This unhappiness has continued with most urban voters refusing to accept the reasons given by the Education Minister, believing instead that politics is the reason behind the decision.

There were subtle threats of punishing the Barisan Nasional government in the polls but PAS and PKR, both Malay-based parties, also quickly stated their stand against continuing the policy.

A Malay non-governmental organisation, Jaringan Melayu Malaysia (JMM), had revealed that its survey of 27,200 parents, mostly Malays, found 55% wanted the PPSMI to be retained compared to only 13% who didn’t. Of these respondents, 15,000 were rural parents. But Malay groups, and certainly Malay-based parties, had found their own surveys telling them the opposite.

With a general election looming, winning the hearts and minds of the predominantly Malay voters has become the focus of the competing Malay-based parties.

The fact is that of the 222 parliamentary seats, only 46 are Chinese majority and there is not even a single constituency with an Indian majority.

The three main parties, Umno, PAS and PKR, have all stepped up their posturing as defenders of the Malay/Muslim votes, well aware that while they need the support of the other communities, they cannot ignore the sentiments of the Malay voters.

So when DAP publicity chief Tony Pua said that if Pakatan Rakyat formed the next federal government, it would trim down the civil service – majority of whom are Malays – his allies had to scramble to do damage control.

Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and senior PAS leaders had to quickly douse the fire, denying that there was such a plan.

The opposition leaders have been on tenterhooks since the fiasco by PAS deputy president Mohamed Sabu, who allegedly described communist guerrillas involved in the 1950s Bukit Kepong incident as freedom fighters.

With many Malay families having at least one relative in the police, army or other uniformed unit, Mat Sabu’s remarks cost the Pakatan Rakyat a huge chunk of votes. Since then, the usually fiery speaker has remained quiet, and PAS is hoping that the anger against him will soon die out.

The Islamist party has also abandoned its attempt to project a more liberal image and has gone back to talking about hudud laws and the Islamic state and banning concerts to retain its core supporters.

As for Anwar, on the one hand, he is telling his Chinese audience that hudud laws are not part of Pakatan’s policy. On the other, he is telling the Malay audience that he backs the implementation of hudud laws, putting the DAP in a spot as PAS has said it couldn’t care less if the DAP agrees or not.

The DAP seems to be helpless over the issue with its leaders saying they have “agreed to disagree” over the implementation of hudud laws. PAS claims it would not affect non-Malays but this is a fallacy because it will extend beyond family and religious laws.

In criminal matters, when a case involves a Muslim and a non-Muslim, if hudud is chosen, it will clearly put the latter in a spot. One example is sex offences where four witnesses are required.

Only DAP lawyer Karpal Singh seems to acknowledge the difficult path ahead.

The fight over Malay votes has continued with DAP’s Lim Guan Eng coming out to say that if Pakatan wins, Anwar will be the prime minister. It is a move to allay fear among non-Muslim voters as PAS is eyeing the post.

There has been muted response from PAS as it is an open secret that its president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang wants to be PM.

Lim has insisted that Anwar would be PM “even if he is in jail (if convicted for sodomy charges)”, but the point is, if Anwar is going to be PM, then he wouldn’t be in jail.

Most non-Muslims wouldn’t blink over the Seksualiti Merdeka issue as they are aware that the event is not a gay orgy as claimed by some media.

Many of us find the hysterical reaction to be lacking compassion and even ridiculous, but this is the silly season. It was a case of wrong timing and political naivete on the part of the organisers. After all, the event has been held for the past two years without any controversy.

But human rights lawyer Datuk Ambiga Sreenevasan, who was invited to open the forum, is seen as an opposition figure, and with Anwar’s sodomy trial coming to a conclusion soon, the timing could not have been worse.

Well aware of the Muslim psyche and sentiments, PAS swiftly joined in to criticise the gay rights event.

The much-touted 11.11.11 date, which many thought would see the dissolution of Parliament, is over and with Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak himself saying that polls would not be held this year, the run-up campaign looks set to be a draggy affair.

Even now, the posturing, rhetoric, accusations and lies are becoming tiresome, and the polls could still be very far away, possibly in mid-2012.

This unhappiness has continued with most urban voters refusing to accept the reasons given by the Education Minister, believing instead that politics is the reason behind the decision.

There were subtle threats of punishing the Barisan Nasional government in the polls but PAS and PKR, both Malay-based parties, also quickly stated their stand against continuing the policy.

