Children admiring a Hokkien glove puppet theatre performing ‘Journey to the West’ on a portable wooden stage at the Little Penang Street Market.

Its decline has been progressive, but Penang’s Hokkien heritage is at its closest to death’s door as 2019 takes off.

LAST week, I returned to my hometown, Penang, to celebrate Chinese New Year. The family reunion meal with my father (who turns 94 this year) and (87-year-old) mother is an annual event I always look forward to.

It’s not possible to have my brothers (now in their mid-60s to 70 years old), their wives, children and grandchildren with us at the family event every time, but we get as many of them as we can. I have made it a point to host these pre-CNY meals because for the last few years, I have avoided being in Penang during the first two days of the actual celebrations.

That’s when Penang island’s roads get choked up and traffic comes to a complete standstill, the city desperately dealing with the homecoming of Penangites and tourists, especially during the second day of CNY.

The temperature on the island during the CNY season always seems to spike and at times, the scorching heat is almost unbearable. And that’s another reason why I withdraw from the otherwise lovely island during this festive period. As much as I yearn for my Penang hawker fare, I don’t want to jostle for a plate of char koay teow with tourists. But on this recent trip home, it hit me that I have become a stranger in my proud Hokkien-speaking island. The loss of the distinct northern-accented Hokkien has been apparent in the last few years but now it looks like its death may come sooner than feared.

It’s worse for a “banana” like me – a term to denote a person of Chinese origin who can’t speak or write Chinese, and instead, identifies more with Western culture. The term is derived from the fruit, which is “yellow on the outside, white on the inside”.

Those like me are regarded a disgrace to the Chinese-speaking community because I can’t read or write Chinese or speak Mandarin.

Their horror turns to disgust when I confess that I can’t even write my name in Chinese.

My decade of education was at St Xavier’s Institution, a Catholic establishment, and despite the religious background of the premier school, it had a liberal and open- minded culture that moulded most of its students, and this, us former students are enormously grateful for and proud of.

The multi-ethnic mix of the school’s population also means we had real friends from all races, developed and tested over a decade. So we always felt sorry for those who studied in Chinese, Tamil or Islamic-based schools then, because we felt their set up was mono-ethnic. And no matter how much the products of these schools claim they had friends from other races, we know they didn’t have the deep ties or bonds that those of us in English-medium schools developed.

Fast forward to 2019! Just like The Last Of The Mohicans – the James Fenimore Cooper historical novel realised in the 1992 movie about the last members of the dying Native American tribe, the Mohicans – it dawned on me last week that I could well be among the Last Of The Bananas in Malaysia.

At the Air Itam wet market, I asked for the price of the thee kuih, or kuih bakul, in Hokkein and the stall keeper, in turn, replied: “Oh, nee yau (you want) nian gao.”

A few steps away, another trader was loudly hawking ang pow packets, which, in previous times, would be referred to as “ang pow long” (red packets), but this time, I was hearing “hong bao feng”.

By the time I sat down at a coffee shop, the waiter was already taking down my order, again, in Mandarin, and quoting prices in that language, too. It was no longer “kopi” but “ka fei” now.

If there’s one clear feature that separates Penangites from the rest of the ethnic Chinese in Malaysia, it has always been the melodious Hokkien, with its rich sprinkling of Malay words that reveals its nonya-baba linguistic roots.

Penangites – at least from the older generation – are fiercely proud of their Hokkien, as it completely differs from the one spoken in Singapore, Taiwan or Xiamen in China, and even that in Melaka or Johor. Call us smug, snooty or parochial but we sometimes dismiss the Hokkien spoken elsewhere as somewhat crass and unrefined.

Only the Hokkien spoken by the Chinese in Medan closely mirrors Penang Hokkien, presumably because of the proximity between the island and the Indonesian city.

Whether rightly or wrongly, or plainly out of ignorance, Penangites feel the sing-song delivery is easier on the ears.

Words such as balai (police station), balu (just now), bangku (stool), batu (stone), cilaka/celaka (damn it), campur (to mix), jamban (toilet), gatai/gatal (itchy) gili/geli (creepy), sabun (soap) and kesian (pity), are an integral part of the Penang Hokkien dialect.

