It had been speculation that at least three ministers
would be dropped and several young politicians named into the Cabinet, but
Abdullah kept his cards close to his chest.

Most of the appointees, like the rest of the nation, were glued to the TV for
the live telecast of Pak Lah's announcement.

When the announcement was delayed for over 30 minutes, many exasperated
politicians started calling newsmen who were waiting on the first floor of the
Prime Minister's Office.

Only one person was told that he would retain his portfolio – Datuk Syed Hamid
Albar, who was informed by Abdullah at the PWTC on polling night.

Except for the Barisan Nasional component leaders who were informed of their allocations
of positions in the government after submitting their name lists, most of the
Umno appointees were not told.

A woman politician called me eight times over the last 48 hours to ask what I
knew. She refused to believe me when I told her I had no specific details in
the appointments.

It was very flattering that she thought I had access to the list. But there was
a happy ending – she was given a high post.

It was only late on Friday night that the picture began to emerge. A colleague
stationed in Putrajaya kept me updated by phone but I was sceptical. In the
end, she was proven right.

The names of some politicians whom we thought would be dropped were on the
list.

Among the reasons given were the need for state representation and political
realities.

One or two names may disappoint Malaysians but we need to look at the list as a
whole.

Abdullah has included many young leaders such as Puteri Umno chief Datuk
Azalina Othman, Baling MP Datuk Dr Masitah Ibrahim, Datuk Dr Awang Adek Husin
and Datuk Zulhasnan Rafique.

It is a serious push to groom these young leaders in high office. The plum went
to Umno Youth chief Datuk Hishamuddin Tun Hussein Onn who was appointed
Education Minister.

All of our prime ministers have had their training at the ministry because
education is regarded as a sensitive area. Having to accommodate the demands of
the various education groups requires plenty of wisdom, patience and
maturity.

The general perception is that the last Education Minister, Tan Sri Musa
Mohamed, did not handle the portfolio well. As an academician, he lacked the
political skills to meet the demands of the various groups.

MCA vice-president Datuk Chua Jui Meng lost his Health Ministry post to his
friend, Datuk Dr Chua Soi Lek from Johor.

Dr Chua, the new MP for Labis, is a seasoned politician. As a medical doctor,
he would surely be able to handle the ministry effectively.

From a political aspect, Abdullah has removed a third force in the MCA.  Chua's removal would help strengthen
relations between MCA president Datuk Seri Ong Ka Ting and his deputy Datuk Dr
Chan Kong Choy. It would pave the way for the two young leaders to consolidate
the party.

Ong and Chan took over the party leadership when party president Datuk Dr Seri
Dr Ling Liong Sik and deputy Datuk Seri Lim Ah Lek resigned after 14 months of
internal bickering.

At least one politician declined to be appointed. Four-term MP Datuk Chor Chee
Heung told me about his decision on Wednesday.

The popular lawyer from Alor Star had informed Ong, was then told to "sleep on
it and not make rash decisions", but had remained resolute.

By Friday, word had gone around that the former Deputy Home Minister had
decided to remain as an ordinary MP.

He will be missed, not just by members of the press but also his ministry
colleagues, including secretary-general Datuk Seri Aseh Che Mat who spoke
highly of him when we met on Friday.

A surprise in the line-up was moving Culture, Arts and Tourism Minister Datuk
Abdul Kadir Sheikh Fadzir, one of Umno's bright sparks, to the Information
Ministry.

The new Tourism Minister is Datuk Leo Michael Toyad. With his extensive
contacts as Deputy Foreign Minister previously, he will be able to give this
important portfolio a boost.

Unlike Kadir, who has a flamboyant personality, Toyad is an introvert but his
deputy, Datuk Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, has excellent relations with the media and is
known for his ability to network.

Abdullah may have to consider filling the vacant parliamentary secretary slot
in the Tourism Ministry with someone from a Chinese-based party because the
Chinese market is the biggest.

A Chinese-speaking leader who understands the sentiments of mainland Chinese
would help Malaysia
compete for a slice of the lucrative tourism market.

Abdullah's slightly enlarged Cabinet has taken into account a higher percentage
of new faces, 14 to be exact, but he has also increased non-Malay
representation, reflecting the commitment of the Barisan government to
power-sharing.

But the newsmen need not worry. The results clearly show
the world that Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's moderate and progressive
Islamic approach could win in a democratic election.

Malaysians who follow the Prime Minister's speeches are aware that he never
shows off his Islamic credentials by sprinkling his speeches with Quranic
verses in Arabic. Neither does he keep a beard, wear a turban and boast to his
listeners that he is an Islamic scholar.