A Malay non-governmental organisation, Jaringan Melayu Malaysia (JMM), had revealed that its survey of 27,200 parents, mostly Malays, found 55% wanted the PPSMI to be retained compared to only 13% who didn’t. Of these respondents, 15,000 were rural parents. But Malay groups, and certainly Malay-based parties, had found their own surveys telling them the opposite.

With a general election looming, winning the hearts and minds of the predominantly Malay voters has become the focus of the competing Malay-based parties.

The fact is that of the 222 parliamentary seats, only 46 are Chinese majority and there is not even a single constituency with an Indian majority.

The three main parties, Umno, PAS and PKR, have all stepped up their posturing as defenders of the Malay/Muslim votes, well aware that while they need the support of the other communities, they cannot ignore the sentiments of the Malay voters.

So when DAP publicity chief Tony Pua said that if Pakatan Rakyat formed the next federal government, it would trim down the civil service – majority of whom are Malays – his allies had to scramble to do damage control.

Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and senior PAS leaders had to quickly douse the fire, denying that there was such a plan.

The opposition leaders have been on tenterhooks since the fiasco by PAS deputy president Mohamed Sabu, who allegedly described communist guerrillas involved in the 1950s Bukit Kepong incident as freedom fighters.

With many Malay families having at least one relative in the police, army or other uniformed unit, Mat Sabu’s remarks cost the Pakatan Rakyat a huge chunk of votes. Since then, the usually fiery speaker has remained quiet, and PAS is hoping that the anger against him will soon die out.

The Islamist party has also abandoned its attempt to project a more liberal image and has gone back to talking about hudud laws and the Islamic state and banning concerts to retain its core supporters.

As for Anwar, on the one hand, he is telling his Chinese audience that hudud laws are not part of Pakatan’s policy. On the other, he is telling the Malay audience that he backs the implementation of hudud laws, putting the DAP in a spot as PAS has said it couldn’t care less if the DAP agrees or not.

The DAP seems to be helpless over the issue with its leaders saying they have “agreed to disagree” over the implementation of hudud laws. PAS claims it would not affect non-Malays but this is a fallacy because it will extend beyond family and religious laws.

In criminal matters, when a case involves a Muslim and a non-Muslim, if hudud is chosen, it will clearly put the latter in a spot. One example is sex offences where four witnesses are required.

Only DAP lawyer Karpal Singh seems to acknowledge the difficult path ahead.

The fight over Malay votes has continued with DAP’s Lim Guan Eng coming out to say that if Pakatan wins, Anwar will be the prime minister. It is a move to allay fear among non-Muslim voters as PAS is eyeing the post.

There has been muted response from PAS as it is an open secret that its president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang wants to be PM.

Lim has insisted that Anwar would be PM “even if he is in jail (if convicted for sodomy charges)”, but the point is, if Anwar is going to be PM, then he wouldn’t be in jail.

Most non-Muslims wouldn’t blink over the Seksualiti Merdeka issue as they are aware that the event is not a gay orgy as claimed by some media.

Many of us find the hysterical reaction to be lacking compassion and even ridiculous, but this is the silly season. It was a case of wrong timing and political naivete on the part of the organisers. After all, the event has been held for the past two years without any controversy.

But human rights lawyer Datuk Ambiga Sreenevasan, who was invited to open the forum, is seen as an opposition figure, and with Anwar’s sodomy trial coming to a conclusion soon, the timing could not have been worse.

Well aware of the Muslim psyche and sentiments, PAS swiftly joined in to criticise the gay rights event.

The much-touted 11.11.11 date, which many thought would see the dissolution of Parliament, is over and with Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak himself saying that polls would not be held this year, the run-up campaign looks set to be a draggy affair.

Even now, the posturing, rhetoric, accusations and lies are becoming tiresome, and the polls could still be very far away, possibly in mid-2012.

We all know that many of our university lecturers are in the same boat too, as well as some of our politicians and senior government servants. For them, it is a struggle to speak in English.

A letter, presumably written by an examiner or a parent, that appeared in this newspaper’s education section last Sunday startled me. The writer made a comparison between our 2011 Penilaian Menengah Rendah (PMR) English paper and the 2011 International Competitions and Assessments for Schools (ICAS) English Reading Paper.

The latter is used to test students’ English proficiency in private and international schools, which have increasingly become the choice of urban Malaysian parents who can afford to send their children there.

