COMMENT BY WONG CHUN WAI

The first indication of what to expect from this by-election came on Wednesday night when Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak fired the first salvo. 

He promised more peluru (bullets) against Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) and its advisor Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim when the campaign gets hotter. 

His warning was blunt – stop raising the Altantuya Shaaribuu murder case or face the consequences. 

The Deputy Prime Minister said he had never touched on Anwar’s personal matters, adding: “If I want to talk, I can. However, I do not want to embarrass him because we know he has a wife and children.” 

It was certainly a loaded statement. In short, people, or rather, politicians who live in glasshouses should not throw stones. 

Anwar has reportedly been using the case of the murdered Mongolian, in which defence analyst Abdul Razak Baginda has been charged, in his ceramah rounds nationwide. 

With Anwar expected to lead the charge in the Ijok campaign, the likelihood is that Anwar would end up becoming one of the issues.  

The curtain-raiser was at the recent Machap by-election where Anwar was used as a subject by the campaigners.  

One result is a RM10mil suit against MCA Youth secretary-general Dr Wee Ka Siong, who reportedly made remarks in Hakka that Anwar found offensive. 

The suit, filed by Anwar on Monday, alleged that Dr Wee, the MP for Air Hitam, had uttered remarks that had tarnished Anwar’s name. 

But PKR's candidate, Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim, would also not be spared. MIC president Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu has served notice that he would expose the former chief executive of Guthrie Group Bhd and group chief executive of Permodalan Nasional Bhd. 

Said the Works Minister: “I will tell all about how much a golden boy Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim is.” 

Over the next week, Malaysians can expect plenty of revelations of the political players and possibly plenty of legal suits, too.  

But as the side issues get better media attention, it should not be lost on Malaysians including the voters of Ijok of the importance of power sharing among the major races in Malaysia. 

We take it for granted often without giving much thought to it. The third biggest component party in the ruling coalition, the MIC, does not have a single constituency that is predominantly Indian.  

The Sungai Siput parliamentary constituency, of which Samy is the MP, has 46,779 Malays (31.5%), Chinese 41.5%, Indians 22.5% and orang asli 4.5%.  

Yet, the party has nine MPs and 19 state assemblymen, and in almost every state ruled by the Barisan there is one MIC state executive councillor.  

It can be argued whether these MIC legislators have truly served the interest of the community but the point is that the Alliance and now the Barisan has ensured representation of major ethnic groups.  

It is that readiness of the coalition to share power in a multi-racial society that is surely a matter for all of us to appreciate.  

In Ijok, which is predominantly Malay with over 50%, the MIC has been given the constituency despite having only a 28% Indian electorate.  

The Umno leadership, under Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, could have easily pandered to the demands of some Umno grassroots leader to field a Malay candidate but to his credit, he has refused to do so, believing in the time-tested concept of power sharing and the loyalty of MCA and MIC.  

The Barisan has now gone into the by-election fully aware that it will be a difficult fight and many may not want to acknowledge it but the possibility of losing Ijok is there.  

But the principle is this – the Barisan is prepared to field an MIC candidate at the risk of losing it.  

PKR has rejected allegations that it is appealing to the Malay majority constituents by fielding a Malay candidate at the expense of the Indian minority.  

Its leaders claim that the party practices multi-racialism and it advocates equal opportunity and treatment of all Malaysians, regardless of race. Its vice-president R. Sivarasa has reportedly said that its political positioning on various issues is more important.  

But “winnability” appears to be the main criterion for the PKR here and nothing else. In the case of Ijok, it is obvious that PKR leaders know, deep inside their hearts, that a Malay candidate stands a better chance.  

It would be sad if race is the criterion for the selection of a candidate, based on the racial breakdown of a constituency, because the Chinese and Indian population is shrinking.  

In decades to come, there could even be more Indonesians than the two communities.  

Where would the representatives of these two communities be contesting if they have no majority presence if we set such a precedent?  

It is already bad enough that PAS only fields Muslim candidates but its objective is at least clear to us – that it wants to set up a theocratic Islamic state.  

Despite talk of wanting to allow non-Muslims to be associate members, PAS will never compromise on its dogmatic stand.  

In DAP’s case, the party has a record of fielding many Malay and Indian candidates in predominantly Chinese areas.  

Race should not be an issue in the Ijok by-election and Malaysians hope that the policies of contesting parties should be the deciding factor. 

Malaysia is watching.  

Abdul Rahim went on to say that he had seen similar shoddy workmanship at several other buildings in Putrajaya.  