There was never a need for all that. Instead, he won the hearts of Malaysians,
including conservative Muslims in the Malay heartland, with his trustworthy
leadership, sound policies and rational arguments.

Abdullah's non-confrontational, non-literalist and non-ideological approaches
were his winning ways. PAS leaders like its president Datuk Seri Hadi Awang and
spiritual leader Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat were more preoccupied with forms and
structures, preferring to emphasise on dressing and imposing Islamic
laws.

When Hadi criticised Abdullah for not leading the prayers during his mother's
funeral, the latter chose not to hit back. It was a costly mistake for Hadi.
But his party has obviously not learnt.

On Monday, after PAS' narrow win in Kelantan, Nik Aziz, in an outburst against
Umno, said: "We will not halalkan (legitimise) the money they received, the
water they drank or the rice they swallowed. They will earn the wrath of God
for their entire life."

At the discussion with me on Monday were Isis chairman Tan Sri Dr Noordin
Sopiee and political scientist Dr Chandra Muzaffar. All of us share the same
opinion – PAS was rejected because Malaysians felt uneasy with the kind of
politics practised by the Islamist party.

PAS gave up on the Chinese and Indian votes, relying entirely on the Muslim
votes, but they had a shock when the majority of Muslims opted for a more
contemporary form of Islam.

That is the difference between Barisan and PAS – the ability of the Barisan to
draw its strength from all Malaysians, irrespective of race, religion or
culture, and not just from one section of society.

Dr Chandra also attributed a large chunk of the votes for Barisan to women and
young people – women who were unhappy with the restrictions imposed by PAS and
young people who believed that Abdullah should be given a chance to pursue his
agenda against corruption.

It was clear that he won a resounding mandate for his initiatives and reforms,
especially the moves for more transparency, efficiency and credibility in the
Government.

It has been a happy ending for Abdullah in what is billed as the greatest
victory for the Barisan since independence, winning more than 90% of the
parliamentary seats but, in his own words, there is plenty of work ahead.

Having given a strong mandate to him, Malaysians expect him to fulfil his
promises. It would not be wrong to say that Malaysians expect him to have a
Cabinet that reflects his pledge for a clean government.

He will certainly be watched closely. Malaysians would want him to appoint
ministers who are not tainted by allegations of corruption and even fresh
faces. It is a new government and the line-up must reflect its freshness.

Without doubt, there must be a blend of experienced people, although those who
have been in the Government for the past two decades should be prepared to pave
the way for younger leaders.

They must be given a chance to prove themselves and, at the same time, be
groomed for bigger roles. After all, they will eventually lead the nation and
that training must begin now. Knowing Abdullah, he will also impose a high
moral standard for his line-up.

As Noordin told the journalists on Monday, Abdullah should be given a free hand
and Malaysians hope he can choose the leaders that he wants. After all, he has
earned himself a massive mandate and he should use it fully.

Abdullah, of course, cannot run away from the reality of having to appoint the
heads of major Barisan component parties. One or two leaders may not be exactly
popular with Malaysians, but the fact is that they had delivered the
votes.

More importantly, the Barisan government upholds the concept of sharing of
power and that has been the winning formula for the coalition. That has been
the basis of the politics of consensus and accommodation, which is admired by
other democracies.

Abdullah will also take into account the huge success in Kelantan and
Terengganu. He will need to reward Barisan voters with key appointments for
leaders who won there.

Datuk Mustapa Mohamed, who won the Jeli parliamentary seat, is likely to be
given a Cabinet post. If the Barisan had captured the Kelantan state government,
then he would have been the automatic choice as mentri besar, but being three
seats short, the Barisan will have to accept that it has to remain in the
opposition.

It will not come as a surprise if women leaders are given a bigger role in the
Cabinet. Their contributions, irrespective of whether they are from Umno, MCA
or MIC, have been tremendous.

Abdullah has been cautious about how he intends to form the Cabinet, saying he
will consider all aspects, but the most important thing is the ability to serve
as good ministers of the country and the Barisan government.

By the time the Isis discussion ended, the foreign reporters were convinced
they could expect a sensible and balanced government, headed by an extremely
popular Prime Minister.

I believe by this weekend, Abdullah will have a fair idea of what the Cabinet
will be like, and by the following Wednesday, he will make known the full
line-up to Malaysians.

To borrow from Noordin's parting shot – Pak Lah is known as Mr Nice Guy, but
Malaysians want him to be firm and, on this occasion of naming his Cabinet, he
can be not so nice to ensure that he lives up to the wishes of
Malaysians.

Over the past week, they have been talking about the
general election. They have enjoyed the attention given by the campaigners as
they hold the privilege of deciding the winner of the fight in Bukit Gelugor
tomorrow.

