Author Archives: wcw

Oil price hike: Why Malaysia is coping better


Blow softened: Subsidies are keeping petrol prices low in Malaysia – for now. — The Star

THE conflict in the Middle East between the United States-Israel and Iran has thrown the rest of the world into serious disarray.

We all have been caught up in the issue as the war continues, although we live thousands of miles away.

US President Donald Trump has also made conflicting statements over the past week. One day he says the war is ending soon and that the US is “ahead of schedule” – and then he flips by saying it won’t end so soon as there is still much to be done.

The war has expanded with Iran’s attacks on its neighbours, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Oman, Bahrain, Kuwait and Iraq while Israel has hit Lebanon.

The Strait of Hormuz, a critical artery through which over 20 million barrels of oil and gas reportedly pass daily, has been shut down by Iran.

Global oil prices have spiked, with many countries already feeling the pressure with fears of a long-term, high price energy crisis and looming recession.

Higher fuel prices ripple through every sector of the economy – from transportation and food production to electricity and manufacturing.

To put it simply, we will have to pay more for everything – from the petrol for our cars and food items to the electricity for our homes.

Across Asia and beyond, governments are struggling to cushion their citizens from the impact with economies already being badly affected.

While attempts have been made to keep oil to US$100 (RM394) per barrel, Iran has served notice that the world should be prepared to pay US$200 (RM788) a barrel.

Against this volatile background, Malaysia has managed the shock relatively better compared with regional peers like Singapore, Thailand and the Philippines.

The price of petrol in Malaysia is the second lowest in Asean after Brunei, thanks to government subsidies.

There has not been any panic buying by motorists rushing to fill up their tanks like in neighbouring countries.

However, the question remains: How long we can continue doing this?

The total subsidy for RON95 petrol could reach RM24bil by the end of 2026 if the conflict continues. It means forking out RM2bil a month to keep RON95 at the subsidised price of RM1.99.

We have been lucky as Malaysia occupies a unique position as an oil producer, exporter and importer while also maintaining policy tools that help soften the blow for consumers.

World Bank Malaysia chief economist Apurva Sanghi tweeted that as a major gas exporter, Malaysia produces light and high-quality crude oil and exports lots of it.

“So exporters benefit from higher oil prices. Same for gas exporters, with higher gas prices,’’ he tweeted on X.


He explained that Malaysia also imports crude oil, mostly from Saudi Arabia and the UAE, which it then refines, partly for local consumption and partly for further export.

Malaysia has turned into a net importer of crude and refined products in recent years and the higher oil prices will lead to higher import bills.

Still, unlike Singapore which imports nearly all its energy needs, Malaysia benefits from its own petroleum resources.

Through national oil company PETRONAS the country still earns substantial revenue when oil prices rise. These revenues provide the government with fiscal space to manage subsidies, fund targeted assistance, and maintain economic stability.

Singapore, in contrast, has little choice but to pass on higher global prices to consumers and businesses. While its economy is resilient and well-managed, the city-state must absorb the full impact of rising import costs.

Thailand and the Philippines face a similar predicament with both economies being heavily dependent on imported energy, making them vulnerable when oil prices spike.

Governments in Bangkok and Manila often resort to temporary price controls or emergency subsidies, but these measures strain public finances and are difficult to sustain over time.

For Bangladesh and Pakistan, the situation is even more acute as they face severe fiscal and currency pressures partly driven by rising energy import bills.

In Pakistan’s case, higher oil prices have repeatedly forced the government into painful fuel price adjustments that trigger inflation and public discontent.

That does not mean Malaysia is immune to the oil price surge. It’s just that we enjoy a buffer that many others do not – for the time being, at least.

Another key factor is the government’s subsidy and price stabilisation mechanisms as targeted fuel subsidies and price ceilings still play a role in preventing sudden spikes at the pump.

This ensures that households and small businesses are not immediately exposed to global price volatility.

But over-reliance on subsidies is fiscally unsustainable in the long run. Ordinary Malaysians, who do not understand the mechanism of such subsidies, will not appreciate it when adjustments have to be made to petrol prices periodically.

Equally important is the country’s relatively diversified energy mix and infrastructure, which includes domestic refining capacity and natural gas resources. These help moderate supply disruptions and reduce dependence on imported fuels.

In circumstances like this, austerity helps. Thus Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s directive to government bodies not to hold Hari Raya open houses.

There has been criticism that caterers and small businesses will be affected by the decision but, the fact is, we have to use the current breathing space wisely.

We do not know how long the war will last. It is easy to start a war but it is far more difficult to end one.

Iran has said it is not ready to end the fighting even if the US wants to. We know Israel has will never keep its part of any bargain, even if there is a purported truce. We have seen it in Gaza where it continues to rain bombs.

This is the time to strengthen fiscal discipline, accelerate targeted subsidy reforms, and invest in energy diversification, including turning to renewables.

Malaysia is resilient today as a result of structural advantages, prudent policy tools, and strong institutions such as PETRONAS.

But maintaining that resilience will require good leadership, steady hands, careful stewardship and forward-looking reforms.

The real test is not surviving the latest oil price hike but preparing the nation for what comes next.

End Divisive Race And Religion Rhetoric


KUALA LUMPUR, March 15 (Bernama) — Malaysia certainly deserves better than the race and religion rhetoric fanned by several figures who are using social media as their platform.

Race and religion have long been the most combustible elements in politics — easily ignited, difficult to extinguish, and devastating when weaponised.

We are now seeing troubling signs that these fault lines are once again being exploited, not as expressions of genuine concern, but as calculated tools to discredit Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and his government.

These narratives have become louder and more frequent as part of a run-up general election campaign against the government.

The controversy surrounding unregistered Hindu temples illustrates how a single issue can be spun into two conflicting narratives — both designed to inflame emotions and erode confidence in the administration.

On one side, a campaign has emerged portraying Anwar as weak in defending Malay-Muslim interests while non-Muslims perceive him as not acting against the serial Muslim convert provocateurs.

The narrative against him is simple but dangerous – the MADANI Government, in particular, Pakatan Harapan, needs to be replaced in the next general election.

Social media posts, ceramah rhetoric, and selective reporting suggest that the government is bending over backwards to appease minorities while neglecting the sensitivities of the Muslim majority.