Giving detailed comparisons, the writer claimed that the PMR English paper taken by our 15-year-olds is much easier than those taken by Year Four Malaysian students in private and international schools and Year Three Singaporean pupils in similar schools.

“How can we expect our local students to compete with students from other countries if the standard of English in our PMR exam is even lower than the standard of English required for Year Four pupils in private and international schools?” he asked.

In short, the PMR English paper is too easy. We have long cast doubts on the quality of our students who earn a string of distinctions. We hear grumbles that in some papers such as Physics, the grading is so ridiculously low you just need to answer a few questions to get the A, but that’s another story.

Older Malaysians – those who sat for Senior Cambridge (Form 5), Lower Certificate of Education (LCE) for Form Three, Malaysian Certificate of Education (MCE) for Fifth Formers and the Higher School Certificate (HSC) for Form Six – will vouch that the standard of English was much higher then.

The Prime Minister and his deputy Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin are products of the early education system which has enabled them to speak and write well in English. It is such a joy, for example, to listen to Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak delivering a speech in crisp English.

We know that much of the Cabinet deliberations are conducted in English. So are the Cabinet committee meetings, where most ministers find it more comfortable to express themselves in English.

When they attend international conferences, one or two ministers whose command of English is described as atrocious still have to use the language, but they would just read from a prepared text.

In a tweet last week, prominent human rights lawyer Malik Imtiaz lamented the poor English in the written judgment of a Judicial Commissioner. The legal reasoning was equally bad. This is sad because the Malaysian legal system is primarily based on English common law and most students have to use English textbooks.

I have just returned from India where I attended an international conference on the advertising industry. It was a joy to listen to people there – from the emcee, former Miss World Diana Hayden, to Bollywood actor Shah Rukh Khan to leaders of the industry – speak in English with confidence, eloquence and wit and without referring to a prepared text.

These people are able to speak so well because India has not allowed its nationalists to tear down the legacy of the British education system in the name of nationalism and race. Yes, there are millions in India who can only speak Hindi or other dialects but English remains in a dominant position.

In Singapore, the medium of instruction in schools is English and to ensure that the young get the best education, teachers are among the best paid in the island republic’s civil service.

Certainly, those given the responsibility to nurture, teach and inspire young minds deserve the best, but let the best join the profession and keep out the mediocre.

The DPM has said it would not be possible to use English in teaching Science and Mathematics (PPSMI), citing possible chaotic situations if parents were given the option to decide if they wished to use English or Bahasa Malaysia.

He said some teachers were not efficient in teaching English and that it would also be hard for the Education Ministry to plan.

I think these are sound and valid reasons but we must also look for other options. It is not a zero sum game. We should not see the controversy from a “them and us” situation. Neither do we want politicians and groups to cloud the issue further by using race to silence proponents of the PPSMI.

We can introduce English Literature in schools and also increase the teaching hours in English as the next step. Even Physical Education, Art and Moral Studies classes can be taught in English.

We will go nowhere if we continue to cite lack of English teachers as the reason why we cannot move forward. The situation we are in is a reflection of the failure of our education system as far as English is concerned. It is a statement of our lack of commitment.

Let’s hire teachers and trainers from India and other Commonwealth countries, compile a data bank of retired teachers who still want to contribute, and even graduates who are keen to teach English in schools.

For urban parents, the option should not be the private and international schools. Haven’t our children been divided by the different schools they go to already? The last thing we want to do is to create a class system where the better-off go to private schools while the less privileged have to settle for national schools.

That short flirtation has ended and it has now decided to return to its conservative image, rudely awakened by the reality that it was more important to try to hold on to its jewels – Kelantan and Kedah – and that hardcore supporters were loudly voicing their dissatisfaction.

It now wants to be recognised for its main objectives – setting up an Islamic state and implementing hudud laws – and will surely have no tolerance for rock concerts, which it has dismissed as hedonistic.

PAS surely does not want to see its Malay votes, the deciding factor, slipping away for non-Muslim votes.

So it is now back to making the wearing of headscarves compulsory for women and punishing those who disobey the rule in Kelantan, and banning the setting up of cinemas in Bangi, Selangor, simply because a PAS state assemblyman objected.

And the party is not even the dominant player in the Selangor government.

No one can deny that, except for that brief experiment, PAS has always been consistent with its Islamist objectives and has never strayed from its purpose of wanting to set up a religious and puritanical society.

For many, due to their anger with the Barisan Nasional as well as for political expediency, they are prepared to pretend decisions made by PAS will not affect them, brushing them off as minor matters or merely distractions for a larger interest.