Strong words indeed. Malaysians would certainly like to know the names of the contractors who had carried out such lousy jobs. They have plenty of explaining to do and Public Accounts Committee chairman Datuk Shahrir Samad has correctly asked PWD officers to explain as public funds were used. But we all know that this is not the first time and we can be sure that it won’t be the last.  

Just two years ago, Education Minister Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein Onn revealed to the press that he was shocked to find six of the seven computer laboratories in schools in his constituency still unusable, two years after they were built.  

Again, it was due to extensive shoddy workmanship of the buildings, which included instances whereby repairs were going on after more than six months.  

In one case, the computer laboratory of the school was found to be useless after it was discovered that the contractor had failed to notice that it was built on top of a main water pipe, it was reported. This led to the floor of the building reportedly being soaked in water.  

Some of us remember when then Education Minister Tan Sri Musa Mohamad revealed that about 1,200 computer laboratories nationwide were deemed unsafe due to shoddy workmanship by the private contractors involved in the project.  

The question is: Why do these problems keep cropping up and who are these bad contractors? Were they engaged for these government projects because of their competency or because of their political links?  

These are justifiable questions and certainly taxpayers do not want to see their money wasted.  

We have grown familiar with warnings from politicians threatening to blacklist errant contractors but we wonder if they are really carried out or were these remarks made just to appease angry voters.  

In 2004, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi directed the PWD to take over 16 schools and five community colleges nationwide, which had serious structural defects. Some did not even have amenities like access roads, it was reported.  

Last year, it was reported that a RM48mil school in Sabah was under serious threat from landslides, endangering the building’s structure. In cases like this, we wonder who the consultant engineers were and whether the authorities had given approvals for these institutions to operate when there are structural faults. It’s not just lousy workmanship but equally bad inspection by the authorities concerned, who did not take into account the safety of the people.  

Repair works do not come cheap these days. Last year, Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu queried why RM100,000 had to be spent on repair work and termite treatment in seven classrooms.  

It’s a shame that we continuously read of such problems as they would only give the impression that we tolerate such abuses of public funds. 

Her family had bought a house in Section 8 from the Perbadanan Kemajuan Negri Selangor (PKNS), which had used the nearby forest reserve to promote the sale of its sprawling new township. 

Many city folk who wanted to live near a green lung bought houses and land to build bungalows, believing that the state government would be committed to protecting the 100-year-old forest. 

But residents at Section 8, 9 and 10 now feel cheated. They are also appalled at the eagerness of the state government in wanting to bulldoze through its plans in a high-handed manner without any respect for the views of the affected residents. 

First, they were told that a cemetery would be created next to their land and now, to their horror, they found that the Petaling Jaya Structural Plan 2020 has bigger plans to develop the reserve. 

There have been allegations that the cemetery is only part of a large-scale plan to create a township with the land being alienated to the Petaling Jaya City Council. One news report claimed that the council was entering into a joint-venture agreement with a company co-owned by two Indonesians. 

It is already bad enough that the cemetery issue has divided the community – one group that wants the cemetery but most of whom do not live in the area while the other group is the one affected and is understandably against it. 

Tempers have flared at meetings between both groups. And matters have aggravated with revelations that a sports complex, a community hall and living quarters for the Petaling Jaya City Council may be built on parts of the forest reserve. 

State executive councillor and Kota Damansara assemblyman Datuk Mokhtar Dahalan, the proponent of the burial ground, has the support of one section of his constituents but he has been rightly questioned by others. 

The cemetery covers 22ha but nature lovers want decent answers as to why a total of 58.83ha of the forest reserve had its status reportedly revoked, according to a gazette notification dated Aug 6, 2004. 

More importantly, there is a huge track of land in Sungai Buloh already reserved as a burial ground. However, according to Mokhtar, it has been found to be unsuitable for burial. It has been said that the burial ground in several areas have been found to be too rocky but surely the authorities may want to consider remedial work. If an open sea can be reclaimed and mountains removed, surely it would not be an engineering feat. 

The Kota Damansara controversy is not just about the setting up of a burial ground and the possible destruction of a forest reserve. It is not a religious issue and neither is it just about pleasing some nature lovers. 

It is about respecting legal procedures and the views of residents affected the most by it. It is one thing to consult residents staying outside the affected area but another to hear out those in Section 8, 9 and 10. Imagine how Mokhtar would feel if a office block were built next to his home without his views being sought. 

Residents are upset because they believe that the forest has been degazetted in a suspicious way that smacks of non-transparency.  

It is commendable that the protesters, comprising residents of all races, have stood together despite attempts to use race and religion to break their solidarity.  

These residents have expressed their disgust at such shameful tactics by certain individuals to intimidate and coax them into silence. 