The game plan against him is that Islam is under threat, Malays are losing ground, and the government cannot be trusted to protect them.

The language used by several high-profile personalities is harsh, inciting and emotionally charged.

The comments towards these posts are worse as they are seditious and hidden behind anonymous accounts.

If words like “pendatang” (immigrants) were used previously, social media is filled with derogatory words like “kicap” (black sauce).

On the other side, Hindu communities, understandably distressed by incidents of self-appointed vigilantes demolishing or threatening small temples, are being led to believe that the government is indifferent to their fears, or worse, complicit through inaction.

Images of destroyed shrines circulate widely, fuelling anger and anxiety that minority rights are being trampled.

They have demanded to know why these self-appointed vigilantes are allowed to demolish places of worship even if they are unregistered. Shouldn’t it be the job of the local governments and police?

The result is a dangerous pincer movement: Malays are told the government is too soft on minorities, while minorities are told it is too hard on them.

Both narratives cannot simultaneously be true, yet both gain traction because they appeal to deeply rooted insecurities. 

It is hard to explain or rationalise with many, regardless of their religions, why no one can simply put up a place of worship without permit or sit on someone’s land. That is simply unlawful.

On the other hand, neither can anyone set out to destroy a place of worship on the assumption that the local authorities have not acted or that it is too costly to seek a court order, so they have to act themselves.

These disturbing actions do not appear to be accidental. They reflect a sophisticated political strategy — to manufacture the perception of failure regardless of what the government actually does.

If authorities act against illegal structures, they are accused of targeting minorities. If they hesitate, they are accused of betraying the majority.

What makes the situation particularly volatile is the involvement of non-state actors — vigilante groups or personalities who claim to defend religion but operate outside the law.

The last thing we want is for the police to face orchestrated condemnations that they are slow in acting against these culprits.

Their actions create flashpoints that force the government into reactive mode. Every demolition, confrontation, or viral video becomes political ammunition. 

There is no quick fix to the issue of unregistered temples. Malaysia’s legal framework on places of worship is complex and often poorly understood.

Many small temples, especially in urban areas, were built decades ago on land that has since changed ownership or zoning status.

Resolving such issues requires negotiation, relocation plans, and sensitivity — not sledgehammers, literal or rhetorical.

Anwar’s long-standing message of reform, inclusivity, and multiracial governance makes him particularly vulnerable to such attacks.

He is the first Prime Minister from a multi-racial party to lead a Unity Government and has only held the helm for three years.

But a perfect storm is brewing ahead of the elections to ensure that PKR will have to hand over the reins to race-based or religious-based parties.

To hardliners, moderation is suspicious. To cynics, unity is naive. And to those who thrive on division, harmony is bad for business. 

But Malaysians should ask a crucial question: Who benefits from heightened distrust between communities?

It is certainly not ordinary citizens, who must live, work, and raise families together. Nor is it businesses, investors, or young people hoping for a stable future.

The beneficiaries are those who gain political mileage from chaos — those who find it easier to win support by stoking fear than by offering solutions.

The real test is not whether one community “wins” over another, but whether the rule of law prevails over mob action, and whether political leaders refuse to exploit divisions for short-term gain.

Malaysia’s strength has always been its ability to manage diversity through negotiation rather than confrontation.

Allowing provocateurs — political or otherwise — to dictate the national conversation risks undoing decades of careful balance.

The danger today is not simply that Anwar’s government may be made to look bad. It is that the country itself may be made to look fractured, intolerant, and perpetually on edge — a narrative far more damaging than any single political setback.

Now is not the time for more manufactured race and religion divisions but for us to come together to face a bigger challenge — the war in West Asia and its far-reaching impacts on our cost of living as Malaysians.

The Noise That Drowns Out Malaysia’s Real Story


KUALA LUMPUR, March 10 (Bernama) — Democracy is noisy, but social media is noisier. By almost any measure, one would think Malaysia is in perpetual crisis and even perceived to be a failed state if social media were the only lens through which we see the country.

Scroll through the endless stream of posts, comments and viral videos, and the picture painted is bleak: political, racial, and religious chaos and a nation supposedly on the brink of decline.

It is a narrative repeated so often that many begin to accept it as truth. The campaign has become more aggressive because the political actors believe a general election is looming.

But away from the noise of the digital echo chamber, Malaysia today enjoys a high degree of political stability that has been missing in recent years.

Malaysians have always taken political stability for granted. We have forgotten that we lost precious time when we had three Prime Ministers within a single five-year term between 2018 and 2022.

Whether we like Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim or not, we cannot deny that he has brought a measure of steadiness to the political landscape.

Investors, both domestic and foreign, tend to value predictability, and stability has helped restore confidence in Malaysia’s direction.

The foreign community looks at Malaysia with greater respect now, with Anwar playing a big role on the global stage.

Put aside the politics. Let’s look at the data. Malaysia has recorded a historic high of RM426.7 billion in total approved investments in 2025, marking an 11 per cent increase from 2024, and is expected to create over 244,000 new jobs.

Johor recorded RM110 billion in approved investments for 2025, the highest ever for a single state in Malaysian history.

This record-breaking performance accounts for 25.77 per cent of Malaysia’s total approved investments for the year.

Major multinational companies continue to choose Malaysia as a base for advanced manufacturing, data centres and technology supply chains.

From electronics to green technology, the country is positioning itself within industries that will define the next phase of global growth.

No serious investors will put billions into Malaysia if it continues to be rocked by political turbulence, changing PM and policies.

Bank Negara Malaysia’s international reserves reached USD128.3 billion as of Feb 27, 2026, the highest ever since Aug 2014. Supported by stronger exchange and gold accumulation, the reserves rose for an 11th consecutive month.

These reserves are more than just numbers; they represent economic resilience, providing the country with the capacity to weather global uncertainties and financial shocks.

The ringgit emerged as Asia’s best-performing currency in early 2026, driven by strong economic fundamentals, increased foreign investment, and a narrowing interest rate differential with the United States.

The ringgit, once the subject of constant alarmist commentary online, has strengthened against major currencies.

Even critics of PMX will agree that the stronger ringgit reflects improving confidence in the country’s economic fundamentals and policy direction.

