After all, it was their first four-eyed meeting, but all hopes seem to be shattered now. 

While Malaysians expect some bits of information from the meeting, they
would have respected some form of confidentiality and discretion.
Certainly, Malaysians are realistic enough not to expect instant
results. 

The spirit of forgiveness during Hari Raya, however, spurred many of us
to believe that positive results, however little they may be, would
emerge from the meeting. 

Malaysians generally hoped for the best from Dr Mahathir and Abdullah, who are held in high esteem by many of us. 

We would like to see the spat between the two leaders end. Even as the
prospect of another meeting seems remote now, many still pray that the
feud would end. 

The criticism by Dr Mahathir so soon after the meeting must have caught
many by surprise. The follow-up criticisms stunned us further. 

It would not be wrong to say that Dr Mahathir, who has been consistent
in saying he could continue his criticism, could have waited at least
until the festival was over. 

Surely it would not be wrong to say that politics should be put aside as Malaysians celebrate the Hari Raya. 

But the mood has been dampened. The favourite topic of conversation at
many Hari Raya open houses, unfortunately, was the criticism by Dr
Mahathir. 

While the Prime Minister chose to remain silent on the first day of
Hari Raya, he subsequently rebuked Dr Mahathir, using strong language. 

Those who know Abdullah would testify that he is certainly one of the
nicest men around. Polite, soft-spoken and forgiving, he has seldom
flexed his muscles, even if he showed signs of losing his patience. 

Showing his frustration, Abdullah said he was "disappointed and sad"
over the row and blamed Dr Mahathir for continuing the dispute, saying
there were "heavy doses of venom". 

The message is clear – Abdullah is ready to act and talk tough. He is
in combative spirit. No one should even suggest that he is not in
control. He certainly is, no doubt about that. 

But the feud, where an angrier tone has emerged, has also worried
ordinary Malaysians. After six months, when emotions should have been
more controlled and even settled, it has entered into a somewhat ugly
phase. 

Even if the parties involved in the feud show no signs of losing steam, Malaysians are generally tired. 

Newspaper offices have been receiving telephone calls from readers
complaining that news of the political standoff has worn them down. 

For good or bad, the Prime Minister should be left to carry out what he
has been mandated to do. He is answerable to 25million people, not one
or two persons. 

His style of leadership may be different and some may even dislike it.
After all, we are used to Dr Mahathir's 22 years of fast-paced
administration.  

Dr Mahathir has said he has lost his patience, pointing out that the economy is not chugging fast enough. 

He has also said that he is speaking up on issues which many Umno
politicians dared not touch on, especially issues relating to
Abdullah's family members. He has managed to say what he had to say
directly to Abdullah. 

Dr Mahathir is entitled to his opinions and certainly there would be
Malaysians who share his views. His concerns surely deserve attention
and action. 

But others would also say that not enough credit has been given to the Prime Minister. 

There is certainly bigger democratic space and greater tolerance for
dissenting views. More space has surely been given to government
critics and not many share the view that Malaysia has become a police
state.  

At the international level, Abdullah has mended fences with countries
which had difficulties dealing with the previous administration. 

In short, it is only fair that the Prime Minister be allowed to carry on with his responsibilities. 

But after the series of strong words last week, many Malaysians cannot
be blamed if they have given up hope of any future peace talk. 

The doors may seem to be closed now. At this point, no one would even want to talk of another meeting. 

But as we approach a new year, a new beginning is what most Malaysians
would want to see. For sure, we do not want the same issue to drag on
into the new year.

Regular visitors to Jakarta can feel the economic excitement as the government under Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono continues its pro-business approach by loosening its control in many areas. It doesn't come as a surprise that Indonesia has managed to overtake Malaysia in terms of foreign direct investments. 

The FDI in Malaysia, on the other hand, has dipped to RM14.69bil last year from RM17.09bil in 2004. For the first time since 1990, Indonesia has managed to overtake Malaysia – FDI to Indonesia surged by 117% to RM19.46bil last year. 

Indonesia may still have an image problem, particularly those relating to Islamic extremism, urban poverty and corruption, but the new administration's policy of economic self-discipline is beginning to pay off. It is the only country in the region that is cutting interest rates and revising its economic rate forecast upwards as consumption starts to move. Indonesia expects its GDP to be 5.9% this year from 5.6% last year. 