That was what the Iranians thought when they dumped their Western-backed but corrupt monarch for the ayatollahs. Thirty-two years later, however, many are wondering whether they gave up their human rights and secular lifestyles too.

There is an elected government in Iran but it is the theologians who call the shots, invoking laws in the name of religion and according to their interpretations, which not many of the faithful are prepared to challenge.

In the case of the minorities, their voices are easily suppressed and they are dismissed curtly for their religious ignorance.

Even in Tunisia, after the euphoria of its recent first elections, secular Tunisians are wary about the Islamist-dominated assembly and fear that their civil rights legislation will be reversed.

In Malaysia, we could head down that dangerous road if we are not careful because some of us are being convinced that PAS alone cannot redraw our legal systems.

PAS has decided to go ahead with the implementation of hudud laws in Kelantan, claiming that non-Muslims would not be affected.

One does not need a doctorate in law to know that there can never be two kinds of laws, particularly in civil and criminal matters. So there is no such thing as hudud laws would not affect non-Muslims.

The PAS Supporters Club has been jolted and it is finally realising that this was not part of the bargain.

Better late than never, it can be said, but then the PAS Supporters Club had organised tours to Kelantan and persuaded voters to elect more PAS candidates by claiming non-Muslims would not be affected, thank you very much.

Any objection to PAS’ agenda these days risk being rubbished as propaganda, abused, rebutted or named-called as abuses involving the Barisan. Objecting is surely not for those wanting to seek popularity.

The point is any secular party, whether Umno, the MCA, the DAP, PKR or PPP, would be a better pick than one whose politicians masquerade as religious leaders, insinuating that their words cannot be questioned because they are “men of God”.

Malaysia may not have the best system but we have one that works and functions. There are politicians who claim we are already an Islamic country but the Federal Constitution is pretty clear about the fact that we are still secular. Our legal system is also pretty clear and intact.

For sure, I cannot take seriously those who think Elton John’s song Can You Feel The Love Tonight, soundtrack for the film The Lion King, could be a gay anthem. By the way, one of his hit songs is Don’t Let The Sun Go Down On Me – it’s sun, not son.

Singapore continues to stage top musicals and concerts in a move to promote itself as a city with top class entertainment. The island republic is doing this so cleverly and has even positioned booths selling tickets in busy Orchard Road, just like in London’s Leicester Square.

Sistic, the leading ticketing agent for Singapore’s arts, entertainment and sporting events, has also appointed local representatives in cities across the region, including Kuala Lumpur.

In short, cities like Seoul and Singapore see the value in having clean evening entertainment for locals and tourists. In Malaysia, however, it’s a struggle for those who are trying to do the same thing.

Faced with anything from bureaucratic red tape and political-religious pressure to a non-supportive government and private sector, concert promoters must sometimes wonder why they are in the business at all.

Every promoter, whether for a local or foreign act, seems to have a story to tell, usually a negative one. They have to go through so many layers of bureaucracy and Little Napoleons who just do not understand that their action, or lack of it, is frustrating the work of promoters.

From the compulsory requirement to submit scripts to complying with Finance Ministry regulations, it is a near nightmare.

In South Korea, the tie-up between K-pop and corporations like LG, Samsung, and Hyundai has helped to market their products globally and the government to reap benefits from tourism.

Two musicals – Datin Seri Tiara Jacquelina’s The Secret Life of Nora and The Star’s In Perfect Harmony – have dominated Kuala Lumpur’s theatre scene for the past two weeks.

In both cases, they were made for love of the local theatre, and in The Star’s case to also commemorate the newspaper’s 40th anniversary. Certainly, making money was not the aim.

A show like Nora would need to run for months in order to break even. Unfortunately, too, there is only one venue that can house a production of this scale, and because the policy is to share the pie among as many people as possible, the organisers always get a limited run. So it’s impossible to recover costs from just one season.

What many don’t realise is that staging a production for a second season involves just as much cost as the first time round. While cost for elements like costumes and sets are fortunately lower, there are still the monthly rental for storage, wear and tear, and repair costs to consider every time the set is taken apart and put together again.

Other cost factors like sound and lights also place a huge burden on production companies as these features do not come with the venue. For Nora, the total expenditure for the sound department alone was more than RM700,000, says Tiara.

Needless to say, ticket sales for most local shows can’t even cover this cost.