Our unemployment rate has reached a near-decade low of 3.1 per cent as of December 2024, reflecting a stable and strengthening labour market. The rate has remained consistently low between 3.1 per cent and 3.3 per cent throughout late 2024 to early 2026.

Malaysia’s inflation rate in 2026 is expected to remain broadly stable at around two per cent, but with the war in West Asia and price hike in oil, there would probably be an impact on our inflation and cost of petrol as with the rest of the world.

These figures do not support the narrative that the PM is doing a bad job. It takes a lot of hard work to make this happen.

“The problem with the digital space is not merely that criticism exists – criticism is essential in any healthy democracy. The problem arises when outrage becomes the dominant currency of engagement.

“Algorithms reward anger, exaggeration and sensationalism. Nuance rarely goes viral,’’ as one report put it.

Unfortunately, data-driven analysis is not social media viral material. Malaysians do not have the patience to read a thoughtful analysis.

Economic data seldom attracts the same attention as a dramatic claim that the country is collapsing. Over time, this creates a distorted perception. The loudest voices online can make it appear as though the nation is perpetually failing, even when evidence suggests otherwise.

Many of us seem to be affected by a few religious extremists who are bent on creating hatred over the Hindu temple issues with their incessant, provocative actions and postings.

They would have been detained under the Internal Security Act in the era of Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, but these draconian laws have been repealed.

The Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission chief commissioner, Tan Sri Azam Baki, is in the spotlight as we await the report of the internal investigations against him.

He is under probe for dabbling in the shares market and whether he has crossed the permissible level as a civil servant, and whether he did obtain approval, not for corruption.

Azam may not be a popular figure with many questioning his stand and methods of his work, but never in the country’s history has so many big personalities been arrested and investigated. His job is to hand over his recommendations to the Attorney-General for court actions once the MACC completes their investigations.

Certainly not everything is well and fine in Malaysia. Issues such as income disparity, governance challenges, delayed reforms and the rising cost of living remain real concerns for many Malaysians. 

They deserve honest discussion and policy attention, but a nation’s challenges should be debated in proportion to its achievements and strengths.

Constantly projecting an image of failure does little to help Malaysia. Instead, it risks eroding confidence among citizens and investors alike, creating a self-fulfilling cycle of pessimism.

“Malaysia’s story today is not one of perfection, but neither is it one of collapse. It is the story of a country gradually regaining stability, attracting investments and strengthening its economic foundations,” said one analyst.

It’s just been three years since PMX held the job. We are still grappling with the 1MDB issue. As of late 2025, Malaysia has had to pay RM42.17 billion to service the debt and interest obligations of 1Malaysia Development Berhad.

The debt burden is gigantic as the remaining balance is about RM9.02 billion, with the final maturity date for the principal payment in 2039, according to reports, and all this is funded from the federal budget.

In the end, we must ask a simple question: should we allow the loudest voices with political interest to define our national narrative on social media, or should we judge our country by facts and evidence, and not merely emotions and prejudices?

PAS will need vision, not just optics


No carte blanche: Dr Sam (centre) with other PAS leaders including (from left) deputy president Datuk Seri Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man, president Tan Sri Abdul Hadi Awang, and secretary-general Datuk Seri Takiyuddin Hassan. Many non-Muslims are asking if Dr Sam would have sufficient clout as the powerful ulama call the shots in the party. — AZMAN GHANI/Filepic/The Star

PAS leader Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar is viewed as articulate, professional and amicable, unlike many other party leaders with their hardline rhetoric.

So his appointment as the head of Perikatan Nasional is widely seen as a calculated move by PAS to soften its image and broaden its appeal beyond its traditional base.

The Islamist party has the largest number of Members of Parliament of any single party, with 43 representatives in the Dewan Rakyat.

It has also not hidden its ambition to head the next federal government and thinks the prize is now within its reach.

It has started to position itself as a credible federal alternative but it also understands that having merely Muslim voters will not be enough.

Non-Muslims and even urban Malays find PAS hard to accept. It will not be easy for Dr Sam, as Ahmad Samsuri is called.

Just days after the announcement that he would lead Perikatan, the Terengganu state government he heads ordered all karaoke outlets to close by 10pm.

It was mind-boggling news. For most non-Malays, karaoke is an evening entertainment business. The order means it could well be a two-hours-a-day business operation.

Many non-Muslims are asking if Dr Sam would have sufficient clout as the powerful ulama call the shots in PAS.

The reality is that these religious leaders, with their educational background from Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Jordan, are the ones that will matter most, not Dr Sam with his PhD from the University of Leeds, United Kingdom.

In PAS, ultimate authority does not lie with elected professionals or technocrats, but with the Majlis Syura Ulama – the clerical council that determines policy direction and can override political leadership.

Dr Sam’s position is similar to that of Masoud Pezeshkian, who is President of Iran but does not have the authority of the late Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who always had the first and last say.

PAS has also not retreated from its long-held ideological objective of establishing an Islamic state. It continues to advocate the expansion of syariah laws and has repeatedly pushed for greater jurisdiction for the Syariah courts.

These positions are not incidental; they are foundational to the party’s political theology, and PAS has stated so clearly.

Nothing will change that.

Non-Muslims remember the tabling of private member’s Bills aimed at strengthening Syariah court powers.

They remember state-level enactments and moral policing controversies such as the ban on cinemas in Kelantan and gender segregation in public places.

Gaming outlets have been banned in the PAS-controlled states of Kelantan, Terengganu, Perlis and Kedah, but the reality is that illegal operators have just taken over and revenue, in the form of taxes to the government, has been lost.

Perikatan has two non-Muslim partners, Gerakan and the Malaysian Indian People’s Party, both of which are comparatively inconsequential parties.

The position of Bersatu, under the leadership of Tan Sri Muyhid-din Yassin, is now uncertain as Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Hamzah Zainuddin is taking over another party – he is supportive of the coalition, and reportedly wants to be part of Perikatan.

Even if Dr Sam represents a softer tone, he operates within a framework where theological guardianship supersedes electoral pragmatism.

For voters, trust is not built on tone alone. It is built on assurances – constitutional, legislative and structural – that their rights within Malaysia’s plural framework will not be diluted.