The battle is between two outspoken lawyers – DAP veteran Karpal Singh and
Barisan Nasional's Lim Boo Chang. Karpal Singh, 63, has a reputation of
challenging the authorities and has lost count of the number of times when he
was thrown out of the Penang state assembly.

At ceramah, he tells his listeners he has eaten kari pooi (curry rice in
Hokkein) – a euphemism for having spent time in prison or a lock-up. In his
case, he was detained under the Internal Security Act in 1987.

Lim is an equally colourful character. Like his late father, Datuk Lim Ee
Heong, Boo Chang, 48, does not care whom he criticises and he has paid a heavy
price for that. His open attacks against the Barisan state government had
landed him in hot soup, resulting in his suspension from the state
assembly.

He also nearly lost his membership in the MCA as his former Gerakan comrades
pressured the coalition leadership to punish him for voting against a
government motion.

Ee Heong, a contemporary of Tun Dr Lim Chong Eu, earned his stripes whipping
the Alliance in the 1969 general election when the Gerakan was an opposition
party.

At rallies, attended by tens of thousands of Penangites, at the Esplanade, he
would ridicule Alliance leaders for their fondness in getting state awards,
describing them as worthless kau pai (dog tags).

Penang voters, known for their independent mindedness, love such controversies.
They want their elected representatives to be humble, hardworking and
outspoken, irrespective of whether they are in the Barisan or opposition.

The fight in Bukit Gelugor is almost a rematch. In 1999, Boo Chang defeated
Karpal Singh for the Datuk Keramat state seat by a 3,148-vote majority. Karpal
Singh lost his Jelutong parliament seat to Barisan's Lee Kah Choon by 775
votes.

It was a painful pill Karpal Singh, dubbed the Lion of Jelutong, found hard to
swallow. On the eve of the 1999 polls, at least 10,000 people had turned up to
listen to the DAP ceramah but this was not translated into votes.

He had kept the Jelutong seat for five terms since 1978 and he thought it was a
walkover but he did not see the writing on the wall. He had neglected his
constituency and he could never be found when needed, busy fighting his legal
battles in courts.

Worse, he apologised to PAS for his famous ''over my dead body'' remark, made
in 1990, on the setting up of an Islamic state. When the DAP and PAS
co-operated in 1999, he said he was sorry.

The apology was front-paged in Harakah, the PAS official newsletter, under the
heading Karpal Minta Maaf (Karpal Apologises). The predominantly Chinese voters
saw the opportunistic side of DAP leaders and rejected him.

While the Malay voters were caught up with the reformasi movement which saw the
likes of Tian Chua and R. Sivarasah staging protests even the
anti-establishment Chinese voters found too radical, it was the DAP which paid
the price on Keadilan's behalf in Penang.

As far as the DAP is concerned, it was all a bad dream. Now, their whipping
target is PAS president Datuk Seri Hadi Awang and Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat. The
salvoes from Hadi have, in many ways, helped the DAP to show the pact between
them is over.

The MCA and Gerakan have tried to remind Penang voters of the past but it is
doubtful whether their advertisements in the Chinese newspapers work. Some have
complained they are offensive but the fact remains these events did
happen.

Karpal Singh, in a recent interview, admitted there was no big issue, pointing
out he would highlight the controversial Penang Outer Ring Road (PORR) project,
aimed at resolving the island's traffic problems but which has caused
dislocation among the residents affected, especially in Bukit Gelugor.

Ironically, the PORR issue was the reason, for Boo Chang getting the boot from
the state assembly.

The sympathy card is being played by the DAP in Penang, as in other areas where
it is contesting, to win the polls. The tactic is that since the Barisan would
win the elections, there was nothing wrong to let the underdogs get some
seats.

It is a clever tactic, as the strategists understand well the psyche of the
kind-hearted Malaysian voters. Sure, they prefer to see the Barisan form the
government but why not have a few opposition Members of Parliament to check on
the government.

It has worked well, especially among the middle-class electorate in Bukit
Gelugor. They take note of the arrogance of some Barisan politicians and their
refusal to listen to their grievances, especially the noisy construction works
in their area.

There is the kesian-them (pity them) factor but irrespective of which party
they vote – whether Barisan or DAP – the voters must believe in what the party
has done and what it can do for them in the future.

It is fine to vote for the DAP because of one's belief in its struggles and
beliefs. If the voters cannot be convinced by the Barisan campaigners, then the
DAP deserves to win.

Similarly, there is no reason not to vote the Barisan if the voters truly
believe in what Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi is doing, especially his
personal agenda to fight corruption and to instil accountability, integrity and
credibility.

Many of us want him to do more to deal with corruption and he has pledged to do
so, telling us to ''wait and see for yourself''. There is no reason why we
cannot believe his words.