For both musicals, there were corporate sponsors but each time organisers want to stage a show, it will be a never-ending round of sales pitches, promotions and promises just to seek sponsorship.

If there is a foreign talent coming in at the same time, like the David Foster and Friends Live in Malaysia Concert 2011, the sponsors could choose to put their budget behind that act. It is never easy to convince corporate Malaysia that investing in a home-grown product has its benefits.

Anyone who has managed to watch Nora and In Perfect Harmony would be convinced that they were class acts and that had a bigger budget been available, they could have easily matched West End/Broadway standards.

But Malaysia can do it if the Government, all the way from the top, makes the arts part of its creative and innovation programme in its national agenda. The policy needs to be clear and have to be discussed with people in the industry to make it workable. Corporations need to know what’s in it for them if they support arts-related products as part of their Corporate Social Responsibility. There are tax relief schemes available now but such information has not been widely circulated.

Companies like SP Setia, Maxis, Berjaya, UOB, Celcom and Naza Motor, to name a few, have always given their support for local musicals.

In the words of Tiara, who has produced musicals like Puteri Gunung Ledang and P. Ramlee – the Musical, all of which set new benchmarks, they need our help to keep the passion burning.

So let’s support the likes of Tiara, Dama Orchestra and talents like Douglas Lim and Harith Iskandar.

Support must come not just from the Govern­ment and big companies but also from ordinary Malaysians, especially the well-heeled. Buy tickets for yourself and friends. Don’t ask for free tickets from the organisers and promoters!

In the Maxis-Aircel deal, Dayanidhi is said to have pressured businessman C. Sivan­sankaran – a former owner of Aircel – to sell his stake in Aircel to MCB. In return, as a reward, Astro – owned by Ananda – would buy a 20% stake in Sun TV, owned by Dayanidhi’s elder brother Kalanithi. Sivasankaran claimed that he was forced to sell his shares at “below the prevailing market price”, allegations which were refuted by MCB and Astro.

More money was given to civil servants and pensioners, and there were plans to list the Felda Global Group’s commercial unit, Felda Global Ventures Holdings Sdn Bhd, on Bursa Malaysia, which would bring the settlers a windfall. All of this would surely lock in a huge chunk of voters.

There was more – the government offered a one-off RM500 cash handout to households with a monthly income of RM3,000 and below, as well as a RM100 cash aid for primary and secondary pupils (Year 1 to Form 5) and RM200 book vouchers for students.

Ex-members of the special constabulary and auxiliary police as well as widows and widowers would also receive a one-off payment of RM3,000.

The list was impressively long. Everyone got something, in the words of Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak. In his parting shot, he reminded the Opposition bench that they too would get better allowances starting in January.

But to many analysts, the Budget was tilted in favour of the rural heartland wherein lies the traditional base of Umno and the votes would go strongly to the Barisan Nasional.

The urban middle class isn’t likely to be happy with Budget 2012. While there were provisions that would benefit the middle class, such as the first-time home scheme, tax exemption for contributions to missionary schools and houses of worship and tax incentives for private schools, they do not see direct benefits.

The middle class, which makes up the 2.4 million taxpayers and carries the burden for 27 million people in the country, deserves better.

Although there are 6.4 million registered taxpayers, only 2.4 million are paying up. The rest are ineligible because they are either retired, have stopped working or have incomes below the taxable bracket.

Until the Government has the political courage to impose the Goods and Services Tax (GST), which would be a broad-based consumption tax, there is no possibility of a reduction in personal and corporate taxes.

It would have been unrealistic to expect any such tax reduction, though, but increase in EPF contributions from employers for workers earning more than RM5,000 could have at least brought some cheer to the middle class.

Be that as it may, the middle class must not forget the benefits that they enjoy and which are sometimes taken for granted, such as subsidies for petrol and essential food items, for instance. Also, keeping the sin taxes at current levels would certainly benefit those who need the occasional mug of beer or a pack of cigarettes.

The general consensus is that the Budget has created a feel good factor, and even opposition politicians have conceded this. It is a strong follow-up to the slew of political reforms announced by Najib last month.

The question now is when the Barisan will call for the polls. The challenge would be to take advantage of the momentum that now favours the ruling coalition, especially with surveys showing that Malay voters have returned to the Barisan.

It has been said that one reason why PAS decided to abandon its welfare state plan in favour of an Islamic state was because the party found its share of the Malay votes sliding drastically. Even Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim came out to support the implementation of hudud laws, with an eye on Muslim votes.