In politics, optics matter but so does substance. Politics is also about perception, and perception is shaped by long-standing declarations and manifestos.

To be fair, PAS has successfully framed itself as clean, disciplined and morally upright in contrast to corruption-tainted rivals, but voters also want leaders who are professionals and able to perform competently internationally.

There have been some misgivings among some voters about Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim but can a PAS leader, especially the ulama, do as well internationally as PMX does when trade matters are discussed and decided?

Any coalition aspiring to Putrajaya must cross ethnic and religious thresholds, especially when it comes to Sabah and Sarawak.

The appointment of Dr Sam may be a tactical step in expanding PAS’ electoral reach. But unless the party’s theological guardians signal a substantive evolution, the trust deficit will remain.

Dr Sam alone, however nice he may be, will not be enough when it is the ulama who will be the ones who will decide on everything.

Absentee MPs A Let Down


KUALA LUMPUR, March 4 (Bernama) — It’s a big let-down for Malaysians. We would have thought that our Members of Parliament (MPs) would support the rare and defining moment to back the long-awaited reform initiative, the Constitution (Amendment) Bill 2026, which cuts across political divides.

Our lawmakers cannot be whining about the purported slow progress of reforms, and yet when an opportunity comes to make a difference, many choose to abstain and worse, are absent from the Dewan Rakyat.

It was an opportunity to entrench in the Federal Constitution a limit of 10 years for any individual to serve as Prime Minister.

The absence of eight government lawmakers, coupled with the refusal of some opposition lawmakers to support the amendment, has been hugely disappointing.

Bukit Gantang MP Datuk Syed Abu Hussin Hafiz Syed Abdul Fasal, a former Bersatu leader who is now backing the government, said he decided to skip the meeting because he disagreed with the new law.

Datuk Larry Sng, the Sarawakian MP from Julau, said he was caught in a traffic jam, which can hardly be accepted as an excuse.

“I was on my way back to Parliament from a prior engagement but was stuck in traffic,” Sng reportedly said.

Datuk Seri M. Saravanan, the MP for Tapah, said he was attending a religious function.

Other absentees were Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Tun Hussein (Sembrong), Datuk Henry Sum Agong (Lawas), Datuk Suhaimi Nasir (Libaran), Riduan Rubin (Tenom) and Datuk Seri Jeffrey Kitingan (Keningau).

In the bloc vote, 146 MPs supported the Bill, 44 abstained and 32 were absent. It needed at least 148 votes to meet the two-thirds majority required for a constitutional amendment. All the Pakatan Harapan MPs from the DAP and PKR attended and voted for the Bill.

The failure of the MADANI Government to push through the bill isn’t a vote of no confidence. No one voted against the Bill.

But without doubt, it is an embarrassment as the optics were bad. There should have been better coordination.

Surely, the government whips and coordinators should not take for granted that our MPs will turn up.

This was, after all, an amendment to the Federal Constitution.

The Malaysian voters are not going to buy the flimsy excuses offered by the absentee government MPS. Some have not even bothered to explain.

We are not talking of just missing the approval by two votes, but the fact that 32 MPs were missing. To put it bluntly, they ponteng (play truant).

When MPs fail to show up for such a historic vote, it is not a minor procedural lapse; it is a dereliction of responsibility.

There was no excuse to abstain either unless the aim was not to support for the sake of putting down a government Bill.

Thus, the opposition MPs could not find a reason to vote against, as it was a fundamental reform aimed at strengthening democratic governance.

A two-term or 10-year limit for the PM would have signalled Malaysia’s commitment to institutional renewal and the prevention of excessive concentration of power.

But the Opposition chose to abstain and then gloat and celebrate after the Bill failed to get through. One may disagree with the government of the day, but constitutional reform should transcend partisan lines.

 The proposed amendment was not about targeting any individual or any political party. It was about ensuring that no future PM, regardless of party, would be able to remain in office indefinitely. 

It was about institutional safeguards, not personalities. It was not about politics. This was a major political reform initiative.

It is not even something new, as in the United States, for instance, the presidency is capped at two terms and in Indonesia, the constitution similarly limits the president to two five-year terms.

As voters, we have every right to demand accountability, and the media must ask the 32 MPs why they were absent. It is bad enough that we have to put up with the theatrics of some MPs, but when it comes to deciding on critical issues, we expect them to be there.

Nevertheless, this is not the end, as the amendment can and should be re-tabled. If reform is to mean anything, it requires discipline, unity of purpose, and above all, the willingness to put national interest above party strategy.

A ‘Sandiwara’ to sell Malaysia


An authentic ride: In ‘Sandiwara’, one character Yeoh plays is a carefree waitress who whizzes through the alleys lined with pre-war houses on her bicycle in George Town. — Photos: Sandiwara/Self-Portrait

OSCAR winner Tan Sri Michelle Yeoh’s 10-minute film could not have come at a better time. It’s Chinese New Year and the country has just launched Visit Malaysia 2026.

Most of us are also exhausted of the country’s incessant toxic race and religious politics. We are in search of positive and productive content that can lift up our spirits.

Yeoh’s short film, Sandiwara, does just that. She has continuously put Malaysia on the world map and made us proud.

Yeoh’s latest effort is unusual. Short as it may be, its ripple effects could well extend into Malaysia’s tourism narrative, particularly for Penang.

The days of conventional tourism campaigns seem to be over as this brief understated cinematic piece has shown. It is certainly made for social media.

Instead of pan-Asian models – often the preferred choice of advertising agencies as they are regarded as neutral – at sandy beaches, glitzy malls and pristine forests, this one focuses on the real Penang. There are no postcard perfect scenes. Instead, Sandiwara opted for back lanes, hawker stalls, pre-war houses and the lived-in textures of George Town.

They are unfiltered and authentic characters that we see in Penang or any Malaysian town. More importantly, it doesn’t feel like another advertisement but a story instead.

In the age of Tik Tok and Instagram, which shape perception of culture using social media as a tool, Sandiwara has achieved what formal campaigns cannot.

In 10 minutes, Sandiwara captures what glossy brochures often fail to convey – the rhythm of a place, with the chatter of Penangites in coffee shops.