After all, this is his first election as Prime Minister; he deserves a chance
to prove it to us.

It will be a real kesian (pity) if we say we believe and support what he is
doing but decide not to vote for his party on Sunday, as this will make Pak
Lah's job more difficult.

The world is also watching how we would vote. The Composite Index soared past
900 points on Thursday, indicating the confidence the coalition enjoys. Over
the past one-week, foreign funds have started coming in as they anticipate a
strong government to be formed.

No one can dismiss the business impact on the voting trends and they would
certainly affect our daily lives. Politics involves emotions but voters must
use their head, instead of the heart, when they vote.

Philip Fernandez has voted in previous elections. Like a seasoned voter, he
does not want to talk too much about it. With plenty of free time on his hands,
he has learnt to use the Internet to read opposition websites.

He reads the Aliran magazine regularly, saying he wants some alternative views.
He says the mainstream and independent media are the same, all too
biased.

Knowing that he is talking to a journalist, he complains about his dislike for
some Barisan leaders in the state, singling out one Penang leader for being a
''yes'' man. ''Everyone in Penang knows who I am talking about.''

He named the leader when this writer pressed him.

He challenged this writer to quote him and name the leader if free press exists
in Malaysia. I told him I could but it would be personal and besides, there are
many who like that leader. He accepted the explanation.

But he has no qualms about his admiration for Abdullah whom, he said, deserves
to get the votes for being a moderate and progressive leader.

He wants his candidate in Bukit Gelugor to be able to work and speak up for
him.

He is also concerned about the future of Malaysia, saying he wants his
grandchildren to be able to live freely and practise their beliefs, culture and
lifestyles with no restrictions.

There are many Malaysians like Philip Fernandez. Educated and widely read, they
do not like to be told who to vote for. They prefer to make their own
choice.

They can be critical of the Government at times but that does not make them
anti-establishment. They want to keep Malaysia as it is now but feel more needs
to be done to root out corruption.

They think there are tainted leaders in the Government and they want Abdullah
to remove them from the Cabinet after the elections to prove himself.

But for that to happen, they have to decide whether Pak Lah deserves their
votes. It is not about sympathy for a particular person but whether they truly
want to let Pak Lah clean up Malaysia.

Specific instructions were  given to the guests, particularly the
politicians, not to turn the party into a political forum. But when the karaoke
session started, some guests went on stage to sing the DAP elections theme
song, Must Fight to Win, a popular Taiwanese Hokkein song then.

There were thunderous applause from the ground and, by the time the party
ended, some guests had to be carried out because they were drunk, while some
Barisan politicians left fuming.

Lim was the darling of Penangites. He was the fearless hero in a state, known
for its independent-minded voters, and they voted strongly for him – knocking
off Chief Minister Dr Lim Chong Eu in Padang Kota, in what was known as Tanjung
Two, by 706 votes. He also retained his Tanjung parliamentary seat by a
majority of 17,469 votes.

Caught up in the euphoria in Penang and the political turbulence of the times,
I, too, felt the government deserved a kick on the chin by the DAP.

That was not all. The DAP won 14 state seats, denying the Barisan of its
two-thirds majority and nearly formed a new state government by a whisker. It
was just three state seats short.

Lim had made his move to Penang in 1986, in what was dubbed the Tanjung One battle,
when he wrested the Tanjung parliamentary seat from the Barisan, beating Dr Koh
Tsu Koon by 4,690 votes. Besides winning the Kampong Kolam state seat, he also
helped his party win nine other state seats.

By 1995, the DAP was convinced it was ready for power. Taking a swipe at Chief
Minister Tan Sri Dr Koh Tsu Koon for being "submissive" to Umno, the people of
Penang was asked to vote in a Chief Minister With Power – the theme of the DAP
campaign.

Caricatures of Robocop, a popular movie then of a robotic character, was put up
all over the state to project Lim as the protector of the weak. But the Barisan
hit back, saying Robocop was also a killing machine.

The DAP's Try Five Years slogan to Penangites met with Barisan's Die Five
Years. In the end, Dr Koh easily defeated Lim in Tanjung Bungah by 7,487
votes.

The DAP campaign strategy was a flop. It won only one state seat against
Barisan's 32 and fingers were pointed at Penang party chief, lawyer Gooi Hock
Seng.

A fallout in the DAP soon started. Attempts were made to topple Lim, in what
was known as the Knockout Kit Siang (KOKS) campaign and soon one DAP leader
after another left the party.

The internal squabbling took its toll on the DAP and when the reformasi
movement started, the DAP thought a windfall had dropped on their laps. Through
the influence of some young turks in the party, Lim was convinced working with
PAS was the best option.