If the person is not from Penang, then he or she is likely from Kedah, Perlis or Taiping in Perak, to be able to converse in the northern-accented Hokkien. Which brings me to my point: As the daily use of the dialect is rapidly being replaced by Mandarin, I am feeling the impact the most. It is worse for the “bananas” who are feeling lost and out of place – in their home town.

It doesn’t help that many of the present Penang state and federal leaders aren’t from Penang, having been born and raised in either Melaka, Johor or Selangor.

The Penang Monthly bulletin, in its May 2017 issue, dramatically headlined the situation: “Penang Hokkien on life support”.

In an interview with the publication, Penang Hokkien Language Association secretary Ooi Kee How lamented that “our creativity, our cultural identity, will decline. A lot of innovations will disappear, because different languages shape the way we think differently.”

But the wide use of Mandarin and the decline of the dialects is not just endemic to Penang. Cantonese is spoken less in the Klang Valley, too, and is suffering the same sad fate as northern Hokkien. The random stranger who calls up, irritatingly “inviting” us to take up a loan having been “specially selected”, speaks to me in Mandarin because it’s assumed I can speak the language since I have a Chinese name. Likewise, the sales staff who stops us at the shopping mall also speaks to me in Mandarin, likely led by the same deduction.

So, as a “banana” who thinks and dreams in English, I am starting to suffer from anxiety. I am embarrassed by my inability to communicate in an important language – with huge economic value – and worse, the national language of my ancestral country.

At the rate, the Chinese language is being used, even by non-Chinese, I fear that I will be regarded illiterate in future. “Bananas” in the past ridiculed and mocked the Chinese-educated for not being able to speak English sufficiently, or roll their tongues well enough to produce the “r” sound, but now, it looks like the tables have turned on the “bananas”, instead.

A whole generation of Malaysian Chinese has been educated in Chinese schools, at least at primary level. It has been widely reported, from various surveys, that up to 90% of Chinese parents send their children to Chinese primary schools, and the balance to national medium schools.

As I have written here before, this is unlike the experience of the older generation of Penangites like me, now in their 50s, who attended schools using English as a medium of instruction. In the absence of Mandarin, we spoke mainly Hokkien and English, but people in their 30s and 40s are more comfortable conversing in Mandarin, and certainly not English.

Then there is the huge impact of Chinese TV shows, especially on Astro. They are entirely in Mandarin – with shows from mainland China and Taiwan – and Hokkien, which is spoken in a manner closer to that used in Melaka, Johor and Singapore.

It’s no surprise that the sales staff at malls also expect the Chinese community to speak Mandarin, and understandably, they will begin the conversation in Mandarin – because you are expected to know the language.

There is also the impact of China as the new economic powerhouse of Asia, if not the world. Mandarin has become the dominant language with economic value, and certainly prestige. That’s how it is now, but this may well come at the expense of a rich heritage.

The harsh reality is that the unique “sing-song” style of Penang Hokkien might no longer be heard decades from now if this frightening trend continues. Even worse, what’s certain is that the “bananas” will be history very soon.

Well, what can I say, except to wish you “xin nian kwai le” (happy new year) and “gong xi fa cai” (may you attain greater wealth) this festive season!

IT’S less than three weeks to the Chinese New Year, but the consensus feels there is less festive excitement in the air, and that, for most of our country folk, simply means money is tight.

Ordinary Malaysians feel they don’t have enough to spend, yet most are pleased that they still have jobs. Their bosses are unlikely to be generous with increments, and in many cases, there are no bonuses even. Employers are struggling to achieve their targets as they grapple with last year’s poor financial results, and the seemingly bleak start to the first month of 2019.

The ringgit remains weak, causing operating costs to shoot up for many companies which need to settle their debts for materials purchased in US dollars. Previously, in a limp economy, the country could depend on crude oil and palm oil’s yield, but both are now down, and this has put Malaysia in a tight spot. Against this backdrop, we have a new government struggling to keep its operations intact as it tries to reconcile with the insanely huge amount of money stolen.