The remarks made by PAS deputy president Mohamed Sabu, describing communist leaders as freedom fighters, also scarred the party badly.

There is speculation of a November polls but this writer does not think it will happen. Between Nov 14 and Dec 14, school halls have been booked for the SPM exams and many teachers will be acting as exam invigilators, not as election officials.

The PM is also scheduled to perform his Haj, along with 28,000 Malaysian Muslims, and would be away from November. The last chartered flight out of Mecca is Dec 12.

The much speculated Nov 11 date, which is said to be Najib’s favourite number, also does not hold water or make much political sense as it is a Friday, which is hardly the best day for polls.

From Nov 29 until Dec 3, the Umno general assembly will be held in Kuala Lumpur. Here, the Umno president would make the rallying call to the troops, remind them to close ranks, let him have the mandate to choose the candidates and tell them that losing is not an option.

The monsoon season, from the end of November until end of January, which hits the east coast states every year is also a factor that needs to be considered when setting the date for elections.

Many Malaysians would also be away at this time, taking advantage of the holiday season to clear their leave and to spend time with their families. No one would be in the mood to listen to politicians.

Finally, in January the Barisan would have its final opportunity to win over Chinese voters, many of whom still favour the opposition. Chinese New Year will be on Jan 23 and in the weeks before the celebrations, we can expect the political drums to be louder.

The window period for the polls could be between March and May. Given the uncertainties of the global economy and uncontrolled external forces, Najib has little time left to take advantage of the feel good factors.

It has also ventured outside Malaysia and made its presence felt in Vietnam, Australia, Singapore and even Britain.

The man at the helm of SP Setia is 52-year-old Tan Sri Liew Kee Sin, a down-to-earth bank officer-turned-developer.

Some would even say SP Setia is Liew Kee Sin and Liew Kee Sin is SP Setia.

Fiercely proud of his humble beginnings in Johor – his father was a lorry driver – the Universiti Malaya graduate wanted to study law but was offered economics instead.

SP Setia started off as a construction company – a syarikat pembinaan as conveyed in its initials SP.

Liew turned it into a big-time property developer when he injected two projects – Pusat Bandar Puchong and Bukit Indah Ampang – into the company in 1996.

Liew has faced many challenges but he is now looking at the biggest fight of his career – one that is heavily staked against him.

Permodalan Nasional Bhd (PNB), the country’s largest asset manager and owner of 33% of SP Setia, is making a bid to take over the company.

On Friday, PNB bought an additional 23.5 million shares in the open market for RM3.868 a share, just 3.2 sen shy of its proposed takeover price of RM3.90.

PNB, with a RM150bil cash chest, is seeking to raise its stake to over 50% with its RM3.90 offer, which is about an 11% premium over the closing price before the announcement of its notice of takeover.

Such a takeover bid is not unusual in the corporate world, and more so when Liew only has an 11.3% stake in the company.

Other major shareholders of SP Setia include the Employees Provident Fund (EPF) with 13.4%, Kumpulan Wang Amanah Persaraan with 5% and over 40% are in the hands of minority shareholders.

But the manner in which it was done has led to much unhappiness.

Despite having two PNB directors on the board, there was no courtesy of a verbal notification prior to the takeover move.

The general offer notice only reached the company on Wednesday at 8.30am, just before the market opened.

Some may argue that the element of surprise was for strategic reasons but there was still no call even after news broke out of the takeover bid.

In a nutshell, relations have been strained.

PNB has issued a statement saying it wishes to maintain the management team, which is known to be fiercely loyal to Liew, but no one is sure how events will unfold in the coming days.

However, questions have been raised as to why PNB is wanting to take over a company that is being run competently instead of remaining as a passive investor that is satisfied with good investment returns.

If the Government is actively pushing for the private sector to be the engine of growth, we have the right to ask why the GLCs are competing with the private sector.

Widening its shareholding base is one thing but controlling private companies will lead to speculation over its agenda, cause unnecessary concerns as well as send the wrong signals.

The whole exercise will cost PNB RM3bil, which is chicken feed to them, but there are political and economic ramifications that the country’s leaders should take note of.

It may not be such a grand scheme in the end for PNB if Liew decides to leave SP Setia and set up his own venture, and gets his senior management team to join him.

PNB may then find itself in a spot even after gaining control of the company.

No one would believe that there would not be interference from PNB, so let’s not kid Malaysian investors.

