Negri Sembilan Mentri Besar  Tan Sri Mohamed Isa Abdul Samad  claimed that the opposition had  asked the Malay voters whether  they preferred a kuil (Hindu temple) or
masjid (mosque) in their  area.

The opposition, he alleged, had  also
told the voters that the Malays  should
only vote for a Malay candidate.

It will be difficult for Isa to  prove
his allegations as opposition 
campaigners are unlikely to use 
these tactics openly.

But it is clear that the opposition  had
decided to field Kassim to capitalise on the high number of Malay voters.

While the decision could well be  a
clever tactical move, it has also  put to
the test Keadilan's claim of  being
multi-racial and non-communal.

In last year's general election,  the
opposition fielded N. Gobalakrishnan on a Keadilan ticket. Although he lost,
the spirit of multi racialism was, at least, reflected.

Many issues will crop up during  the
campaigning, but what is more  important
here is the concept of  power-sharing
among the various  races in this country,
which has  been taken for granted
lately.

The politics of accommodation  and
consensus in Malaysia has  made this
country special and  unique.

None of the 192 parliamentary 
constituencies is an Indian-majority area, but the belief in power
sharing has allowed the community to have a minister, a deputy and  two parliamentary secretaries  from its list of seven MPs and 15  state assemblymen.

This is to ensure that every minority group, no matter how small  they are, are represented in Dewan  Rakyat and Dewan Negara.

Malaysian society is plural, and  its
politics will always be complicated. There will always be moments of
frustration, but the spirit  of
consensus, if constantly upheld,  will
allow problems to be amicably 
resolved.

The Alliance and subsequently  the
Barisan Nasional may be made  up of
communal-based parties, but  it has been
able to bargain, compromise and accommodate in a  non-communal fashion.

It has its flaws, but it has been  proven
to be effective in holding  this
multi-racial and multi-religious country together because of  its moderation.

In past general elections, MCA 
candidates had stood in Malay-majority areas and won with the support of
Malay votes because the  Malays were more
comfortable  with the MCA than the
DAP.

Last year, the Chinese supported  Umno
candidates, throwing out  even Chinese
DAP candidates, for  various reasons.

They had confidence in the leadership of Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir  Mohamad, the economic recovery,  the cohesiveness of the MCA, the  fear of an Islamic state, and the  strong belief that only the Barisan  can hold the country together.

The bottomline is that the majority, irrespective of their ethnicity,  believed that only the Barisan  could work, even when the credibility of the
coalition was at its  lowest.

This pragmatic approach, including the component parties'  ability to strike durable compromises, has
been the Barisan's winning formula.

Thus, right from the beginning  when the
Teluk Kemang seat fell  vacant, the
understanding among  the component
parties was that the  seat would go to
MIC. The racial  composition of the
constituency  was never an issue.

The concept of accommodation  needs to be
re-emphasised from  time to time. Even
Barisan leaders,  especially the younger
ones, do not  fully appreciate its
magnitude at  times.

The Gerakan and MCA grassroots, for example, must appreciate that even when
Umno had more  state seats than the two
parties in  Penang, the chief minister's
post  automatically went to a
Chinese.

It was a non-negotiable issue and  the
Barisan leadership, including  those from
Umno, did not bow to  pressure,
particularly in 1995.

The same scenario has taken  place in
Sabah. Dr Mahathir has  correctly
insisted that the rotation  of the chief
minister's post must  continue although
Umno has the  most number of seats.

Despite continuing pressure  from the
Sabah Umno rank and  file, the prime
minister has refused to budge.

That aside, younger Umno leaders must also understand the need  to reward other communities in the  wake of efforts by PAS to win their  support.

Similarly, the other Barisan  component
parties must be prepared to forego their posts in the  event their parties perform badly  in future elections should they demand more
now.

The politics of compromises  must be
fully appreciated by everyone. It is a win-win game but no  one ethnic group is supposed to be  fully satisfied.

Over the years, there has been  less
emphasis on communalism,  but the reality
is that it has not  gone away.

In the case of the Teluk Kemang 
by-election campaigning, racial 
and religious slurs have come into 
play.

The voters of Teluk Kemang  need to send
a reminder that racial  play, in whatever
form or manifestation, is unacceptable.

Like any parent, she was obviously proud that her
daughter had  done well and wanted to
share her  accomplishment with anyone
who  cared to listen.

Her daughter must have secured  a place
in ITM on her own merit.  The scholarship
was presumably  given based on her scholastic
and  financial positions.

It's unlikely that her father, a 
full-time party worker who had 
failed in all his political outings, is 
financially well-off. Given his 
prominence, her friends and ITM 
officials would have known about 
her family background.

But credit must be given to the 
Government and ITM for not discriminating against her.

In all likelihood, she is to share  her
father's political inclination  but it
would be terribly unjust had  she been
denied her scholarship  because of her
link with PAS, of  which she had no
control.

There are many students, both in  local
and foreign universities, who  are not
supportive of our government. It is certainly not a recent  phenomenon and our government  should not be unduly worried.