Elected representatives, regardless of their race or religion, should not tolerate any use of gangsterism to scare off those who do not share their views. It is utterly shameful. 

It is also not true that the trees are less than 10 years old as claimed by certain officials at meetings because there are several species found only in primary forests. Doubters can call up the Malaysian Nature Society for a 40-page brochure of pictures and information on the Kota Damansara Community Forest. 

The affected residents have stated that they are NOT against the setting up of a cemetery but are against the de-gazetting of the forest and the manner it had been carried out. Sadly, the cemetery issue has been used to rally support from some misinformed constituents. 

The affected residents also want PKNS to put up its development plan so that the people would know whether these projects would benefit them or just the pockets of some people. 

Their concerns are justified because the forest reserve has always faced constant development pressure.  

The protest is not just about saving some birds or monkeys but a measurement of Malaysia’s commitment towards implementation of the Local Agenda 21 and protecting our greens.  

If we cannot even be entrusted to save our forest reserve, how do we explain to our children and grandchildren why they no longer have a green environment?  

All Subashini, 28, wants is to keep her two children and end their marriage in a civil court. Her husband, businessman Muhammad Shafi Abdullah, formerly T. Saravanan, 31, has instead applied to the Syariah court to end their civil marriage.  

There are dire consequences. First, she is worried that as a non-Muslim mother fighting to keep her children, the odds could be against her in a Syariah Court. Her son has become a Muslim, she claims, without her knowledge. The boy converted to Islam with Saravanan last May. 

Second, as a non-Muslim, she should not be seeking redress in a Syariah Court because the Federal Constitution clearly states so. Should we no longer take this legal document seriously? 

But more worrying for non-Muslims is that this unprecedented move could be the basis for future cases involving non-Muslim and Muslim parties. Even Muslim lawyers and experts have expressed their worries. 

As lawyer Datuk Zaid Ibrahim wrote in a newspaper article on the case: “Even if Subashini wants to submit to the Syariah Court, she can’t. Jurisdiction is not a question of choice or submission; it is a question of law.”  

A seemingly straightforward court case has grown increasingly difficult, with self-proclaimed defenders of faiths getting into the picture, because the Court of Appeal has given the impression that it wants to wash its hands off the case. 

On March 13, the Court of Appeal decided that Subashini had to seek redress at the Syariah Court for the break-up of her family and the custody of her children, one of whom has become a Muslim. 

It would have been much easier had Saravanan first divorced Subashini, settle child custody and property matters under civil law before he converted to Islam. But that was not the case. 

Instead, he has taken a different route, best known to himself, and put the whole family into a tight spot. At the same time, the legal implications of his case have put the rest of the nation in a tight spot. 

Last week, Subashini won a minor victory – she obtained the green light from the Court of Appeal to preserve her civil rights, pending her appeal to the Federal Court 

Given the sensitivity of religious matters, the case is now in the spotlight as the nation watches how the Bench intends to resolve this legal wrangle to the satisfaction of everyone. 

We don’t need to be lawyers and law professors to know that the Federal Constitution clearly stipulates that the Syariah Court has no jurisdiction over non-Muslims. It’s that simple.  

Even if Subashini agrees to take her case to the Syariah Court, she cannot do so. It does not matter whether she would get a fair or biased hearing at the Syariah Court. That is beside the point and should not even be a matter for debate. 

To suggest that non-Muslims should not fear the Syariah Court and that they must accept the purported political-religious reality, as some quarters have implied, is grossly unfair and totally unrelated to the core of the issue.  

No one would argue over the ability of the Syariah Court to dispense justice but the position of civil laws and the Federal Constitution is clear. That is why it is sometimes referred to as the common law, which means laws applicable to Muslims and non-Muslims. 

But more importantly, as the nation awaits to celebrate the country’s 50th anniversary, we have a right to ask ourselves what our founding fathers, who had spent endless hours writing the Federal Constitution, would have thought of this case. 

The Federal Constitution, we are aware, was part of the social contract agreed on by the founding fathers, and certainly any move that violates or even dilutes the status of the Federal Constitution is of serious concern. 

But more importantly, surely the civil courts are in a position to provide the solution to Subashini’s problem. As Zaid correctly pointed out: “Surely the son is as much hers as it is his and shouldn’t the mother’s wishes be taken into account in an important matter such as the faith of her child, especially when he is so young? 

“We have had many arguments put forward by those who are experts in the law but these people do not have to endure the pain and suffering undergone by Subashini.” 

Let common sense prevail. We are sure Malaysians are able to handle Subashini’s case with justice and compassion. After all, that is what the law is all about for those who seek legal redress.  

But the focal point of Machap has always been its new village. This will be where the MCA, which is holding the fort for the Barisan, would want to keep its strength.  