The Jakarta Stock Exchange is also one of the best-performing markets in the region over the past one year. 

It doesn't take an economist to notice Indonesia is giving Malaysia a serious run for the money. Unfortunately, many Malaysians still continue to treat our neighbour as a supplier of maids and other cheap labour. 

The tough times that the Indonesians have gone through have strengthened their resilience. In contrast, many of us are spoilt and have lost our competitive edge. The numbers and facts are there, but many prefer to believe the good times will roll on forever. 

Like it or not, Malaysia has fallen one notch in the latest Global Competitiveness Index (GCI) in the annual rankings published by the World Economic Forum. We are now ranked 26th.  

The only good news is that in Asia, Malaysia retained its sixth ranking, after Singapore, Japan, Hong Kong, Taiwan and South Korea. 

The rankings are based on nine areas – institutions, infrastructure, macro economy, health and primary education, higher education and training, market efficiency, technological readiness, business sophistication and innovation.  

No doubt there is no reason for us to be alarmed over the drop in FDI and ranking in the GCI, but it is still a wake-up call for us. 

Malaysia has strong points like a developed infrastructure, political stability and an educated workforce with the ability to use English, which put us ahead of our rivals, but we need to constantly improve ourselves. 

Many of the concerns have also been seriously addressed under the Ninth Malaysia Plan by Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. 

While the 30% requirement of bumiputra ownership equity for businesses continue to be debated by investors, the country's reputation has been generally positive. 

The best-selling book, The World Is Flat, by Thomas Friedman, made over 15 references to Malaysia and they were all positive ones. 

The book, which focuses on the explosion of technology in doing businesses worldwide, should be compulsory reading for all Cabinet members and, for that matter, all senior government officials. Hopefully, it will jolt policy-makers in Malaysia who are still complacent, and those with the mistaken belief that Malaysia is way ahead, into action. 

There are reasons to be concerned, even worried, at what is taking place in Malaysia. We need to tone down on our political debates and certainly we need to exercise greater tolerance at dissenting views instead of just shutting down opinions we cannot accept. 

We need to look at the larger picture and to pull together our resources to compete in the international market. The fact is that the Malaysian market of 25 million people is just too small. The squabbling over the economic cake does not help one bit if we are not prepared to look for the cake elsewhere. 

Singaporeans have long looked outside their tiny nation for businesses and have put their money in key companies in neighbouring countries. 

The question is that, beyond the slogans and terms that politicians like to use at annual party meetings, what should Malaysians do to make ourselves sharp in a fast-paced global market? 

As Friedman says, the world has shrunk and the world is flattening as we become more connected. Malaysia needs to realise the forces at work because if we don't, we will be left behind. 

Dr Syed Ali, in a strong rebuttal, said Mohd Fauzi Mustaffa was not fit to hold the position at Takaful and that he should repent for his arrogance in thinking that he has knowledge on the matter.  

He agreed with Dr Abdullah that the ban imposed by Fauzi was his personal view and based on a narrow understanding of Islam. 

The clarification by Dr Abdullah and Dr Syed Ali, who are authorities on Islam, is important because not many people would want to challenge such a directive.  

If left unchallenged, the directive would eventually become a practice, which is surely unacceptable in a plural society like Malaysia. 

The term Deeparaya – to denote the proximity of the two festivals – appears to be less used this season, presumably because some Malaysians are not sure how to react to such joint celebrations and they do not want to be seen to have committed anything that is regarded as sinful. 

Such reluctance could be because of the call by the Ulama Conference just four months ago, through its working committee chief Datuk Seri Harussani Zakaria, urging the Government to review the Kongsi Raya and the National Open House festivals. 

This was made following the National Fatwa Council's decision that celebrating the festivals of other religions could erode the Muslims' faith and lead to blasphemy. 

In an almost similar tone in the e-mail to his colleagues, Mohd Fauzi said wishing Happy Durga Pooja, Happy Laskhmi Pooja and Happy Deepavali was deemed as expressing greetings to the Hindu gods Durga, Lakshmi and Krishna, which he viewed as going against the Islamic faith.  

Going by Mohd Fauzi's interpretation, his staff may be banned from wishing Christians Merry Christmas too, as that could have religious connotations. 

Kongsi Raya or Deeparaya celebrations are merely social gatherings. And even if they have religious significance, Malaysians have long regarded them as celebrations that unite rather than divide the people.  