As a Penangite, I walked past these lanes and streets on the way to St Xavier’s Institution, my alma mater. My father also ran a hardware stall at Chulia Street and my maternal family home are also from there.

For my book, Penang’s History, My Story I chose Love Lane as my book cover. I don’t think there is any other road with that name in Malaysia. So, it was a delight to see Yeoh, carrying two bags of groceries, walking down Love Lane while another character wheels down Lebuh Klang, a narrow lane off Stewart Lane.


The writer says he is delighted to see Yeoh featured on his childhood haunt Love Lane in ‘Sandiwara’.— Sandiwara/Self-Portrait

The much-hyped short Sandiwara is directed by Oscar award-winning director Sean Baker.

Many have asked why Penang was chosen since Yeoh is Ipoh-born. The answer is simple – the film was commissioned by Penang-born designer and founder of London-based contemporary fashion label Self-Portrait, Han Chong.

Sandiwara tells of five characters, all played by Yeoh, with a 24-hour narrative in the life of these five persons.

She plays a carefree waitress, who whizzes through the alleys with pre-war houses on her bicycle, a diva food vlogger, a char koay teow stall owner, a stylish elegant lady with an immaculate hairdo and an aging singer seeking the spotlight.

George Town in Penang is already well-known as Malaysia’s food capital and a Unesco-listed heritage site.

The film maker has rightly chosen Moh Teng Pheow Nyonya Koay, an eatery with a Michelin Bib Gourmand, located off Chulia Street. Then, just a few steps away, the vlogger enters Goh Thew Chek Chicken Rice shop, which is often packed during lunch time.

She then moves on to Penang’s famous Line Clear Nasi Kandar along Penang Road. It’s a touristic joint and I wish she could have settled for a better choice like nearby Hameediyah on Campbell Street. But I am glad that Red Garden Food Paradise, which straddles Penang Road and Leith Street, was selected. Locals won’t recommend this food court for local hawker fare as they are not top-notch but its “live” entertainment is recommended.

The singers there sportingly take requests for Malay, English and Chinese songs, and occasionally lady boy groups, presumably from Thailand, also appear on stage.

I have stayed at the Edison Hotel, a restored 1906 colonial mansion, with its Anglo-Chinese architecture, which faces the Red Garden and famous Blue Mansion. You can hear the blare from the singing in the evenings, so one can’t help but cross the road and enjoy the clean and cheap entertainment over a cup of coffee or cold beer.

As the short film sets to conclude, all five characters are inside Red Garden with Lady Orchid performing on stage, the waitress alerting the hawker that the food critic had ordered her char koay teow.

It’s a happy ending. The stoic and stiff elegant lady finally puts on a smile and claps to the singer, Lady Orchid is recognised finally, the vlogger who gave her cameraman a tough time cajoled him to dance along, the food critic gives the hawker a thumbs up, the hawker cries tears of joy and Lady Orchid ends with, “Thank you, Penang.”

What does the real-life char koay teow seller like? She is actually a pretty young lady who expertly whips up Penang’s most famous dish swiftly.

The Edison Hotel was used by Yeoh and the crew as a base to change costume, make-up and for a quick break. The entire film was shot on a mobile iPhone and completed in over 48 hours.

The short film made its world premiere at the Berlin Film Festival and its US premiere on Feb 19 at a private Los Angeles venue with Yeoh, Chong, Baker and other celebrities and guests present, according to a news report.

One report aptly states: “Tourism in 2026 is not about grand spectacle. It is about emotional connection. And sometimes, it takes only two minutes to remind the world that Penang’s true appeal lies not in staged perfection, but in its authenticity.

“If handled wisely, Sandiwara may prove that Malaysia’s strongest tourism ambassador is not a slogan – but a story.”

I am glad that a Penangite paid for this unprecedented film. If it was a government-paid project, the usual safe and tested script would probably be used and a boring drama would have been the end product.

I am unsure if the title can resonate with foreigners but Malaysians trying to ditch the “politik sandiwara” during this festive CNY and holy month of Ramadan, want to see, watch and read more happy news – like this short movie.

Watch Sandiwara here.

Still the centre of our table


Traffic towards Penang and on the island is always bad during the holidays. — CHAN BOON KAI/The Star

MY family and I have always made it a point to travel home to Penang for the Chinese New Year reunion dinner ahead of the actual festival.

One reason is that we want to avoid the annual massive traffic jam on roads to the island which can be a nightmare, especially from the second day of the celebrations.

Penang has always been a favourite holiday destination for many, but for us Penangites, it’s no fun when the island comes to a near standstill.

There is also no compelling reason to be there on the actual dates of CNY as I try to visit my 95-year-old mother at least once a month, even if it’s just for a few hours. I adjust my work appointments to fit in some precious time with my ageing mum. The reality is: time is running out.

For the first time, my mum had to attend this year’s reunion dinner at a restaurant in a wheelchair. That meant my niece had to look for an eatery with facilities to accommodate someone in a wheelchair.

Signs of dementia have also crept in, cruelly. Her memory is faltering. She can still recognise faces and names but, like many people her age, she kept asking the same questions, minutes apart. I was asked repeatedly when I returned from Kuala Lumpur when I had just stepped into the home; and when she would see me again.

It was heart-wrenching, but this is expected. When we reach those advanced years, we too, would be in the same health predicament. The great thing was, she still has a good appetite. Although she is eating less, she still insists on getting her regular fix of nasi kandar – and only from Hameediyah on Campbell Street. I have to give thanks for food delivery services; if not my niece, who is really an angel for taking care of my mother, would have to travel from our Kampung Melayu home in Air Itam to town to please her.

My mum’s stories and questions may circle back on themselves, but they are threads in the fabric of who we are. We are thankful that we can still hear these questions.

There was a time when she held everything together in ways we hardly noticed. She remembered every birthday. She was the bridge between siblings, the keeper of traditions, the gentle reminder that family comes first.

In those leaner years, she managed the household with quiet efficiency. Meals were simple but always good. There was no extravagance, yet we never felt deprived.

Now, we repeat answers without impatience. We smile when she tells us, once again, about the past, especially the family stories.

In caring for her, we are learning again the meaning of devotion – the same devotion she once showed us so naturally. And with each passing year, as CNY approaches, my heart carries a private fear.