Four months from now, the Pakatan Harapan government will turn a year old. The perception, rightly or wrongly, is that the Prime Minister is single-handedly managing the country, and that the learning curve has been rather steep for many ministers, resulting in slow progress.

A few ministers, in the eyes of the people, aren’t performing as expected or seem slotted in the “wrong” ministerial portfolios. A couple, or perhaps more, are still fearful of meeting the media, the assumption made that they lack confidence in responding to questions, especially with portfolios technical in nature. It doesn’t help that some aloof ministers refuse to seek the support of their long-serving secretary-generals, foolishly thinking they know better.

And of course, certain ministers are still in opposition mode, evidenced by their body language and sarcastic remarks – which smack of arrogance – at press conferences and meetings. They prefer to discredit their political opponents, and even members of the media, forgetting that the general election is long over. These are the unfortunate ones who haven’t moved on and have failed to rally the civil servants and media to move forward. Everything must be seen through a political prism, and they live in the make-belief world of political agendas and shadows.

Patience is running thin, especially with the economy not chugging along well enough. After all, no good news on the economy seems to be in sight, and it doesn’t help that some of us are defensive about it. Ministers can talk about inherited problems for a while, but come May, few of us will still pay attention to the repeated rhetoric.

The World Bank recently forecasted Malaysia’s RM1.41 trillion economy to grow at 4.7% this year, and to slow down to 4.6% next year. In its January 2019 Global Economic Prospects report titled “Darkening Skies”, the World Bank reported that Malaysia’s lower public investment is weighing on growth, reflecting the completion of several infrastructure projects and a more prudent approach with new ones.

In contrast to the regional trend, import growth in Malaysia has been weak, mirroring flagging demand for capital goods imports combined with lower imports of intermediate goods, the bank said.

The report also highlighted Malaysia’s pockets of vulnerabilities, including high levels of public and private debt, external debt, and foreign participation in local-currency sovereign bond markets. Adding insult to injury, the cost of rising import tariffs may be magnified by Malaysia’s involvement in complex global value chains.

Externally, the World Bank report noted global economic growth is projected to soften from a downwardly revised 3% in 2018 to 2.9% in 2019, amid rising downside risks to the outlook. Growth among advanced economies is expected to drop to 2% this year.

Slowing external demand, rising borrowing costs, and persistent policy uncertainties are likely to weigh in on the outlook for emerging market and developing economies, said the report. And many of us are praying that 76-year-old Jim Rogers, the influential fund manager and commentator, is completely wrong with his prophecy of a crash that will be “the biggest in my lifetime.”

Unfortunately, in Malaysia, there is a lack of focus. We still spend hours upon hours of unproductive time, especially on social media, speculating on divisive political gossip and their relevant personalities. Our country’s greatest challenge this year is having unwavering focus on the economy, because we need to deal with economic reforms and propel our financial growth.

There is an urgent need to realign our energy and set a clear direction and commit to economic openness. Right now, not many of us can tell which economic sectors should be key revenue streams, or how the government and private sectors can work together to identify these essential areas. We need a shake-up pronto.

The Council of Eminent Persons has carried out preliminary work, and the time has come for Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad to set up a council involving all the stakeholders, accelerate the economy, brave the incoming storms and take us on a leap to the next step. It doesn’t matter if it’s not called the National Economic Advisory Council: what we need is an institution that can put national interest above the narrow-vested interests of politicians, and, help make recommendations to our leaders.

The government must be seen putting things in order, and it needs all the help it can get from Malaysians. It can’t only draw from the experiences of Dr Mahathir and Tun Daim Zainuddin, while novice ministers await divine intervention.

Certain ministries, for example, are revenue earners, so they need to engage more with the private sector and media to galvanise their plans. A case in point, Visit Malaysia Year is next year, but is the world aware of our great welcome, if there even is one? Forget the foreigners, do we even know about this big event, especially with it likely involving all Malaysians as ambassadors?

From the Home Ministry instructing immigration officers to stop frowning and start smiling, to the local authorities keeping the cities sparkling clean, all of us must be a part of it. These are low hanging fruits, and, even the Health Ministry can be involved in attracting medical tourists. But are we still pegged back by archaic laws that forbid advertisement by doctors, while a neighbour like Thailand has long progressed beyond us?