For the DAP, its leaders have privately admitted that the results for the by-election on April 12 would be a foregone conclusion; the DAP would lose to the Barisan but a reduction in the majority would be enough for them. 

In the 2004 general election, MCA's Datuk Poh Ah Tiam defeated DAP's Lio Chen Kuang with a majority of 4,562 votes. This by-election has been called following Poh's death on March 15. 

But there is a point to prove in this by-election for both sides. The DAP is not likely to hand the seat to the Barisan without a good fight and the campaign is expected to be a heated one. Never mind the fact that the new state assemblyman for Machap could well be the shortest serving elected representative in the country's history as an early general election is expected. 

The DAP is almost certain to harp on national issues and exploit the anti-establishment sentiments among sections of the Chinese voters. The opposition party, according to party insiders, wants to remind the voters of the racist remarks made by certain Umno politicians at its general assembly last year.  

The by-election would be regarded by the DAP and MCA as a gauge of the current mood of Chinese voters. It will be a test of sorts as this is the first by-election in a Chinese majority constituency since the Barisan's thumping win in the 2004 polls. 

In the absence of strong local issues, the DAP has little choice but to use issues like corruption, the lack of support for the small and medium businesses and education to woo the voters. Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and other Parti Keadilan Rakyat leaders are expected to campaign for the DAP.  

The former deputy prime minister is expected to pull in the crowd at his ceramahs. Since his return to politics after he was released from jail, he has called for the end of the New Economic Policy. 

But he remains an enigma and he still needs to work hard to regain his credibility. His readiness to work with PAS, whose policy is unacceptable to non-Muslims, is treated with suspicion by non-Malays.  

The DAP is also likely to play the under-dog card by urging the voters to vote for them because the Barisan already has a strong majority in the Malacca state assembly. But the odds against the DAP is that Machap has traditionally backed the Barisan and that trend is unlikely to change. The late Poh had served the constituency well, the increasing number of goodies announced by the Prime Minister, the strong stock market sentiments, the good prices for commodities and the solidarity among Barisan parties are factors that serve to deliver the votes to the ruling coalition. 

Machap, which is located about 30km from Malacca city, is often regarded as an agricultural-based area. Since it is not far from the Durian Tunggal dam, the state government does not allow the setting up of factories in the area for environment concerns. 

The Machap voters are mostly farmers and smallholders while the younger ones are contractors and traders. The town is also popular among the Chinese community as it serves exotic meats. 

In some ways, Machap may not be the right barometer for the mood of Chinese voters, who are said to be unhappy with issues ranging from race and religion to the economy. 

While urban Chinese voters complain that the trickle down effects of economic policies have not been felt despite attempts to hype up the feel-good factors, the Machap smallholders have benefited, in many ways, from the good commodity prices such as rubber and palm oil. 

The anti-establishment national issues, expected to be used by the DAP in the Machap campaign, may get a sympathetic hearing from the new villagers but when it comes to the crunch, the votes are likely to be for the Barisan. 

Many Machap new village leaders are card-carrying MCA members or linked to the MCA, which would allow them personal access to the voters. It would not be wrong to say that they know almost every voter in Machap. 

But that aside, the number of liberal announcements over the last week such as the incentives for investors in the Iskandar Development Region and the scrapping of the real property gains tax is surely welcomed by the Chinese community. Such announcements will certainly stimulate the economy further as it would further increase foreign investments.  

During the campaign, the DAP is expected to use Umno Youth chief Datuk Hishammuddin Hussein Onn’s waving of the keris at Umno's general assembly, but this incident may have been offset by plans for the Chinese educationists and him to meet. His recent statement that he was committed to Chinese education has certainly placed him in a positive light. 

Despite ignorant statements by some politicians on the press and bloggers, it cannot be denied that Malaysia has never been more open and tolerant. For that we must credit Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.  

But for sure, the Machap by-election is a good time for the Barisan and the Opposition to kick-start their campaign machinery ahead of the next general election.  

In Bahasa Malaysia, it would be best described as melenting or making a remark without much thought to its consequences. 

It could be the pressure and stress of his work, with the ongoing Visit Malaysia 2007, because those of us who know Tengku Adnan can vouch that he is certainly one of the most humble and approachable ministers. 

The Federal Territory politician, who is also known for his openness and press savvy, is certainly the best person to promote Malaysia.  

The recent controversy started when Tengku Adnan was asked to respond to a complaint by Indonesian journalist-blogger Nila Tanzil on not being able to shoot and film at various places when she was here for the Flora Fest 2007. 