Such gatherings are devoid of religious rituals and merely depict Malaysia's multi-racial society. In fact, Malaysians, especially the young, should be encouraged to visit one another for a better understanding of this nation of ours. 

There is also no reason why Malaysians should shy away from visiting the places of worship of other faiths. 

Irrespective of whether we are Muslims or non-Muslims, we have no qualms visiting temples, churches or mosques when we are overseas.  

But for some reason, not many of us would do the same at home.  

Have we come to the point where Malaysians have become so sensitive, even as we profess that we are strong in our faiths? 

I remember, as a student at St Xavier's Institution in Penang, how our teachers used to take us on the round-island bus trips where we had to stop at different places of worship as part of our education.  

I am not even sure whether schools organise such trips these days, but the fact is the multi-religious character of Malaysia is being challenged by a small group of people who want to assert their religious belief and identity on others. 

Is our faith in God so fundamentally fragile that, on the slightest pretext, it would erode if we wish our Muslim brothers Selamat Hari Raya or vice-versa on different festivals?  

In the words of my journalist friend Rose Ismail, "This is hurtful to those of us who remain solidly Muslims even as we listen to Christmas carols or indulge in mutton curry during Deepavali with friends of other faiths." 

The mark of a free and mature society is surely the ability to tolerate differences and dissent, whether politically, religiously or ethnically.  

We have done well in the past but there is a need to improve ourselves now. 

Malaysians should not be made to be insecure, intimidated or frightened because they hold different views or because they wish to practise their own religious beliefs. That is their right. 

More important, Malaysians must be prepared to speak up because they must never allow the minority to impose their views or will on the majority.  

There is no reason why we should not stand up and express what we feel is not right. 

Responding to the National Fatwa Council in July, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi said Kongsi Raya celebrations had become popular social events for Malaysians, and that they should continue as long as they were not religious gatherings. 

It is important that religious figures emphasise on the similarities of our religions, which is a very personal matter, instead of harping on trivial differences, which does no one any good. 

We may have different religious approaches but we share the same belief in promoting friendship, peace, respect and goodwill for one another, and surely that is more important. 

Whether we like it or not, there will be individuals or groups who want to chip away our multi-cultural national identity. More than ever, moderate Malaysians must be prepared to stand up to defend what we have.  

test

The Prime Minister said the report by the Asian
Strategy and Leadership Institute (Asli) was wrong as it was based on
incorrect information. 

Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi said the information used by the
Economic Planning Unit involved 600,000 companies. Asli, on the other
hand, reportedly gathered its information from a sample of 1,000
companies listed on Bursa Malaysia. 

The Prime Minister reiterated that government-linked companies (GLCs)
are not bumiputra companies as the profits were given to the Treasury
and the funds used for the people and country. 

Asli had reported that the estimated amount of bumiputra equity
ownership was 45% of the RM715.4bil worth of stocks and had thus
exceeded the target of 30%. 

The think-tank, in its report, Corporate Equity Distribution: Past Trends and Future Policy, estimated that 70% ownership of GLCs was attributable to bumiputras. 

The NEP, born after the 1969 racial riots, is aimed at eradicating
poverty and restructuring society. Under the 9MP, the achievement of
the 30% target has been revised to the year 2020. 

The Asli report has come under fire from some businessmen and
academics, who point to the high level of poverty among bumiputras and
their lack of representation in business and professional occupations. 

The debate, if conducted in a rational and non-communal approach, is
good for the nation as all Malaysians would want to see the NEP
succeed. 

No one in his right mind would challenge the intention of the NEP as it seeks to bring about a more balanced society. 

The eradication of poverty and the creation of a bumiputra middle-class
are essential but certainly Malaysia must find out why after 37 years
of the NEP, the rural mass has not reaped the benefits of the country's
success. 

So much public funds have gone into restructuring and
poverty-eradication programmes but the targets are still not achieved.
If funds are not properly utilised, an important question is how to
plug the leaks. 

Academics, using the class framework in their thesis, have blamed this
situation on the powerful elite. It is the politicians and businessmen,
with their connections, who have benefited the most from the NEP, while
the status of the working class has remained much the same. 

For example, the predominantly Malay taxi drivers still have to rent
their vehicles and work long hours to earn a decent salary, while
Chinese traders must depend on their hard work and savings to survive
in hard times. They have no connections and certainly they are not part
of the corporate equity. 