There is a real problem – unclear leadership, fear and indecision – but Malaysians must band together to ride through these choppy waters. The reality is that the economy has always been the fulcrum of politics and its focus is a key criterion on how the government runs the country. We need to present optimism and positivity in our narratives, because we have plenty of good stories to tell the world about why they must come to Malaysia. Please visit us and see for yourselves what a fabulous country we are.

Of course, this doesn’t mean ignoring 1MDB’s problems because they are colossal and can’t be settled in mere months. Fugitive financier Jho Low is still at large, but our government is trying to regain some of the losses he incurred. In the end, it’s the pockets of the voters that matter. American political strategist James Carville, during the 1992 presidential campaign for Bill Clinton, aptly coined the now infamous phrase – “It’s the economy, stupid.”

OVER the coming days, the Keeper of the Rulers’ Seal, Tan Sri Syed Danial Syed Ahmad, will fulfil the duty of sending out letters to the nine Rulers, informing them of the election of the new Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

He is the only official in Malaysia who has custody and can use the Rulers’ Seal of Malaysia on behalf of the Conference of Rulers.

He is the secretary to the Rulers and oversees the scripted meetings three times a year, or at the request of the King.

His most publicly-visible role is to announce the start of the fasting period for the month of Ramadan and the dates for Hari Raya.

Syed Danial, a quiet and unassuming man, keeps a low profile. He carries out his duties professionally and competently. Ironically, he comes from Penang, a state without a Malay Ruler, and speaks Hokkien.

As Keeper of the Royal Seal – the symbol of traditional authority of the royal institution in Malaysia – he is tasked with carrying out the country’s unique election among the Rulers, and this time around, following a situation which arose from an exclusive set of circumstances recently.

It is unprecedented as no king in the country’s history has ever relinquished his responsibilities midway into his service. Sultan Muhammad V became the first Malaysian king to abdicate after just two years on the throne, his five-year tenure uncompleted.

Against this backdrop of upheaval, speculation was rife that the Sultan of Pahang, Sultan Ahmad Shah, 88, who is in declining health, may also step down.

Then on Friday, the Pahang Royal Council met to discuss the possibility of the Regent of Pahang, Tengku Abdullah Sultan Ahmad Shah, ascending as Sultan of Pahang. The meeting at a hotel in Kuala Lumpur lasted four hours.

Yesterday, it was announced that the Regent of Pahang, Tengku Abdullah Sultan Ahmad Shah, will be the sixth Sultan of Pahang on Jan 15.

This was made public by Tengku Muda Pahang Tengku Abdul Rahman Al-Haj ibni Sultan Haji Ahmad Shah at Istana Abu Bakar in Pekan on Saturday.

The nation will see Tengku Abdullah’s installation as the sixth modern Sultan of Pahang, effectively paving the way for his candidacy as the 16th Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

Based on a rotation system, the next in line – after Kelantan – is Pahang’s Sultan Ahmad Shah, followed by Sultan Ibrahim Sultan Iskandar of Johor and then Sultan Nazrin Shah of Perak. But none of these Rulers will automatically assume the throne since their brother Rulers still need to vote.

The election is carried out by a secret ballot. The ballot papers are not numbered, but are marked with the same pen and ink, and are inserted into a ballot box. Only the Rulers participate in the election.

A Ruler may appoint another Ruler as his proxy to vote on his behalf if he is unable to attend the election meeting – and on the upcoming Jan 24 meeting, it is believed the Sultan of Kelantan is likely to give the proxy vote to a Ruler.

Although there are only nine Rulers, there is a great deal of secrecy involved in the polling procedure – the Keeper of the Rulers’ Seal distributes the ballot with only one candidate.

It is very simple – each Ruler is requested to indicate a candidate’s suitability for election as Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

The Sultan of Kedah, being the most junior Ruler, is appointed to count the ballot papers together with the Keeper of the Rulers’ Seal.