We know how the aged can be temperamental and unfairly demanding, which is difficult for the caregiver. That task, unfortunately, falls on my niece, who drops by every day to check on her. I am forever grateful to her. It’s a relief that my brother lives next door to her, with another one not far away. The presence of a faithful maid has also helped.

Still, we are thankful that mum can still walk around the house on her own with a walker. Age has slowed her stride, but it has not diminished her presence. In our family, she remains the quiet centre, not by command, not by fear, but by the gentle authority of love.

My father passed away at 95 in 2020 after coming down with dengue fever. It took my mum a long time to get over it. She often stared aimlessly out the window, almost as if she was hoping he would come back.

Both had never had real friends outside. They only had each other. They travelled everywhere in each other’s company. Their life and times were for each other and no one else.

I have never heard them express their love or show affection openly but that’s what typical Asian families were like. We saw the true meaning of love in my parents even though it was never expressive. Their devotion to each other has reminded me how important it is to spend as much the time as possible with your loved ones, especially as they age.

Deep in my heart, I know that mum is the one holding my siblings and our children together, especially during the CNY reunion. Mum no longer cooks, naturally. But there was a time when she took pains, like a true blue Peranakan nonya, to cook the best meals. Her otak otak, perut ikan and curry and sambal belacan were legendary, to me, at least.

My father, who had come to Penang as a teenager from Langkawi, Kedah, as a shop assistant was not rich. But he was a good father. Not once did he use the rotan on me – delegating the job to my mum instead.

What we had in abundance was stability. We felt safe and loved. Every Sunday would be a family outing. Dad would take us out for the best food, either at a coffee shop or restaurant. Now, the roles are reversed. The children have to care for the parents but I wish I could do more.

I feel horribly guilty that I am unable to spend as much time as I should with mum, knowing that she is entering the last phase of her life. Soon, she may not be able to even recognise me, an affliction my father had suffered too. It’s a fear I continuously harbour. I wish I could care for and protect her with the same love and devotion that she gave me and my brothers.

The reunion dinner is thus our most sacred ritual, for I do not know if this tradition will continue when mum is no longer around. My brothers are already in their 70s, with health and financial issues. One is already a widower. Another sibling, like me, lives in KL.

For the time being, it is heartwarming that mum still sits at the centre of the table – even though the reunion dinner has to be at a restaurant. Thanks to her, the journey home for the reunion, carries a real meaning. She is the reason why my family is in Penang.

It has grown to two tables to accommodate the extending family every year, squeezed to accommodate children, spouses, and now grandchildren.

It was good to see my mother smiling away as she was seated with three generations of the Wong family. I am sure Dad was watching us from above, also with a smile.

I wish this family bonding can continue for some years. The photographs taken after the reunion dinner weren’t just to mark the festival but a record of CONTINUITY.

I am sure many Malaysians can relate to my story.

We must appreciate and love our parents while they are still around. One day, they will just be memories.

It’s still not too late to wish Malaysians celebrating the CNY a happy and prosperous year. Gong Xi Fa Cai!

Tunku’s legacy must not fade away

THERE was something deeply unsettling about how quietly the 123rd birthday of the nation’s Bapa Kemerdekaan passed recently.

Surely our beloved Tunku Abdul Rahman deserves better national reflection and a sustained public discourse.

None of the media made a visible effort to remind Malaysians why his life and legacy still matter.

With due respect to National Unity Minister Datuk Aaron Ago Dagang, the media focus was on applications for the Tunku Abdul Rahman Scholarship.

Perhaps they felt it was something newsy.

The minister said applications were opened until April 8 for all Malaysians who wish to pursue a bachelor’s degree at local public or private universities in various fields.

He also stressed that the first prime minister’s legacy and philosophy in building a nation-state continued to be central to the National Unity Ministry’s efforts to strengthen unity in a multiracial society that was growing in complexity.

Perhaps I am unfairly expecting more. After all, Tunku was the chairman of Star Publications (M) Sdn Bhd, when the Penang-based newspaper had just started.

I had the privilege of covering many assignments at his residence at Ayer Rajah Road, rightly renamed to Jalan Tunku Abdul Rahman.

My biggest regret was not to have a personal picture taken with the first PM – remember this was the pre-social media era of selfies and Instagram.

Tunku was a prolific writer, who penned countless books and contributed weekly columns – As I See It – until the age of 85, leaving behind nearly 700 articles to his name.

He would painstakingly write on paper before his secretary typed them on bold letters for him to proofread. In his later years, he would use a magnifying glass.

Sometimes, he would be late to meet the deadlines and kept the editors worried.

On a few occasions, I had to play peon and waited outside his home office.

The cub reporter, as we juniors were called then, always got bullied to do such tasks.

His granddaughter, Datin Seri Sharifah Menyalara Hussein, who now heads the Tunku Abdul Rahman Foundation, said: “He said that this was his only way to speak up and defend himself after his premiership.”

I had the opportunity of knowing his family and in fact, another one of his granddaughters, Sharifah Intan, who worked as an editor at The Star.

Fast forward to 2026. The importance of Tunku as a revered figure seems to have diminished, giving the impression that he is just another leader mentioned in the history books.

But Tunku did not only lead the nation to independence on Aug 31, 1957, he also built a strong framework of statehood based on democratic values, the rule of law, and unity among its people – principles that remain relevant today, Aaron rightly said in his speech.

“In a multiracial country, Tunku bravely introduced power-sharing and consensus-building, an approach that was ahead of its time. We must think as Malaysians, not as Malays, Chinese, or Indians,” he added.

Aaron said the idea of a nation-state would now be reemphasised by his ministry as a means to unite the country, especially amid social polarisation, differing views and gaps in understanding.

A nation-state, he explained, referred to a sovereign country where its people share a national identity, common values, and a spirit of togetherness as Malaysians, based on the Federal Constitution and the Rukun Negara.

Tunku would be furious if he was alive today, especially at the kind of toxic race and religious politics in Malaysia.

More than ever, we need to amplify the words and thoughts of Tunku as he shaped institutions, identities and the moral compass of the nation.

Anniversaries are not mere ceremonial markers but opportunities to reconnect with history and to measure how far we have travelled from the ideals that once guided us.