This writer had commented on her grouses after having read her blog (nilatanzil.blog spot.com), which had made its rounds within the Jakarta press fraternity. In short, the bad publicity wasn’t good for Malaysia. 

Her main complaint was that she was told by an official that the Malaysia Tourism Board would need two weeks to fulfil her request for accreditation letters. 

She said her guide, probably not trained to handle the press, did not even allow her to film at Chinatown.  

It was a case of one unhappy journalist. After all, Tourism Malaysia invited over 6,000 media journalists and travel agents for its many programmes and we can assume that the majority were satisfied with how things were handled.  

As I had written earlier, Nila’s case could just be an isolated case but because she had blogged about it and had reached a wide audience, Tourism Malaysia should investigate the matter instead of ignoring it. 

But instead of confining the problem and solving it, we have created a bigger hole by allegedly accusing bloggers of being liars and that the majority of bloggers are purportedly unemployed women.  

Tengku Adnan’s comments were reported by Sin Chew Daily and the minister has claimed he was misquoted. Sin Chew has not retracted or apologised for its report, so we can assume the daily is sticking to its report. 

Naturally, the remark angered many bloggers, both men and women, who protested strongly.  

This time, the uproar was reported in several newspapers overseas. It was another case of another Malaysian politician shooting himself in the foot, which all seem so familiar by now. 

Last week, Tengku Adnan tried to diffuse the controversy by clarifying that he did not mean all bloggers but was referring to the Indonesian journalist. 

It’s not a very clever thing to do. It’s hardly good public relations to call someone a liar in public. Tourism Malaysia may have its reasons for running its media programme but as with any operational manner, it should just quickly defend itself with its side of the story to the press when criticised. 

This issue first surfaced on Feb 26 but it took more than 10 days before we heard anything from the ministry.  

Still, we are grateful that director-general Datuk Mirza Mohamad has replied although some of the issues remain unanswered. 

There is absolutely no need for anyone to be defensive or upset over Nila’s complaint. No one is suggesting that the ministry or Tourism Malaysia is not doing their job but all complaints should be taken seriously, more so if they are from the media. 

There is also nothing wrong in making an apology to the said reporter, who continued to promote Malaysia strongly in her programme despite her unhappiness. In planning and implementation, mistakes can be made. Just rectify the mistakes and move on, it’s that simple. 

If guides accompanying the press need to be better trained to meet their job demands, then train them better. 

There is no need to take criticisms badly. Some of our politicians or bureaucrats seem incapable of handling such brickbats, preferring to hear things that they want to hear only. Instead of addressing the issues concerned, some have reacted negatively and with intolerance. 

To suggest that bloggers have an anti-national agenda simply implies that some of us are still not logged into blogsphere.  

Some have yet to see the importance of the New Media, assuming that bloggers are all political commentators, without understanding that many travel writers have embraced the new medium for their writing. 

From food reviewers to motoring journalists, many have chosen blogging to gain a bigger audience to complement the print and electronic media that they work in. 

It’s a new world but it is still not too late for some of our politicians and bureaucrats to check out blogsphere.  

And even the PWTC was not big enough as two other venues, the Kuala Lumpur Convention Centre and the Matrade Exhibition and Convention Centre, were incorporated to host the fair.  

Over 100 shuttle vehicles ferried 5,000 visitors comprising buyers, exhibitors and journalists from these venues to more than 10 participating hotels.  

Yet the event was only briefly reported by the media.  

Beyond the number of venues and exhibitors involved and the few words of wisdom from the minister that would most probably now be forgotten, the real excitement, was missed.  

Italian reporter Nicoletta Armenes was asked by her magazine to report about the exhibition, which she said was one of the best in Asia and featured the top four furniture makers in the world. 

“We are here to see and report what is being offered. We are talking big money here,” said the reporter from the Rima publication group, which has five magazines, including those published in English and Arabic. 

The Italians used to be number one in the furniture business but have now been dislodged by the Chinese.  

In 2004, Italy made US$10.5bil (RM36.8bil) against China’s US$10.3bil (RM36.1bil) but in 2005, China made US$13.5bil (RM47.3bil) against Italy’s US$10.2bil (RM35.8bil). It was a blow, and that fact was widely reported.  

Malaysia was in the 10th spot in 2004 with US$1.7bil (RM6bil) but climbed to the ninth position in 2005 with US$1.8bil (RM6.3bil). Closing in are the Indonesians and Vietnamese. 

For the first time in 2005, the Indonesians made it to the 10th spot, according to the World Furniture Review 2005. 

Organiser and MIFF chairman Datuk Tan Chin Huat walked up to as many participants as he could during the five days to shake hands and thank them personally for their support. 