Sultan Sallehuddin Ibni Almarhum Sultan Badlishah was installed as the 29th Sultan of Kedah in October. He will not be listed as nominee for the office of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

In fact, the Conference of Rulers made a video of the election process, which now sits in RTM’s archives.

The nominee must have obtained at least five votes before the Ruler presiding over the Election Meeting offers him the office of Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

If the successful nominee declines the offer, or the nominated Ruler fails to secure the required votes, the voting process is repeated with the nomination of the Ruler next in line.

The process is completed only after a Ruler has accepted the offer of the office of Yang di-Pertuan Agong and the Conference declares the Ruler as the Yang di-Pertuan Agong for the next five years.

The ballot papers are destroyed in the presence of the Rulers as soon as the result of the election is announced – in this case, the papers are burnt.

The decision of the Rulers is first made known to the Prime Minister, and Speakers of the Dewan Rakyat and Dewan Negara respectively, before it is announced to the public.

While there is an election, the nine Rulers do not campaign, unlike politicians. In fact, the general sentiment of the Rulers is that they prefer the traditional method of rotation. But in the past, some elder Rulers have corresponded between themselves to evaluate a Ruler’s interest in the role, as a matter of courtesy and to avoid potential embarrassment.

It needs to be pointed out that many of the Rulers are also related in some way because of inter-marriages within the royal households.

It must be recognised that our Malay monarchy dates to the 15th century, and is steeped in tradition and history, with great emphasis on the respect for adat, or local customs and traditions as observed by the Malays. Protocol is carried out with great care, and Rulers are expected to respect these traditions.

But while the election of the King is entirely the prerogative of the nine Rulers – excluding the Prime Minister, Mentri Besar and for sure, the public – the royal institution has now found itself grappling with the emergence of social media.

They have found themselves being scrutinised, and even subjected to criticism. Unflattering pictures have appeared, but there’s nothing much they can do about it.

While there are rules to punish Malaysians for crossing the line, the reality is that social media is now a global platform, and policing comments posted on the institution is a Herculean task.

In some ways, the institution has taken a beating with the public having expressed their displeasure over the seemingly unlimited conferment of titles such as Datuk and Datuk Seri, which has apparently made Malaysia the country with the most titled people.

Then, there are the regular outbursts on elected representatives and certain royalty enjoying lavish lifestyles at the expense of taxpayers.

But the role of our Rulers is certainly relevant and important, especially since our political institutions are weak, what with the constant bickering and the rise of extreme racial politics, where our politicians have not only failed to put a stop to these disturbing trends, but worse, have joined in this ugly culture.

Then, there is the increasing call for Malaysia to become an Islamic state and again, our politicians, worried about losing most Malay votes, cannot be counted on to make a stand.

The minority in Malaysia, ironically, can only look to the Malay Rulers to speak up and protect the existing system and structure.

At least four Rulers – the Sultan of Selangor, the Sultan of Johor, the Sultan of Perak and the Negri Sembilan Yang di-Pertuan Besar – have consistently spoken up on the importance of moderation and the need to respect our rights as Malaysians.

The election of the new King is not just being followed by Malaysians, but the world as well, and the nine Rulers will have a heavy task ahead in choosing a new King.

Of national interest: The Conference of Rulers – comprising the nine rulers, and governors or Yang di-Pertua Negeri of the other four states – meets three times a year to deliberate on matters of national policy.

THIS may have escaped many of us, but our Rulers – be they the King or Sultans of the nine Malay states – are bound by certain rules and regulations, including taking leave, as ordinary Malaysians do.

For example, if any of them were to go on leave of absence for more than 30 days, the Sultan would have to appoint his Regent to handle his duties.

Before doing so, the Ruler must inform the Council of Rulers, which will consequently make an official announcement of his plans.

The Mentri Besar will be informed of the appointment of the Regent (to take over the Sultan’s duties), as the MB would need to meet him before the weekly state executive council meetings.

So, the Ruler can’t just pack his bags and leave for more than 30 days without revealing his plans.

At the federal level, the King, too, must appoint another Ruler to exercise the duties of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, if he wishes to go on leave for a stipulated period.