They had him believed the Chinese community supported the opposition front of
PAS, DAP, Keadilan and Parti Rakyat Malaysia. But they were wrong. The DAP was
punished by the Chinese voters in the last general election.

In a commentary, I questioned the wisdom of the DAP-PAS pact. Lim, upset with
my criticism, issued a press statement and 
telephoned me to express his feelings.

In the end, I was proven right. The DAP retained only one state seat in
Penang.

And now, in 2004, Lim is pleading with the voters of Ipoh Timor to give him a
last chance.

He has travelled to Penang and Selangor telling the Chinese voters if they
reject the DAP candidates  again, as they
did in 1999, the party would have to close shop and they would never be able to
hear them again.

The Islamic state issue, which worked against the DAP in 1999 because of its
pact with PAS, has been ironically repackaged to suit the times – vote DAP to
stop the setting up of an Islamic state ala PAS or Umno.

Parliament, the DAP leaders are saying, is filled with PAS Members of
Parliament with beards and serbans, who only extol religious virtues although Barisan
candidates are reminding their listeners the PAS MPs are there because of DAP
support.

Feedback shows the tactics have worked to some extent. Barisan campaigners have
expressed their worries that the kesian-the-DAP strategy may snowball and cause
the Barisan, especially the MCA and Gerakan, some votes.

The biggest headache for the DAP is Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi who is the
Barisan's biggest draw. When MCA and Gerakan candidates go on their walkabouts,
they are often asked by the people whether they will get to see the Prime
Minister.

Pak Lah, remains the Barisan's trump card, and his call for a strong mandate to
continue his fight against corruption and to instil integrity, accountability
and credibility has left the opposition in the corner.

No doubt, there is still plenty of fire inside Lim and DAP deputy chairman
Karpal Singh. Their ability to articulate their views on numerous issues has
put to shame many of the younger DAP leaders.

But much has changed since. The man they criticised for overstaying as Prime
Minister – Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad – has left after 22 years in office but  Lim and Karpal, both 63, are still around,
reluctant to retire.

Their political rivals have also changed with Abdullah leading the Barisan
Nasional into a general election for the first time. One of their favourite
targets, MCA's Datuk Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik has stepped down and taken over by
Datuk Seri Ong Ka Ting, who is also, for the first time, heading his party
election machinery.

PAS president Datuk Fadzil Nor has passed away and replaced by firebrand Datuk
Seri Abdul Hadi Awang, who seems bent on turning Malaysia into another
Afghanistan.

Lim and Karpal Singh earned their reputation fighting against corruption. That
thunder has been stolen from them by Abdullah, who is also fighting the same
issue this time. In Karpal Singh's own words, there are no big national issues
now.

Even the architects of the early successful DAP campaigns are gone. They are
now in different parties such as Penang's Gooi Hock Seng and Teoh Teik Huat,
who are in Keadilan or Datuk Lee Yuen Fong @ Tiger Lee of Negri Sembilan who
had joined the MCA.

A new generation, who are more concerned with the video clips on MTV, have
grown up and they know little about Lim or Karpal Singh.

As Lim walked away from us to board the plane at the airport, my daughter
enquired about Uncle Kit.

I told her that he was a brave man who dared to speak out, especially against
the corrupt, and willing to fight against the government.

But she then asked: "Isn't that being done by the Prime Minister and why would
anyone want to fight a nice man like Pak Lah?"

For the voters of Bukit Glugor and Ipoh Timor, that would be the dilemma as
they turn up on Sunday to cast their votes. Do they want to return the DAP
veterans and say no to Abdullah's agenda at the same time?

The tourists' offence: eating when Muslims were
performing their prayers.

The customers scurried off, leaving their half-eaten food, and the terrified
hawkers hid behind their stalls.

That was the first impression, and probably a lasting one, for Salim, a
seasoned journalist.

Since PAS took over Kelantan and Terengganu, it has banned unisex hair salons,
segregated men and women at supermarket checkout counters and even banned women
from performing in cultural performances for non-Muslims.

But PAS is not bothered with what Muslims in Kuala Lumpur, Penang or Johor
think about them.

Two weeks ago, PAS spiritual leader Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat objected to Parti
Rakyat Malaysia president Dr Syed Husin Ali contesting a seat in Kota
Baru.

The reason was simply because Dr Syed Husin was not Muslim enough. He said PAS
could not accept the former Universiti Malaya lecturer because of his socialist
background.

Socialism, the Kelantan Mentri Besar argued, was related to communism.

In Nik Aziz's own words: "Adik kepada komunis".

Predictably, Dr Syed Husin said he was shocked and hurt by Nik Aziz's remarks
but he did not want to clash with Nik Aziz.