When we miss these – either as leaders or journalists – it raises uncomfortable questions about how we value our past and whom we choose to remember.

Remembrance should not be confined to those in power but Tunku was not an ordinary figure. He has a legacy and his anniversary should not be left unnoticed.

It is shameful when we neglect to honour the person who anchored our formative years. Can one imagine South Africa forgetting to pay tribute to Nelson Mandela or if China over-looked Mao Tse Tung on his anniversary?

Tunku’s story needs to be retold over and over again especially to the younger generation to keep multi-ethnic and multi-religious Malaysia on course and he must forever have a place in our public life.

Menyalara, or affectionately called Lara, said: “People often ask which of Tunku’s values I strive to carry forward. My answer has always been his deep sense of purpose in giving back to the nation.

“This conviction was shaped by Tunku’s constant reminders to me, often during meal times and travels, because I travelled quite a bit with him and was lucky to follow him to places.

“Growing up, he was a very loving and caring grandfather.

“He constantly reminded me that whatever path I chose, I carried a responsibility to give back to the country. Well, I did not enter politics, and maybe I should have.

“But, it is this value that continues to guide my service through Yayasan Tunku Abdul Rahman, a foundation established in his honour to support young Malaysians committed to nation-building. I am very honoured to take on the role of Chairperson, as it allows me to carry forward.’’

Tunku deserved better, and ultimately, so do we.

Faith and the law


Historical temple: The Sri Maha Mariamman Koil on Kretay Estate, aka Ranggoon Estate, in Kerteh, Terengganu, was built by rubber tappers in the 1920s. Many old temples now find themselves on state or private land, making ownership complex, activist Arutchelvan explains in his article. — The Star

THE current controversy over the huge number of unregistered Hindu temples is troubling.

Judging by the type of arguments popping up on social media, it is evident that many have been swept by racial sentiments.

Irrationality and ignorance without wanting to know the facts have not helped in their arguments.

We need to understand the basic background.

For a start, there are temples that have remained categorised as “squatters” even though they date back over 100 years.

They began as modest shrines set up by Indian labourers, mostly in rubber estates or railway settlements. Within the estates, these temples grew as community centres during the British colonial era.

No one understood nor saw the importance of formal land titles or gazetted status back then. The temples were unlikely to get the approval of employers, anyway.

As the estates disappeared and ownership changed hands – especially to land developers – and the complications began.

These unregistered temples that had stood for generations have suddenly found themselves in a precarious legal position. They have no legal papers saying they own the land or have permission to occupy it.

Developers would usually try to negotiate with and compensate these temple managements.

These landowners see the temples as squatters who are in no position to negotiate. They are unlikely to be swayed by historical religious perspectives that the temples have served as significant institutions.

Some cases have ended badly, even fatally.

Activist S. Arutchelvan has written a comprehensive article on this issue that is agitating Malaysia now.

“What has changed is urbanisation. These temples were once on city fringes or rural areas with little land value. Today, urban growth has placed them seemingly in the middle of towns and highways.

“Some question why these temples did not apply for or purchase land. The reality is that worshippers are mostly lower- income workers and plantation labourers (B40), not high earners who can easily buy land.

“Moreover, due to the Torrens system, temples may stand on state or private land, making ownership complex. Some roadside temples have been relocated by local authorities, but it is not simple for such temples to secure land titles.”

The Torrens land title system, adopted in post-independence Malaysia, places decisive importance on registered ownership and gazetted use of land.

The clear cases of legal temples are those with titles, either on their own land or on land they have been approved to occupy by the relevant district land administrator, as can be seen in Penang and Selangor.

But the ones that have given rise to resentment are those that do not have land titles. Even many Hindus oppose such temples. Arutchelvan himself says he does not support these temples that were built without strong tradition or significant followers.

“Some are even set up by gangster groups as fronts for wrongdoing. A temple without genuine devotees or long-standing tradition lacks legitimacy compared with established temples.”

He also shared that there were “family temples originally built within private compounds but later expanded and opened to the public.

“Local authorities should act if such expansions disturb neighbours. Family temples should not be converted into public temples.”

In my neighbourhood, there are two Hindu temples sitting on Tenaga Nasional Bhd land, under the cable towers, even though there is no significant Hindu community in the area.

It is a familiar scene in many places, and land owners have plenty to share about how they have been arm twisted to pay a settlement.

Malaysians are religiously sensitive and prefer to end disputes peacefully, even though such temple managements have no basis to make claims.

“The land status of many temples is legally ambiguous. Some are on estate land where workers built shrines with implied permission long ago; others have remained on plots that later changed hands without formal conversion of the temple’s rights.

“In legal terms, occupying land without a registered title can be classed as ‘squatting’. Under Malaysia’s National Land Code, squatting on state land – even for worship – can be an offence,’’ Arutchelvan said.

The number of unregistered Hindu temples and shrines in Malaysia are reportedly between 2,500 and over 3,000; there are more than 800 registered ones.

In Kuala Lumpur, there are reportedly more than 100 such places of worship built mostly on government land, with many facing relocation.

Last week, Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah expressed support for Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s stance that houses of worship cannot be built without adhering to the stipulated rules and regulations.

The Selangor Ruler was informed that there are a total of 687 Hindu temples built without approval in the state as of Jan 31 this year.

This includes 388 temples built on government-owned land and 229 on privately owned land.

“The number of these unauthorised temples is high in comparison with the Hindu community in the state, which is about 11.3%,” the palace said in a statement.

The issue of these registered temples needs tactful handling. Many of the old temples are victims of their misunderstanding of legal procedures. They now bear the consequences of their ignorance.

But let’s not forget the contributions of our Indian labourers in the estates who contributed greatly to this nation.

If badly handled, it will be hurtful and undignified to the Hindu community. It is good that the government has warned those who intend to disrupt the harmony of the country with protests and even one reported case of attempting to demolish a temple.

The police and authorities must not allow these serial rabble-rousers off easy, or give the impression that their remands are a walk in the park.

Self-appointed vigilantes who are out to vandalise or demolish temples should not be tolerated. They have no business taking the law into their own hands. They are simply dangerous extremists.