“To keep Malaysia on the international map is my main concern,” said Tan, who started his career as a salesman selling sofa material to manufacturers. 

The fair is a feather in his cap because the powerful International Alliance of Furnishing Publications (IAFP), which has members worldwide, chose to celebrate its 10th anniversary here in conjunction with the fair. 

For those involved in the planning, there was another minor victory. Thailand had attempted to host a fair much earlier than Malaysia but failed. It started the fair after the KL event. 

Said one participant: “Timing is important because if you host it early, that means business would be done and sealed. Latecomers always lose out. It’s that simple.” 

But the competition continues to get stiffer each year. There are over 30 similar furniture fairs each year and in some cases, like in China, four are held simultaneously. 

Vietnam, for example, is said to be providing subsidy for the rubber wood used by its local manufacturers in a move to boost competitiveness. The low-cost of production has helped, too. 

But said Paris-based Jean-Jacques Dufour of Le Courier: “Low cost of production is only temporary. Even in China, wages have gone up and the same is reported in Poland. 

“Eventually, it will be the concept, design and quality that will make a country stand out. The growing affluence of people in Shanghai and Moscow, for example, will see upmarket clients looking for quality products.”  

He pointed out that over 300 Italian makers showed up in Moscow for an exhibition. 

Malaysia has so far been in a dominant position but more can be done if we wish to be more competitive. Support from the Government need not necessarily be in the form of subsidies. 

No doubt, agencies like Matrade have done their share by absorbing participation expenses for some manufacturers in overseas promotion missions and establishing a network for Malaysian businessmen. 

But more needs to be done by other government bodies in Malaysia.  

Malaysian businessmen who travel overseas will be able to tell you about the strong public relations exercise by many countries now. 

In China, it is not uncommon to see trade officials sending limousines right up to the tarmac to pick up investors and businessmen.  

Often, even police outriders are included for the VVIP treatment. For these people, there is no such thing as lining up for passports to be stamped.  

Nearer home, we have heard how Singapore offers permanent resident status and even places in university for investors and their children if they wish to do serious business there. 

For a start, Kuala Lumpur City Hall can waive the fees imposed on banners and billboards put up to promote such internationally endorsed events, which is being done in most countries.  

While such events are carried out by the private sector, there is increasingly a need for the Government to lend its support in a big way because ultimately, it's the country that benefits.  

But that aside, we need to maintain our turf, with Indonesia and Vietnam hot on our heels.  

We need to watch how we treat our rubber trees, the basis of our furniture industry. 

As they say, a piece of furniture is no longer just a piece of wood product but a multi-billion-dollar industry that needs to be selfishly guarded if Malaysia is to improve its position.  

Even if they did, they would likely be flops because they were not commercial movies. The two movies – Apa Khabar, Orang Kampung? by Amir Muhammad and I Don’t Want To Sleep Alone by Tsai Ming Liang – failed to get past the Censorship Board. 

The ban on Amir’s movie, which is a sequel to The Last Communist, came as no surprise. There is still much unforgiveness among families of soldiers and policemen who sacrificed their lives fighting the insurgents.  

Never mind if the stories of these dying ex-communists have been published as books in Malaysia; a movie would seemingly have a bigger impact. That would presumably be the fears of the Censorship Board. 

Many of us still remember the ruckus following a complaint by an entertainment editor who had not even seen The Last Communist but his article was powerful enough get the officials to prevent its screening.  

When a special screening was made for some Members of Parliament and the media, not many found the movie appealing. Most were confused by the contents but my colleagues, who watched it, agreed that even the retired Communist Party of Malaya (CPM) leaders would have complained that the show had nothing about them. 

Then, there is Sarawak-born Tsai who returned to Malaysia to make a movie about this country after spending 15 years in Taiwan, where he is a prominent filmmaker. The movie, shot in Kuala Lumpur last year, won him several nominations for the prestigious Golden Horses awards. He even received a standing ovation when the movie premiered at the Venice International Film festival. 

But our Censorship Board had different views. The street brawls, air pollution, poverty and menacing foreigners depicted in the movie were said to be bad for the image of Malaysia. They were not convinced by Tsai’s argument that the film is about human relationship and the need to find love and someone to depend on. 

And since there is unlikely to be a special screening for MPs and newsmen, we would probably be unable to pass our judgment on the movie. It is highly unlikely that pirated versions would be sold, as again, the film would have little commercial value. Except for the arty types, those of us who would rather settle for Stephen Chow’s Kung Fu Hustler would pass it over for sure. 

But the arguments put up by the Censorship Board seem weak. As the young would say, it’s lame. Like all movies, Tsai’s work is just a work of fiction. There are plenty of Hong Kong movies about triads and street fights but visitors to Hong Kong can tell you that it is one of the safest cities in the world.  