The question for ordinary Malaysians is: Why should the wealthy, for
example, get discounts for expensive houses or golf club memberships?
Rightly or wrongly, they blame the politicians for perpetuating the
continued ethnic divisions for their own expediency. 

For some academics, the question of corporate equity, regardless of the
percentage, remains very much in the hands of the rich, whether they
are Malays, Chinese or Indians. 

The "haves" and "have-nots" are not peculiar to any one race but include all racial groups; and that is a fact.  

While we we cannot escape from the reality of the country's
ethnic-based political structure, we can still conduct a thorough
reappraisal of our policies to meet the challenges of a fast-changing
world and to ensure the NEP's success. 

There has to be a meeting point somewhere. It is good for the country
to have a solid Malay middle class as well as educated, confident and
successful Malay entrepreneurs. It is imperative that the bumiputras
are made to feel secure that their political and economic rights are
intact. 

Pak Lah must be commended for ensuring that the Indian community will
own at least 3% of total national wealth under the 9MP. In fact, the
sizeable community, which has lagged behind, deserves more. This would
ultimately lead to the partnership of the Malaysian team. 

And while there are negative connotations to the Ali-Baba business venture, it is not necessarily bad. 

Why shouldn't a Chinese businessman have a Malay partner and
vice-versa? Why must a Chinese businessman be excluded to favour a
Singaporean businessman, for example, because a foreign partner –
instead of a Malaysian Chinese or Indian – may make the clinching of a
deal easier? 

For the non-Malays, they should also be assured that they continue to
have a stake in the national economy and not get the perception that
government regulations have blocked them. 

Their participation in the civil service, universities, police and army
is essential and good for the nation, just as a bigger participation of
bumiputras in the private sector is important. 

Likewise, if the GLCs, which are funded by the public, are wrongly
regarded as bumiputra-owned, it is simply because they are almost
headed entirely by Malay bumiputras.  

Such perceptions and insecurities are real and Abdullah, as the leader
of all Malaysians, must understand the fears, concerns and frustrations
of all Malaysians. 

He has been patient and willing to listen to the views of every group
and I, for one, certainly have faith in the Prime Minister. Malaysians
believe he is a fair man. 

Make no mistake about it. A dynamic business community is essential to
drive the country's economy as protectionist walls are torn down in the
international market. 

If Malaysia wants to compete with the emerging economies in the region,
we need to loosen up our rules and not impose more rules on ourselves. 

The Chinese business community with their links to China and the Malay
businessmen with Islamic ties to the Middle East are advantages that we
should emphasise. 

To ensure that Malaysia still has a pie to share, Malaysians must hold
their hands tightly together to ensure we do not lose out on
opportunities in the global community. 

There is little point in fighting over the crumbs if the economic cake
is not enlarged and certainly no community should be made to feel that
they are losing out at the expense of another community. 

A Malaysian approach, with a more universal appeal, is certainly needed
if we wish to forge national unity and to make everyone feel that they
are not being left out as we develop our one and only tanah air. 

Since last month, senior Umno leaders had dropped hints that the party polls, scheduled for November 2007, would be deferred. 

By postponing the party elections, the Umno leadership would be able to reduce the tension in the party, particularly the intense campaigning and even the wide use of money.  

In many cases, the heated campaigns have degenerated into open conflicts that would make the healing of wounds difficult, particularly in states like Kelantan and Terengganu, where the voting margins in general elections are narrow. 

Already the opposition, especially PAS and Parti Keadilan Nasional, has become more confident, believing that Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad has done the job for them with his continuous criticism against Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. 

There is damage, without doubt, and the Barisan coalition certainly has plenty of repair work to do ahead of the general election. 

No one, however, expects Abdullah to call the general election in the coming few months. The political climate at this point is hardly conducive.  

While the economy is strong, particularly in the commodities sector, the general sentiment among ordinary Malaysians is that they do not feel there is a buoyant economy. 

Money is tight and there are many unhappy people around with loud complaints against the Government. 

Despite the hype about the Ninth Malaysia Plan where RM210bil would be spent, the people want to see actual projects being carried out before they are convinced. The many grim-faced contractors in Umno want to hold the offer letters and voters want to see the signboards put up, announcing these projects at the sites, before they can be convinced.  

There would be spillover effects benefiting the people once these projects are rolled out, and the 810 projects named so far are only the preliminary ones.  

