered crises before because society did not fracture beyond repair.

Each time tensions rose, cooler heads prevailed. Today requires the same maturity.

The choice for Malaysia is simple. One path leads inwards – towards suspicion, identity politics and endless cultural skirmishes. The other looks outward – towards competitiveness, resilience and shared prosperity.

When headlines from Malaysia focus on communal tensions rather than economic reforms, the signal sent abroad is troubling: a country preoccupied with internal divisions rather than growth.

Malaysia’s competitive advantages – strategic location, skilled workforce, strong financial system and diverse economy – can quickly be overshadowed by perceptions of instability.

The Middle East conflict will eventually subside. Oil prices will stabilise. Trade routes will adjust.

But the damage from prolonged domestic polarisation – lost investment, weakened institutions, frayed social trust – can take decades to repair.

Last week, Bloomberg reported that Malaysia stood out from its South-East Asian peers “as the newfound darling of global investors”.

“A rare stretch of political stability and investments in higher value manufacturing and data centres lifted Malaysia’s appeal as some of its neighbours grappled with leadership changes and fiscal strains,” it said.

It added that “while Thailand and Indonesia contend with policy uncertainty, Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s administration rolled out plans to boost spending in the semiconductor industry and build capabilities in manufacturing and renewable energy”.

These are good optics and we need to continue such a narrative. At a time when the world is becoming more volatile, Malaysia’s greatest strength would be to remain calm, cohesive and economically focused.

That is not merely good politics. It is national survival.

As we celebrate Hari Raya, let us be reminded that this is the season of forgiveness and reconciliation.

Selamat Hari Raya Aidilfitri, Maaf Zahir Dan Batin.