So, during the absence of Yang di-Pertuan Agong Sultan Muhammad V for two months recently, the Sultan of Perak, Sultan Nazrin Muizzuddin Shah, took over the duties of His Majesty. Sultan Nazrin is the Deputy Yang di-Pertuan Agong. And for two months, Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad was required to seek an audience with Sultan Nazrin to brief him on the Cabinet papers.

As part of his duties, the King, or Acting King, is required to read up the voluminous Cabinet papers every week.

Last week, in a rare ceremony – the significance of which was lost on many Malaysians – Sultan Nazrin left Istana Negara, two months after exercising the duties of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

Sultan Nazrin, and Raja Permaisuri Perak, Tuanku Zara Salim, attended a departure ceremony before leaving the palace grounds about 5pm on Dec 31.

The ceremony, held at Dewan Seri Maharaja, began with Dr Mahathir reading out the letter of thanks before Sultan Nazrin, followed by the presentation of souvenirs by the prime minister and his wife, Dr Siti Hasmah Mohamad Ali, to the royal couple.

About 500 officials and staff of Istana Negara waved the royal couple off as they left the palace grounds for Istana Hinggap Perak.

Not many of us will remember or care about the event, but it was historic.

Like all ordinary Malaysians, our Rulers are required to perform certain roles, beyond their ceremonial functions.

While we have KPI (key performance indicators) and appraisals (conducted by our superiors), in the case of the King, he will be judged by his fellow Rulers.

The Conference of Rulers – comprising the nine rulers, and governors or Yang di-Pertua Negeri of the other four states – meets three times a year to deliberate on matters of national policy.

It is truly a unique institution, which is officially established by Article 38 of the Federal Constitution, and is the only such institution in the world, according to the Malaysian National Library.

Malaysia is also the only country where the Rulers elect the King and his deputy every five years or when the positions fall vacant (either through death, resignation, or removal from office).

In between, the Rulers can also meet among themselves for special purposes to discuss matters of paramount importance – without the presence of the mentris besar, Chief Ministers and governors – as they did last week.

What is of public interest is Article 38 (6), that “the members of the Conference of Rulers may act in their discretion in any proceedings relating to the following functions, that is to say –

1. the election or removal from office of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong or the election of the Timbalan Yang di-Pertuan Agong;
2. the advising on any appointment;
3. The Yang di-Pertuan Agong shall be elected by the Conference of Rulers for a term of five years but may at any time resign from his office by writing in his hand addressed to the Conference of Rulers or be removed from office by the Conference of Rulers, and shall no longer hold office on ceasing to be a Ruler;
4. The provisions of Part I and III of the Third Schedule shall apply to the election and removal of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

In our history, Kings have died while in office, including the Yang di-Pertuan Besar of Negri Sembilan, Tuanku Abdul Rahman Tuanku Muhammad, who was installed as Malaysia’s first King on Sept 2, 1957. He died in office on April 1, 1960. All of us must know him as it is his portrait that is on all Malaysian ringgit notes.

The nation’s 11th Yang di-Pertuan Agong, Sultan Salahuddin Abdul Aziz Shah, also died in office. Sultan Salahuddin, who was then Sultan of Selangor, passed away in November 2001.

But it will be unprecedented if any King would step down midway, either on his own or by being removed by his fellow Rulers, as allowed under the Federal Constitution.

Under Articles 32 and 33, Part 1 of the Third Schedule, on the election of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong,

1. A Ruler is qualified to be elected King unless:

2. The Conference of Rulers shall offer the office of Yang di-Pertuan Agong to the Ruler qualified for election whose State is first on the election list described in section 4 (of the Federal Constitution) and, if he does not accept the office, to the Ruler whose State is next on the list, and so until a Ruler accepts the office.

In matters with such seriousness and deep ramifications, the Rulers would want to decide on the future of the institution on their own. Political leaders would have no say, and it will be up to them if they wish to keep to the tradition of convention in the unique rotational system or begin something unprecedented.

The Federal Constitution is clear – the Rulers have full discretion – “the election or removal from the office of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, or the election of the Timbalan Yang di-Pertuan Agong; The advising on any appointment.”

The events that will unfold over the coming weeks will be of national interest.