A large section of the Chinese voters, who are crucial voters in seats tightly fought between Umno and PAS, are still not in a forgiving mood. Many of these urban voters are still hurt by insensitive remarks made by certain Umno politicians. 

They feel they have been unfairly made the scapegoats in the political crisis – primarily involving Umno leaders – and that their solid backing for Umno candidates in the 1999 election, when Umno was challenged strongly, had been taken for granted, even forgotten. 

Many Umno personalities pulled through with three-digit margins following a strong challenge from the opposition and for these Chinese voters, any suggestion that the Chinese would take advantage of a weak Umno is unacceptable. 

While older Chinese voters understand the necessity of affirmative action and the need for a balanced society, the new generation of younger voters, including first-time voters, may need more persuasion. 

From the availability of places in universities to the implementation of certain government policies, the MCA and Gerakan would surely have a tougher job explaining government policies in the next election. 

No one questions the distribution of wealth and the restructuring of society but when the policy is perceived to benefit even the wealthy and politically-connected, then it is hard to placate those who find themselves shut out of the system. 

But deliver the votes the MCA and Gerakan must. The political structure is such that any punishment meted on MCA and Gerakan candidates would only erode the position of Chinese representatives in the Government.  

There is plenty to be done to pacify these angry Chinese voters in predominantly Chinese areas. For a start, Barisan politicians, regardless of their political parties, need to be more cautious in their statements. Assurances and promises may help in the short run but, ultimately, we need to re-examine policies and decisions that have made some sections of Malaysians feel uncomfortable, even lose out unfairly. 

But it must be stressed that some decisions, perceived to be discriminatory, are merely unilateral decisions, whether at local government or university level, and not even the policies of the Government. 

Chinese politicians, too, must appreciate that they need the Malay votes to win if they are being challenged by the DAP and Keadilan. It is these crucial Malay votes that will swing the results. 

There is room only for champions of Malaysians, not the champions of singular communities. The days of making statements to different audiences, via different language newspapers, are over. If apoliticians think they can get away with it, they had better think twice. 

One year is just about sufficient. It is more reasonable to expect Abdullah to call for the elections in 2008, with at least 12 months for him to prepare the ground for a big win. 

He has to win massively again, as he did in 2004 when the Barisan won 199 of the 219 parliamentary seats. He has to prove that the attacks by Dr Mahathir have not threatened his grip on power and that his predecessor's attempt to question his legitimacy as Prime Minister has not worked. 

As the country celebrates its 50th Merdeka anniversary, the timing is right to bring Malaysians together. It is time to emphasise that the making of Malaysia is the work of all races.  

Malaysia is our home and any reference to any community as an immigrant race, no matter how subtle, would not be tolerated. Any politician who utters such nonsense should be shut out. 

No Malaysian, regardless of his race, should be made to feel that he is treated differently and as we approach the 50th Merdeka and next general election, the time has come for us to take the right steps to make all Malaysians lift their heads high. 

There must be a greater willingness to examine the fundamentals of our economic system as protectionist trade barriers come down and the global market economy becomes more competitive. 

It is no longer about which race should get what slice of the pie but making sure that Malaysians would still get the pie. Decades ago, it was fashionable for politicians to talk about the equity shares of each ethnic group but we had better wake up to the fact that our economic competitors are out there, not among ourselves in Malaysia. 

Politicians will have plenty to say in the run-up to the general election but let's hear fresh ideas and approaches. Most of all, we don't need any communal slant to any issue.  

Walking off in a huff, he received a telephone call from a military officer in Bangkok.
"Thaksin here, I am still at the UN, what is this talk about a coup? Tell me what's happening?

"My ministers and generals told me they loved me, hugged me and kissed my hand.
Some even cried before I left, this can't be true, right?" he shouted angrily.

The reply from the other line was: "Sir, they want me to tell you that UN means You End."

Most Thais have taken lightly the dramatic political event of the year. It's business as usual, even on the night of the coup.

One night in Bangkok was literally just a song to the city folk, as bars and clubs continued their business hours.

It was another case of mai pen rai (no worries) even as the army ended the country's 15 years of democracy.

But there is always a price to everything.  The Thais may have got rid of Thaksin, who started off his leadership with a promise to run his country like a chief executive officer of a company.