Dr Syed Husin, who has never backed out of a fight with the Government, decided
to pull out of the race altogether, which could have possibly been his last
general election.

He has fought in four elections and never won any. In the 1999 elections, he
lost to Barisan Nasional's Datuk Donald Lim in Petaling Jaya Selatan, who won
with a 3,912-vote majority.

Next came the stunner from PAS president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang who vowed
that should PAS come to power, it would amend the Federal Constitution to allow
only a Muslim to become the prime minister.

It is an accepted convention among all the races in Malaysia that only a Malay
would become the prime minister. That is the political reality as Malays make
up the majority ethnic group.

The suggestion by PAS, aimed at whipping up religious sentiment, is dangerous
and would have far reaching consequences in our multi-religious, multi-ethnic and
multi-cultural society.

If only a non-Muslim can become prime minister, then it would not be possible
for Tan Sri Dr Koh Tsu Koon or Datuk Joseph Pairin Kitingan to become chief
minister of their state. It would only be reserved for PAS' mullahs.

But no one can fault PAS for being inconsistent – it has said it over and over
again that it wants to set up a theocratic country. Only Muslims would have a
role in governing the kind of Islamic country envisaged by the likes of Hadi
and Nik Aziz. Non-Muslims would be appointed to minor positions but would have
no executive role in policy making.

Seduced by the possibility of forming the federal government, the DAP readily
embraced PAS in 1990 and paid dearly for the relationship.

Power sharing has been the hallmark of the Barisan Nasional since the days of
the Alliance under the leadership of Tunku Abdul Rahman and, now, the Barisan
Nasional under Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.

Even a minor party like People's Progressive Party gets its share of the leadership
although the dominant parties like Umno, MCA and MIC could have total control.
Despite the creation of 26 new parliamentary seats, Umno asked for only 10
seats with the rest distributed among its partners.

PAS has promised that under its rule, all Malaysians would be treated equally
and there would no racial discrimination.

It may sound pleasant to many non-bumiputras except that non-Muslims would be
treated under different laws.

In fact, PAS has made it clear that affirmative action, race and religious
classification would remain. Syariah would be the supreme law of the land,
replacing the Federal Constitution.

But equally disturbing is the failure of Parti Keadilan Nasional and Parti
Rakyat Malaysia leaders to respond to Hadi's stand. The leaders of Keadilan
extol the virtues of openness but have kept their silence on these issues. The
party offers no principled position.

In 1999, a large segment of Malaysians supported the opposition because they
were fed up with the opportunistic policies of the government but now, the
opposition leaders are displaying the same opportunistic policies for political
expediency.

Despite their talk of social justice, Keadilan candidates like Tian Chua and
R.Sivarasaare too timid to criticise PAS because of realpolitik. They are more
concerned with securing votes from PAS supporters than principles.

Nik Aziz's talk of promising a passage to heaven for voting PAS can hardly
inspire confidence among non-Muslims.

It is fine for opposition candidates to talk about wanting to "make noise" in
Parliament but until now neither Keadilan nor PRM have come out with a clear
public position on numerous issues.

In a plural society, it is a tough act trying to hold the nation together. Very
few nations have the kind of track record Barisan has.

When Malaysians go to the polls on Sunday, it is not just a question whether
they want a politician who can make noise in Parliament or one who can bring
development to them.

It goes beyond. In their hands is the future of Malaysia – a progressive and
modern Malaysia or a theocratic government that runs contrary to beliefs and
culture.

Kicking off his campaign to about 800 people, an
unusually small audience to Lim, who had spoken to crowds of at least 10,000
people in his Penang campaign, reminded the people of Perak to bring back ''the
glory of Ipoh of the 1950s and 1980s.''

In the 50s, the Seenivasagam brothers, both lawyers, were firebrands from the
People's Progressive Party while in the 1980s, the DAP through big names like
P. Patto and Lau Dak Kee spearheaded the opposition.

But for many young voters, the names mean little. PPP,  headed by Datuk M. Kayveas, is in the Barisan
Nasional now and Malaysians don't know much about the party.

The past week had been tough for the DAP. 
PAS president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang described Lim and Karpal Singh
as ''outdated            medicine whose
shelf life has expired'' while the Barisan has dismissed Lim's style of
confrontational politics, saying it was no longer  relevant.

As Lim walked the streets of Ipoh, he has been telling his listeners he has his
roots in Perak, reminding them of his stay at Kamunting in Taiping when he was
detained under the Internal Security Act.

Barisan Nasional's incumbent Ipoh Timor MP Thong Fah Chong has kept hammering
home the point that he is a local boy, born and bred in the state while Lim is
from Malacca.