Mat Rempit, a movie about illegal racing, free sex and drugs, was passed with little snips from the Censorship Board and was even screened on Astro during the festive season.  

Now, that’s strange because we can also argue that the film put Malaysia in a bad light. Most of us do not race illegally and neither would we look for stolen bikes to claim prizes from Putera Umno. 

We really have to do away with this hypocrisy. The offensive but supposedly humorous movie Borat would never make it to Malaysia but we can bet that it is easily available at the pasar malam. Some even say you can get his earlier work Ali G, which is equally repulsive but more entertaining, from the pirates.  

And those of us who have never heard of actress Rosmah Mat Aris until her controversial remarks on TV3’s Sensasi can still watch her blunder over and over again on the video search engine, YouTube. That’s the Internet age for you. Someone forgot to tell the authorities that you could also download a movie from the Internet, burn it into a DVD and pass it around. 

Times have changed. The use of sledgehammer treatment no longer works as many so-called banned materials, whether in the form of a book or a film, can be easily obtained through the Net. 

Many of our existing laws governing the media such as the need for printing permits have become obsolete and ineffective when uncensored articles can be posted on the Net. Continuing with such laws would serve little purpose.  

There is another illogical law – a person cannot take a Malaysian newspaper across to Singapore and vice-versa but with the availability of the online versions, why is such legislation still required?  

But the point is this: we talk of world-class universities but how can the minds of our young and not so young grow if we restrict materials which can hardly be regarded as sensitive from the communal or religious aspects.  

Don’t tell me Karl Marx’ Das Kapital, first published in 1867, is still banned when you can download it in full from the Internet? But for sure, the book by the founder of communism won’t be a bestseller in Malaysia except for those who need it to cure their insomnia problems. 

The NS to bring Malaysian youths together is a noble idea but obviously the implementation has not been good. 

Review need not necessarily be a bad word. No one is talking about scrapping the project. But like any project, we need to find out where we can improve on it and right now the NS needs plenty of that. 

For a start, the NS may want to consider scaling down the number of trainees for subsequent camps and the duration. It is a long-term project and surely there is no rush. 

The National Service Training Council is right in pushing for mandatory pre-entry medical check-ups. 

The Health Ministry’s concern of having to administer tests to batches of 35,000 trainees is understandable but if the yearly numbers are smaller, there will be less financial and logistics constraints. 

But surely a more thorough medical job can be carried out. We are talking about human lives here and with 12 deaths, including seven health-related ones already reported, the authorities better sit up and listen. 

Parents have every reason to demand the best. No parent would want to send their teenage children for NS, no matter how much spin the authorities want to make through the media, if a living hell awaits them. 

The Health Ministry’s role is crucial in the running of these camps. 

Obviously, the council must include the ministry’s representatives as trainers themselves need to have the skills to handle emergencies. 

There must be enough personnel, including paramedics with access to facilities such as ambulance services, at every camp. There can be no compromise when it comes to human lives. 

It is assuring to hear council chairman Tan Sri Lee Lam Thye saying that he would revive an old request by the council to post a doctor in each camp. 

Although he has been on the receiving end, those who know him understand that he has put in plenty of time and effort for the NS. So has NS director-general Abdul Hadi Awang Kechil, who is a handson official. 

But the public has the right to know the circumstances and details of these deaths — were they caused by illness which could be detected or prevented had there been compulsory medical check-ups? Or they were due to stress, over-strenuous exercise, unhealthy food or other contributing factors? 

Presently, a trainee has to make a self-declaration as to his or her medical condition. The problem is not all trainees can read because we are not dealing with college students but dropouts as well. 

Some, according to those familiar with NS camps, do not even know how to fill up questionnaires. In one case, the trainee did not reveal he had frequent fever because of tonsil problems. 

We may also want to reconsider sending our children to other states. The inter-state integration is good but in terms of practicality, it is another thing. 

Beside the logistics fiasco that has been widely reported in the media, for many low-income families, it is impossible to take the day off to travel on the road for eight hours or fly to Sabah or Sarawak to see how their children are coping with NS. 

If trainees are placed in camps where the driving time is between an hour and two hours, parents would be able to make at least a visit. 

It is essential, as Lam Thye has suggested, to study the physical training module. 

The problem with our NS concept is that no one seems quite clear what it should be, at least in the eyes of many Malaysians. 

It is certainly not the militarystyled NS like in Singapore where trainees know they can expect serious drilling and shooting with live bullets. 