Thaksin may know how to make millions but he found out the hard way that his authoritarian populism approach did not necessarily win the hearts of many, especially those in the urban areas.

He is now in exile and the people of Bangkok have demonstrated their support of the military government openly.

But these are early days for rejoicing.  Hours after the military takeover, the press found itself muzzled.

The Internet and telephone connections of newspaper companies were cut off shortly after midnight. Most newspapers only appeared in the afternoon even as the world already knew about the coup.

The army has since banned political gatherings and the formation of political parties. It has also banned the free distribution of information about the coup on websites.
As much as the Thais dislike Thaksin, the fact remains that his was a democratically elected government.

Even the media, which has been critical of Thaksin, would agree that Thailand has been a beacon of democracy in this region.

The press has been more vocal and more daring than many of the media in South-East Asia, with the exception of Indonesia perhaps.

The Thai media continued to challenge, even mocked, Thaksin as he became increasingly powerful, even intolerant, after the 2004 elections.

They hurled allegations of corruption, nepotism and executive interference in other branches of power.Using his influence, many journalists were sacked but many continued their campaign, especially those in The Nation group of newspapers.

The military has promised it would appoint a Prime Minister and a Cabinet within a fortnight and an election in a year.

In short, there will only be a "guided democracy" over the next 12 months. It will be the junta that calls the shots.

The civilian politicians would have little clout, that's the reality.

The likelihood is that a new Constitution, to be drafted by the army, would replace the present one.

In reality, the military government is a serious blow to a civil society.  It's a heavy price to pay for the toppling of one man.

As Peter Alford, who wrote in The Australian, aptly pointed out that "they once again raise the spectre of an activist army claiming for itself a warrant to interfere in politics when, to its leaders' judgment, civilians fail the nation."

Last week's coup may have been a bloodless one but it is another blot on Thailand's political stability, or the lack of it.

The job of running a government should be left to politicians while the army's role is to defend the country from external forces.  Not even fighting crime, which is the policemen's responsibility.

The separation of duties and powers must always be constitutionally clear. In the case of Thailand, the latest coup is a serious setback to democracy.

Democrats have reasons to cry although Thaksin is now in exile.

Although he already has his hands full taking on the criminals, he has promised that he will investigate allegations of corruption and that the public can give information about his officers if they have evidence. 

Musa has asked for evidence so the police can punish them or have the cases referred to the Anti Corruption Agency. He also said he welcomes whistle-blowers, including from within the force. 

This is a tough mission. For a start, Musa can find out how many of his officers are living beyond their means. Policemen must realise that they are not corporate figures and their lavish lifestyles would be questioned by the public since their salary scales are known to all. Their choice of houses, the location, their cars and club memberships must surely be seen as within their affordability. 

But law enforcement officers know the law well. Musa, who has a reputation as a clean cop, will find it difficult gathering evidence and getting witnesses willing to testify, even if he has his suspicions. 

There is nothing, however, to stop Musa from moving officers with tarnished reputations to departments where they will have little chance of getting their monthly envelopes of soiled money. Or for that matter, transferring them to states where gambling or entertainment outlets are almost non-existent. 

From the ordinary traffic cop who stops a foreign worker by the roadside to extort money to the big officer who deals with organised crime, the public have heard enough stories.  

But hearsay is not good enough, as everyone knows, and any action to clean up the force must not be seen as a witch-hunt, which would hurt morale. But if Musa is stern and committed to what he has set out to do, the rank-and-file will get the message and know the consequences of their actions. 

Musa has invited his men to forward information of corruption directly to him. This is something new as the present hierarchy method of reporting a wrong is, in many ways, a deterrent to whistle-blowers. 

How does one report against one's superiors, for example? But if the doors of Musa are opened to his officers, regardless of their positions, he has certainly set a precedent. 

Musa has also started well with his directive to the Public Affairs Department in Bukit Aman to create an interactive website for complaints and suggestions. In this multi-media age, it is much easier to e-mail instead of writing a letter and the website should allow the public to send video clips and pictures as well. 

There should also be templates of the various forms or reports for the public to download from the website to make the force more effective in the Internet age. 

But all the technology would be useless if Bukit Aman does not respond or carry out follow-up action effectively and promptly. Any report sent via e-mail, which must carry the person's full details, including his or her telephone numbers, must be taken seriously. 