The Barisan camp pointed out that Lim had contested in Malacca, Selangor,
Penang, and now Perak, with the DAP splinter group-Malaysian Democratic
Party-describing him as a ''political fly'' but Lim rebutted this, saying he is
fighting for the democracy of the nation.

There is another issue of concern for Lim. Last Saturday, as he attacked the
Barisan, he also had plenty of rockets aimed at PAS' leaders Hadi Awang and Nik
Aziz as well as Parti Keadilan Nasional.

There is good reason for it. The DAP, which lost badly in the 1999 polls
because of its pact with PAS, is taking great pains to dissociate itself from
the Islamist party.

Hadi, the Terengganu Mentri Besar, did Lim a great favour when he openly attacked
Lim.  That has put a spanner into the
strategy of the Barisan, especially the MCA and Gerakan, which wants to remind
the Chinese voters of the ''unholy alliance.''

The reminders include press cuttings showing DAP leaders from Terengganu who
said they had continued working for Hadi even after the DAP left the pact in
1999 and Selangor DAP leader Teng Chang Kim saying the DAP and PAS were still
cooperating.

MCA leaders are pointing out that the open bickering in the press between DAP,
Keadilan and PAS is nothing more than a sandiwara because the statistics showed
otherwise.

The Barisan has taken out advertisements in Chinese newspapers stating that the
DAP had continued to hold hands with PAS despite announcing that it had severed
ties with PAS after 1999.

The Utusan Malaysia reported on Sunday that at least 95% of the fights in this
general election are straight fights between the Barisan and the
opposition.

The allocation of seats have been nicely carved out with PAS contesting 86
seats, DAP 44 and Keadilan 58 at parliamentary level while for state seats, PAS
has 262, Keadilan 118 and DAP 106.

The only problem for the DAP and Keadilan is that they are fighting each other
in constituencies with a Chinese majority.

While Keadilan Malay leaders have found it easier to get their seats,
especially in states where PAS is not strong, it is the other way round for the
non-Malay leaders from Keadilan.

They have been left to fend for themselves, having to square off with the DAP.
In short, it's a fight for the crumbs for these Chinese and Indian
leaders.

Over the next few days, as the political temperature soar, Lim is expected to
emphasise that he will speak up for the people in Parliament but Thong is
likely to counter that he is there for them always.

Thong is also banking on his track record, pointing out that he obtained a
RM6.2mil allocation during his tenure, with 40% going to schools and 30% to
public amenities.

Realising the importance of education, his leaflet also said that through his
work, five premier schools-the Methodist Girls School, the Main Convent, Chong
Tack, Chung Shan and La Salle- which were downgraded from Grade A to Grade B
were restored their original status.

Thong, a full-time politician with five service centres in the constituency,
has also pointed out his 100% attendance in Parliament.

MCA campaigners are also stressing that Lim is probably the country's longest
serving party leader and has refused to make way for younger leaders in the
DAP, despite professing to care about the aspirations of the young voters.  Lim is 63 while Thong is 47.

Lim, on the other hand, is banking on his past reputation as an opposition
politician. His ISA detention is his credential and he is banking on sympathy
votes for support.

There are also voters who feel that Lim would be able to perform the opposition
role better than PAS MPs, who are more concerned with heaven and hell issues
than to check the excessiveness of the government.

But those who back the Barisan feel that Lim is no longer relevant and that his
time is over. His refusal to give way to younger DAP leaders has dented his
image of wanting to voice the aspirations of young people.

The 73,325 voters of Ipoh Timor have a difficult choice. They have to choose a
youthful politician from  the Barisan,
who has served them well and enjoys direct support of the national leadership,
or respond to a call to return Lim to Parlia- ment.

This is perhaps because Malaysians comprise many
different racial, religious and social groups at various stages of development
and we tend to view issues from different perspectives, coloured by our ethnic
or religious backgrounds.

Malaysia is a lucky country in many respects.

Located like an arc across South-East Asia, away from catastrophic typhoons,
volcanoes and earthquakes and endowed with a broad range of natural resources
including oil and gas, and populated by hardworking and talented people, the
country has been fortunate to be ruled by moderate, pragmatic governments which
practise power-sharing.

Malaysia is lucky too because violence is not part of its political
culture.

True, once in a while, a fanatical, religious sect will emerge to create some
havoc and fear. But in almost all cases, their members are small in numbers,
their ideology borders on the absurd and bizarre and their activities are
quickly nipped in the bud.

Compromise and social justice are the hallmarks of the Malaysian way of life.
There is really no other choice, unless we want to risk situations like in
Northern Ireland, Nigeria, Rwanda, Chechnya or Chile under the Allende or
Pinochet regimes.