Interestingly, Arulchetvan also said there had been Muslim settlements – Kampung Aman, Kampung Chubadak, Kampung Rimba Jaya, Kampung Sri Makmur, Kampung Berembang, Kampung Ara, and others in Selangor – where suraus were built on untitled land.

He said these were created by low-income migrants responding to development calls in the 1970s, adding that developers had bought the land and evicted them.

“Thus, this is a class issue, not a racial one. Under the Torrens system, ownership is determined by title, not who came first,’’ wrote the Parti Sosialis Malaysia deputy chairman.

The racial sentiment being whipped up on social media is hugely disturbing and one wonders if they are politically initiated to show the government in a bad light.

After all, an aborted protest outside the Sogo complex in Kuala Lumpur was timed to coincide with Indian President Narendra Modi’s official visit.

Calls on social media to demolish all temples, including long-standing ones, are irrational and not in the public interest.

Let the authorities handle this issue patiently and wisely.

Rational Malaysians will understand that arbitrary construction must stop to deter those who use religion as a tool to make money.

Livestock must go where the land is


Agriculture makes up less than 2% of Selangor’s total GDP. In many areas like Hulu Selangor, it is common to see cattle from nearby farms encroaching on residential areas and public roads. — The Star

IT’S always difficult when long-term policies and planning are caught in race and religion controversies. These include manufactured threats used merely to win votes ahead of the general election.

Take the issue of pig farming in Selangor. The state government has come under fire for its plan to relocate and centralise pig farming.

It makes sense, but in a state where the population is predominantly Malay, it has led to much unhappiness.

For Muslims, whatever weaknesses they may have in their daily living, non-halal substances, especially pork, is the ultimate red line.

Let’s be honest. No one, including pork consumers, wants to have a large-scale pig farm in their backyard.

The palace isn’t happy either, and has made clear its stand. The outcome could have been better if the palace had been better informed of developments.

In contrast, pork-loving non- Muslims, especially the Chinese, perceive the controversy as another case of marginalisation.

There are no winners except for those fanning race and religion issues on social media.

What is less discussed rationally and seriously by lawmakers is that every inch of land in Selangor matters.

The reality is that Selangor must optimise land – and that is why livestock belong in other states where land is abundant.

It is not just pig farming, where livestock businessmen have been perceived to be reluctant to invest in modern technology, but the other traditional farms too.

In Selangor, land is no longer a passive backdrop to development. It is a strategic asset – finite, contested, and increasingly expensive.

Each hectare carries multiple responsibilities: housing a growing population, supporting economic activity, managing floods, protecting ecosystems, and enabling mobility.

With demand for land far outstripping supply, the question is no longer whether land use in Selangor should be optimised, but how urgently.

Let’s ask this bold question: Does traditional livestock farming still make sense in Selangor?

Agriculture, including livestock farming, only made up less than 2% of Selangor’s total GDP while services and manufacturing contributed over 25% to the national GDP – although livestock is admittedly crucial for food security and local supply.

Selangor, however, is unlike other states. It is Malaysia’s most urbanised and industrialised state. Its land value reflects proximity to ports, airports, highways, labour markets, and consumers.


Selangor excels as a manufacturing and innovation hub. — 123rf

Using such land for extensive livestock farming, an activity that requires large tracts for relatively low output, comes with a steep opportunity cost, and certainly cannot be a priority for the state.

The same land could support compact housing, flood mitigation infrastructure, logistics hubs, high-tech industry, or modern food production systems that generate exponentially more value per square metre.

States like Sabah and Sarawak possess what Selangor does not: vast land reserves, lower population density, and landscapes that naturally support pasture-based agriculture.

In these regions, livestock farming aligns with the physical and economic realities on the ground.

Larger contiguous land areas allow for proper grazing, biosecurity buffers, and waste management without encroaching on residential zones or critical infrastructure.

Environmental pressures are easier to manage when land is not squeezed between highways and housing estates.

Economically, livestock farming benefits from scale. Sabah and Sarawak can support larger herds, integrated supply chains, and downstream processing without facing the prohibitive land costs that distort feasibility in Selangor.

Lower land prices mean investments can be directed towards productivity, animal health, and sustainability rather than sunk into real estate.

This is how livestock farming becomes competitive.

There is also the national food security logic that is often overlooked. Food security does not mean every state produces everything.

Sabah and Sarawak are well positioned to be Malaysia’s backbone for land-intensive agriculture, including livestock farming.

Malaysia has a huge food import bill which continues to rise – exceeding RM70bil annually with 2023 figures reported at about RM71.6bil to nearly RM79bil.

Instead of importing pork – as some have suggested, citing Singapore as an example – it makes more sense for non-Muslims to buy from Sabah and Sarawak to keep our spending within Malaysia.

Sarawak is reportedly expanding its pig farming industry, aiming for US$220mil (RM931.81mil)in exports by 2030, by utilising secluded land for large scale, automated and biosecure facilities.

Supported by the state government, this modern, sustainable approach includes on-site abattoirs, waste treatment, ventilation and cooling systems, and export capabilities, including to Singapore.

The Borneo Post reported that by 2030, the state will have a pig production industry worth RM1.5bil. To date, the state exports over RM129.8mil of pork to Singapore.

Selangor, meanwhile, excels as a logistics, processing, distri-bution, and innovation hub – efficiently linking producers to consumers.

Modern food systems depend less on proximity to farms and more on cold chains, transport infrastructure, and processing capacity – all of which Selangor already has.

Environmental considerations further strengthen this case. In Selangor, livestock farming often competes with water catchment areas, river buffers, and flood plains.

In land-rich states, these pressures are easier to mitigate through proper spacing, ecosystem planning, and integration with the natural landscape.

Crucially, a shift away from livestock farming in Selangor must be accompanied by thoughtful transition policies.

As it is now, the Selangor government is actively carrying out the clearing of pig farms, with just over 30 farms still operating in Kuala Langat compared with the 115 previously reported.

Land use must continue to evolve with the same pragmatism.

Clinging to land-intensive activities in a land-scarce state is not preservation – it is stagnation.

In the long run, it is better for Selangor to source its livestock supplies from other states, especially Sarawak.

When every bit of land counts in Selangor, wisdom lies in putting each inch to its highest and best use.