Civil servants who manage public funds should leave the business of running businesses and making money to the real businessmen.

What we have here is a situation where everyone sees the problem and agrees that something has to be done fast or the country would be in trouble, but no one dares to make the first move.

Instead, we continue to hear lame excuses, such as Malaysia needs to train enough English teachers first, we need to study the problems first, or we need to assess the situation. In the end, we will just continue talking.

There is already a whole generation of Malaysians who are not proficient in English today. The product of the switch from English to Bahasa Malaysia as the medium of teaching in schools, many of them are already in their 40s. From conversing with them, you know their teachers did not teach them grammar. Many cannot write a proper sentence in English and seem to have no idea even of present or past tenses.

The situation can only become worse as most Malay parents send their children to national schools, which seem to be evolving into Malay-Islamic entities, while the Chinese, believing that a strong foundation in Mandarin is important, prefer their vernacular schools, at least for primary education.

While it is not wrong to assume that students in rural areas have less exposure to English in comparison to their urban counterparts, the reality is that a poor command of English has hit all students regardless of their race and geographical location. In other words, it is not a Malay, Chinese or Indian problem any more but a Malaysian problem.

We should be pressing the panic button now but, unfortunately, there is no political will. Government and opposition leaders are equally guilty in their inability to commit themselves to any long-term solution.

Are these politicians so afraid of upsetting the self-appointed guardians of Bahasa Malaysia, Chinese and Tamil languages to the point that we are prepared to sacrifice the larger interests of Malaysians?

While we debate, often very emotionally, about having a single school system to forge unity, advocates of vernacular schools are pointing out their rights under the Federal Constitution to the medium of their choice. Clearly, we are heading in different directions.

There could be a middle ground or, more precisely, a neutral ground in English medium schools, especially missionary schools, where many of us had the privilege of studying and growing up.

It is that system – some would say that era – that many older Malaysians today speak proudly and fondly of. They speak of making friends with students of all races and English was spoken and written well without compromising the standard of the national language.

But that era is gone and no politician today would dare to even push for this system, which is very unfortunate, as they prefer to preserve the status quo. Yet they moan about the poor command of English while hoping that no fresh contentious issue would pop up to add another worry to their long list of headaches.

Meanwhile, we are seeing a growing number of private, international and boarding schools that emphasise English, and parents who have the means send their children to these schools. Knowing the importance of this international language, they realise that they have to make the financial sacrifice.

How many of our leaders send their children overseas, or at least to these elite schools, for secondary education? Do our policy makers even believe in our own policies?

There is no level playing field here, as the poor are unable to send their children to such schools and only have the national or vernacular schools to pick.

Previously, if you went to an English medium school, it did not matter if your father was rich or poor. You had a shot at life because everyone was in the same system and type of education.

Why can’t Malaysians be given the right to English medium schools, at least at primary level, if there are vernacular and private/international schools?

But we know that’s a long shot because even at a simpler level, no one wants to decide whether we should teach Maths and Science in English. In this case, at least let the parents decide.

If there is a demand to use Bahasa Malaysia or Chinese or Tamil, then let it be. Let these schools use the language of their choice.

But if there are those that prefer to use English, then let them use English. Why should it be an issue? It’s not a racial or religious or even an economic problem, as a survey by Jaringan Melayu Malaysia has shown.

In a four-month survey that involved 15,000 respondents, Jaringan Melayu Malay­sia found that 54.08% of parents in rural areas prefer English in the teaching of Maths and Science.

The Parent Action Group for Education Malaysia (PAGE) is also strongly advocating the move with support from former premier Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

We are not even talking about a compulsory pass for the SPM here because most of us know that if a real benchmark is set for this, there could be a high failure rate. And if the standards are lowered, which seems to be the case now, we will continue to bluff ourselves. As it is, parents and their children with their string of PMR and SPM distinctions already have a false sense of achievement. There are overseas institutions who insist that our children sit for their entrance examinations because they are not sure whether our A is really an A or merely a D at international level.

So are we surprised that graduates cannot converse or write in English proficiently?

We can talk about a high income and minimum wage society but Malaysian workers need to be productive and of high quality if we want investors from the financial, technical or service sectors to come here.

Malaysians can no longer offer themselves as low-end assembly operators because other countries have taken over that role with their lower wages.

But how do we stand as a workforce against our neighbours in the region? One of our advantages has always been our language abilities but being able to converse isn’t good enough. We need to be good at what we are doing as well.