Musa may want to consider making his e-mail address public so that Malaysians can send their mail direct to him. He, or at least his aides, can have direct access to the public this way. 

As the new boss, Musa would need to consider doing a revamp to strengthen his position and put in place officers who share his belief in going back to the basics – fighting crime and keeping a force of dedicated and clean officers. 

That is what a police force in any country is all about. The policeman's job is to maintain peace in the country and keeping the streets safe must surely be Musa's priority. 

In an interview with The Star, Musa said his priority would be to reduce major crime and to do that he would introduce more beat patrols and crime prevention rounds by uniformed policemen as well as detectives. 

He has also directed the redeployment of 800 personnel in Bukit Aman whom he found in a recent survey to be doing overlapping duties. He said they should be doing real policing work instead. 

Since a major complaint from the public is the perceived absence of policemen, a more visible presence of policemen, especially in busy areas, will make the public feel safe. We certainly welcome Musa's commitment to have more beat duties. 

Musa also said there were many areas within the force that needed to be restructured to better serve the public. But this cannot be done overnight and he has asked Malaysians to give him time and support 

The new IGP, I am sure, can count on the backing of all Malaysians who want to see him succeed in his mission. We understand his difficulties and the task ahead and, for sure, Malaysians would be realistic in their expectations of him.  

No one expects overnight changes but it is the hope of the public that given enough time, the new IGP will be able to carry out his task well. We wish him all the best.  

We no longer feel safe any more. Robbers and snatch thieves have become more ruthless, no longer satisfied with just escaping with the loot. 

No warnings are given these days, with victims being brutally attacked, sometimes with tragic consequences. 

Snatch thieves and wayside robbers may be seen as petty criminals, but they have become so common that their collective effect can be quite frightening. 

Such crimes are no longer something we read about in the newspapers. It is not uncommon for us and people close to us, be it friends or family, to have a story to tell.  

Once upon a time, it would seem that only the very rich people were at risk, but now even those in the middle-class fear for their safety and that of their children. Think about those abduction cases involving children from ordinary families living in normal suburban homes. 

It does not help when police are seen to be taking their time to respond to such cases and when the traumatised victims are given the runaround when lodging reports. 

Anyone who has made a report of a snatch theft is unlikely to be assured that the police will go all out to solve the case and recover the stolen items.  

And does it not make you wonder that even money from ATM machines can be stolen these days? By that we do not mean criminals lurking nearby to take your money after you have withdrawn it, but physically carting away the ATM machines. 

We also seem to have come to the point where politicians prefer that the press do not report about these crimes or just downplay them because we fear that the country's image would be affected. 

But it doesn't help if we just pretend that this is not a problem and hope that it will eventually go away.  

It won't, and it will only get worse if we do not do something drastic about it. 

Right now, Malaysians have not heard anything convincing on how we are going to combat crime effectively. 

Yes, politicians have told us that "they view seriously" the situation, that more policemen would be recruited and that even Rela members would be roped in. 

Well, next year will be Visit Malaysia Year, and we had better be serious about fighting crime if we want to make everyone feel safe.  

Take a stroll along Orchard Road in Singapore or Oxford Street in London and you will never miss the presence of the policemen on the beat. It is the same at these countries' airports. 

It is understandable that our police do not want our soldiers to fight crime, as the separation of duties must be clearly defined.  

The number of Federal Reserve Unit personnel could, perhaps, be increased and their deployment be made wider. 

But Musa would not be able to deliver if he cannot get extra policemen, better perks and facilities for the 80,000-strong force. 

Everyone, from the people to the politicians, expects the police to carry out round-the-clock work but not many want to talk about giving the force better allowances and incentives.

The police force in Singapore, Hong Kong, Australia and the United Kingdom are among the best paid in the world. 

We cannot expect our constables and their families to live on less than RM1,000 a month in Kuala Lumpur, Penang or Johor Baru. 

Fighting corruption has to be another of Musa's concerns. The force has a badly dented image. Wearing badges and putting stickers on patrol cars proclaiming its commitment to fight graft won't win the battle. 

Malaysia is a country of many slogans but when it comes to actual implementation and producing results, we are terribly bad.  

Musa has come in with a reputation as a clean and efficient policeman. We believe that he is a man of high integrity and credibility. 

Our police force deserves our support and trust but we also want Musa to do what he is trained to do – fight crime. That would mean seeking out all criminals, big or small, wherever they may be.