Under the Malaysian political and economic systems, every community has a voice
in decision-making and a stake in the outcome. No community can ride roughshod
over the others and no community emerges fully satisfied or empty-handed.

On certain occasions, one group may seem to be getting disproportionate
benefits from a government policy or action but most of the time, other groups
are compensated in other forms and in other situations.

Negotiations are never confrontational or held in public under the glare of the
media but always behind closed doors, where debate can be vigorous, even
bruising, but in the end everyone is conscious not to push too far as to tear
the fabric of compromise.

But despite our success and progress, Malaysians must never forget that it is
all too easy to ruin all that our founding fathers have achieved.

We are still very much a multi-racial, multi-religious society and our
political, social and economic progress is still fragile.

It would not not take much to undo our progress, substantial though it may
be.

The racial riots of May 13, 1969 are a reminder of how the irresponsible
actions of a few hotheads against the backdrop of a tense political situation
can trigger a national disaster.

That is why it's crucial for us to reject all forms of extremism, be they
racial, religious or cultural.

Extremism on one end of the scale begets extremism on the other end.

Disputes and misunderstandings, which can easily be resolved through compromise
where the parties will be able to walk away with something including their
honour, will degenerate into recriminations and hate when exploited by
extremists.

Malaysians, when casting their votes on March 21, must choose wisely. It's
their own future they are deciding on.

"I will be issuing a statement and I will leave it to the
Election Commission to decide on the nomination and polling dates," he said,
sensing the air of relief in the room.

There would be no press conference, as had been previously done, but he would
instead meet the press today after the Umno and Barisan Nasional supreme
council meetings at the Putra World Trade Centre.

As the Cabinet meeting continued, press aides began informing newspaper offices
of the decision to dissolve Parliament.

Many ministers, when contacted later, said they were relieved that Abdullah had
announced the dissolution, as they had "half-expected" the decision yesterday
with talk that Parliament would be dissolved by this weekend, before Parliament
meets on Monday.

The past few days had been stressful for most of the ministers, who comprise
many Barisan heads, as they met Abdullah separately to discuss the allocation
of seats.

Many had also started campaigning over the past month in anticipation of the
polls but there is nothing like the dissolution of Parliament to put things in
perspective.

Now, the competing parties would wait for the Election Commission to fix the
two important dates as they hurriedly add the final touches to their election
manifestoes and campaign strategies.

However, the parties are only expected to name their candidates very close to
nomination day and in some cases, no announcements would be made.

The Barisan is sending out this message to the voters this time: if you had
voted for the opposition in the 1999 elections because you were angry with the
Government, then you must vote for the Barisan this time if you agree with what
Abdullah is doing.

It has come down to a referendum for Abdullah and his agenda, particularly
against corruption and to ensure accountability, credibility and integrity in
government.

Against the background of a robust economy, bullish stock market and optimism
about the future, voters will be asked whether they approve of the plans of the
new Prime Minister.

A strong mandate is necessary to send the message to critics of Abdullah that
the people are solidly behind him and they want him to continue with his
pledges. In short, he is not alone. We will work with him.

With the young voters, said to make up over half the electorate, in mind, the
drafters of the Barisan manifesto are making sure that it will be catchy. One
theme being considered is Aman, Amanah, Berjaya Bersama. The abbreviation is
AAB – or Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.

On his campaign trail, which will kick off at his Kepala Batas home, Abdullah
is likely to travel around the country emphasising the point that Barisan is a
party for all Malaysians.

One point being used by campaigners is that although there are 26 new
parliamentary seats, Umno has only taken 10. Many areas with a high number of
Malay voters have been given to component parties in the spirit of
power-sharing.

Despite the positive factors, it won't be an easy ride for the Barisan. Unable
to find fault with Abdullah, PAS has served notice that it will target his son,
Kamaluddin, for being a shareholder of Scomi Precision Engineering Sdn Bhd in
the alleged production of components for Libya's uranium enrichment programme.
The police have cleared the company of any wrongdoing.

The stakes are high, especially in the Malay heartland, with the Islamist party
saying it wants to capture Kedah now, after having secured Kelantan and Terengganu.
Its ally, Parti Keadilan Nasional, also wants a share in Kedah.

With Abdullah's impeccable Islamic credentials, PAS will find it harder to
attack him from the religious angle although it will still try to convince its
supporters that Umno is unacceptable as far as religion is concerned.

Without doubt, Abdullah is Barisan's biggest draw card and it won't come as a
surprise if voters see more posters of him than those of the candidates when
the campaigning starts.

As the Cabinet members started leaving when the meeting ended yesterday,
Abdullah stopped them for a simple reminder: "Please forget about protocol and
listen to the people on the ground."

That is classic Abdullah.