For the less healthy ones, they are assigned to handle administrative duties to allow them to complete the service. In fact, there are no female NS trainees in Singapore and Taiwan. 

But let’s not fool ourselves. There have also been reported fatal cases involving trainees there. 

If our NS camps are not bootleg camps with drill sergeants, neither are they Outward Bound or boy scout camps as they involve strenuous exercises and weapons training. 

Last week, the canteen of a NS camp was shut down after food poisoning was reported. We have a right to know the number of food poisoning cases. The late Prema Elenchan, for example, told her parents before she died that she lived on burgers as she often complained about the food served. 

The post mortem showed that Prema had suffered from fits and drowned in the bathroom, according to reports. 

Surely, camps which are built and managed by the private sector should be run professionally and with sensitivity. 

It is understandably not easy catering food to trainees from various backgrounds. Some like their food spicy while others do not. But instant noodles should not be the option for trainees. 

Discipline is also a crucial area which the police can assist as there have been cases of thefts such as lockers being broken into as well as fights. In fact, a number of commandants and trainers have been dismissed for disciplinary problems. 

But there is no reason to adopt a knee-jerk reaction as the NS has successfully turned out over 265,000 trainees since 2004 and the deaths numbered only 0.002%. 

Health Minister Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek, for example, is meeting NS officials on March 15 to discuss ways on how to assist the programme to be more effective. 

Let’s give the NS a chance. We must help make it work.

Former Sabah ACA chief Mohamed Ramli Manan has accused his former boss of amassing properties disproportionate to his wealth, including allegedly owning six houses in Pagoh, Johor. 

He has also been accused of operating two petrol stations. Both types of properties are said to be registered under his sons’ and sister’s names. Worse, Zulkipli has been accused of sexual crime and assault against a woman with police reports made in Kuala Lumpur and Negri Sembilan. 

The whistle blower, Ramli, is not an ordinary graft buster as he has been credited with completing the case against former minister Tan Sri Kasitah Gaddam, whose graft case is ongoing. 

The case has grabbed national attention because Ramli claimed he was put in cold storage until his retirement on Dec 8 last year.  

Investigations into corruption are the work of the ACA but in Zulkipli’s extraordinary situation, the police have been entrusted with the job. It would be difficult for the ACA officers to investigate their boss.  

Zulkipli has also been summoned to appear before the Parliamentary Select Committee on Integrity on March 12 where he can expect to be grilled by its 12 members, including Opposition leader Lim Kit Siang. 

But as much as Malaysians are angry at these developments, we need to adopt an open mind in this case. Allegations of sexual assault and crime against Zulkipli were first made 10 years ago when he was the Johor police chief but he was cleared of the charges.  

Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has also said Zulkipli had been subjected to background vetting prior to his appointment as ACA director-general in 2001 and again in 2005 when his term was extended for two years.  

In short, the allegations against Zulkipli didn’t stick. It could either be due to lack of evidence or they were baseless allegations. In all fairness, it is easy for anyone to lodge police reports or make allegations but they need not be the truth. 

Personality clashes, rivalry and office politics could also be contributing factors that led to this controversy. 

Zulkipli must be given every opportunity to redeem his image and clear his name as the integrity of the ACA as an institution is now being questioned. 

No one can deny that the faith of the public in politicians and civil servants has been eroding for a long time. For us to hear these allegations is surely another blow. 

But the twist now is that the police would zero in on whether his properties tallied with his declaration of assets and financial position.  

The police probe is crucial because it is doubtful whether the parliamentary panel carries sufficient clout to act. Ultimately, it would be the police investigations that would determine the outcome.  

Civil servants and politicians must understand that when they live pompous lifestyles, the public cannot help but question their seeming wealth. They should not send out the wrong signals – job applicants should not perceive that joining the Immigration, Customs or the police is a lucrative career move because one can make easy money. 

Neither should a political party membership be seen as a passport to securing lucrative projects or at the very least a sub-contract. There must be something seriously wrong when someone joins a party, not for its political belief and struggle, but to amass wealth, be it in a big or small way. The same applies to joining a particular government department for the wrong reasons.  

Perceptions are important. When a low-level politician builds a mansion without council approval, ignore assessment fees and shows off a fleet of luxury cars, we have a right as voters to ask whether his wealth is due to his business ingenuity or political power.  

Similarly, when we see civil servants leading lifestyles beyond their salaries, we have a right to ask why the ACA isn't carrying out investigations and why formal reports need to be made first.  

It is also essential for the ACA, which now comes under the Prime Minister’s Department, to be made an independent body which reports to Parliament if we truly want to combat graft. 

The police and the attorney-general need to prioritise the investigations on Zulkipli because the nation is holding its breath.