The reality is that our students have to read books in English at university level and search for material online in English. When they enter the job market, the language used is English – unless they want to join the public sector, which is already bloated.

Our politicians know how serious the situation is. It’s time we see them lead and not be led. Time has run out; the future of Malaysians is your hands.

Those who were privy to inner-circle discussions on how the speech would be crafted crossed their fingers and hoped there would be no last minute changes.

After all, as a politician, the Prime Minister has to balance the needs of the conservatives, right wingers and liberals within his party and also the Barisan Nasional coalition.

The PM understands fully how much the world has changed. The global political landscape has been altered drastically and the lessons to learn are that if leaders cannot change, the people will change them. There is plenty to learn from history, some very recent too.

The more conservative in Umno are still grappling with the changes, preferring to hold on to something which they are familiar and comfortable with. They are trying hard to understand where Najib is taking Malaysia to.

The younger ones, while looking apprehensively at the lack of changes in Umno, have tried hard to push, worried that the country’s ruling party could be losing its connection with the Twitter and Facebook generation. It’s not wrong to say that the PM has been watching, listening and feeling it all over the last three years.

On Aug 28, this scribe wrote that Najib’s call for greater democratic space, including doing away with censorship laws and setting up a Parliamentary Select Committee to review electoral laws, was just a prelude to his address on Sept 16.

I wrote that “it is almost certain that he will expand on democratic reforms with an outline of the changes he wants to implement in Malaysia. It won’t be promises but changes that would be set out in black and white.

“The fresh democratic reforms will surprise even his critics, particularly those who are pushing for a greater civil society.

“In short, the new democracy that he wants to see would recognise the calls by Malaysians. It is the Middle Malaysia that he wants to address. He will say that yes, he hears these voices.”

But even this writer was surprised at how far he was prepared to push. I dared not commit myself to put into words that he would repeal the Internal Security Act, but Najib has proven his doubters and critics wrong. He proved that he walked the talk.

As expected, everyone is trying to claim credit for the changes. The Opposition, still reeling from the shock, has said these would not have happened without their pressure and protests.

Then there are the usual cynics.

I think the point is this: It does not matter who is right, but what is right. It does not matter who did it, so long as the right thing gets done. Malaysians cannot be partisan on issues that affect us all.

Najib deserves credit for having the courage to take the bold steps. His New Democracy thrust is certain to continue.

The ISA will be repealed, no one should even doubt it anymore. An Anti-Terrorism Act – specifically for terrorists and not for political opponents, as in Britain and the United States – is likely to take over.

The Police Act would be redefined and possibly the right to assemble, which could be made clearer by designating places, time and how gatherings should be done.

An example to look at is Hong Kong, where night protests are directed to specific roads that would have little impact on businesses. Even then, gatherings are allowed on only one side of the road so that traffic can continue to flow on the other side.

In New York, there is a designated spot not far from the United Nations building for protest gatherings. A spot could be set up not far from the Parliament for similar purposes.

As in football matches in Britain, where police resources are used to safeguard public safety, organisers of protest gatherings in stadiums could be asked to put up deposits for police security and possible damages.

But the Printing Presses and Publications Act is still a thorn on the side for the media. Najib has taken the first step to abolishing this much hated law by allowing a one-off permit without the requirement for annual renewal. The Government must commit itself to a total abolishment, however.

An independent media council to be run by editors will finally be formed after 54 years of independence, and repealing the law would certainly be on the agenda of journalists. After all, no one needs a permit to start a blog or an online news portal, so why impose a permit for print?

The reforms have left a feel-good feeling but the Prime Minister has to follow up with an equally impactful Budget speech. All these reforms are good but they won’t put food on our tables.

Ordinary Malaysians are worried about the rising cost of living and middle income Malaysians are hit the most by monthly tax deductions.

In the rural areas of Sabah and Sarawak, where food and fuel need to be transported into the interior, the costs are even more enormous.

Malaysians want to hear how the Government intends to help them face the economic uncertainties, the spiralling cost of food and how to be confident about the future.

Malaysians are not expecting their Government to adopt a populist approach of promising the sun and the moon, which will bankrupt the nation. But they want the Government to be equally responsible in sharing the burden by cutting out excessive financial waste and leaks.

Najib’s challenge would be to balance the budget in the face of a slowing economy and at the same time appease the people ahead of a general election.

The Budget Speech is on Oct 7. Can Malaysians expect the Big Day to be soon after the PM has announced his economic plans for the country?