Even during the 60s, when the  Socialist
Club was allowed in Universiti Malaya, it attracted many  idealistic students who believed  they could change the world.

In recent years, as a result of Islamic revivalism, many supported  PAS in our local universities; non Muslims
would support the DAP  and Parti Rakyat
Malaysia.

But many students switch their  political
allegiance when they  graduate. Some do
so for selfish  and opportunistic
reasons, believing that they would have better 
prospects backing Umno, MCA or 
MIC.

Others genuinely believed that it  would
be more effective working  from within
the system than shouting themselves hoarse from outside.

In this context, not many would  agree
with Entrepreneur Development Minister Datuk Mohamed  Nazri Abdul Aziz for saying that  priority for Mara's education loans  would be given to Barisan Nasional  supporters.

He had said that in politics, priority must always be given to party
supporters.

Nazri reportedly said applications from others would only be  considered after this was done.

His statement, if correctly reported, is certainly regrettable.  One would have thought that loans  or scholarships are given out  based on meritocracy.

It will be alarming if the child of  an
opposition member is penalised  as a result
of his parent's political  beliefs.

Nazri should be more concerned  with
scholarship holders who fail  to repay
their loans or the possibility of rich parents getting loans  and scholarships for their kids, depriving
those who really need the  assistance.

There should be no political consideration because the money belongs to the
taxpayers.

A Parti Keadilan Nasional supporter, for example, is also a taxpayer and a
citizen. It is his constitutional right to enjoy the same  benefits as a Barisan man.

Nazri's stand is contrary to Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad's  recent reminder to Umno members not to
penalise opposition supporters, especially government  servants.

The Umno president had argued  that Umno
members should try to  win them back as
many were former Umno supporters.

Dr Mahathir's advice makes  sense as many
Malays turned  against the leadership on
a few  specific issues, such as the Datuk  Seri Anwar Ibrahim case.

These unhappy citizens turned to  PAS
recently simply because it is  an alternative
political vehicle to  voice their
grievances  and nothing more, much less
its radical policies.

With the same principle, the  PAS-led
Terengganu government  should not stop
Barisan supporters  from getting loans
and scholarships. The oil royalties belong to 
the people of Terengganu and not 
Mentri Besar Hadi Awang.

But Nazri is not entirely wrong.  The
Government expects its scholarship holders to concentrate on  their studies and not waste their  time in street demonstrations.

They should not be used by selfish politicians. If they fail in their  examinations, they should realise  that their political idols won't lift a  finger to help them.

A university dropout is useless  to
whatever political cause the student may want to champion later in  life.

The Education Ministry should  pay more
attention to university  lecturers, some
of whom use up  public money to pursue
post-graduate studies and then return home 
empty-handed.

Many of these academic failures,  who
have become harsh critics of  the
Government, never had to worry about being axed during the recession, unlike
those in the private  sector.

Not many of them appreciate  government
efforts in restoring  the economy, never
having worked  in the demanding
environment of  the private sector.

It cannot be denied that students  should
not be divorced entirely  from politics
as the campus must  allow
intellectually-stimulating  debates and
ideas to flourish.

Neither is politics the monopoly  of
politicians.

The concern of many Malaysians  is that a
large segment of our students and lecturers have become  too partisan and preoccupied with  politics, resulting in neglect for  their work.

Those who disagree with their  political
views in campus are  afraid to express
themselves for  fear of being
ostracised.

If a lecturer is paid to teach 
chemistry, he should just stick to 
it. He shouldn't waste time lecturing students on the purported
evils  of the government.

Nazri would probably get a better hearing if he acts against loan takers who can
no longer fulfill the  requirements and
criteria because  of their political
involvement.

More importantly, everyone  should be
given a chance to contribute to our beloved nation.

If money politics is mere fantasy, then Datuk Seri Dr
Mahathir Mohamad must have  been
ill-informed. There would have been no 
need for him to issue so many warnings before the party elections.

There was only talk, perhaps because no 
complaint was lodged or no one was caught  in the act.

Money politics, it has been alleged, first 
surfaced during the 1993 party polls. Till today, candidates have
privately complained  of delegates who
demand money, contracts  and state
awards.

It would not be realistic to expect money 
politics to go away with warnings from the  president. For a start, Umno members
have  to change their mindset and rid
themselves  of the handout
mentality.

To think that money is required to do a 
good political job is a flawed assumption.

One delegate openly proposed that the 165 
divisions be allocated RM1mil each to enable them to conduct their
political activities  better.

The Kedah Youth leader was not the only 
one. A student, speaking on behalf of the  overseas Umno clubs, also asked for
money.

It has become so predictable. At every 
general assembly, even before she spoke, 
reporters following the debates at the media  centre all forecast correctly that she
would  ask for subsidy.

She revealed how Parti Keadilan Nasional 
campaigners, who appear to have the financial means, had travelled to
Europe to  preach reformasi.

The student blamed the Government's delay in sending their scholarship money as
a  cause for the Opposition gaining
support  among students overseas.

That's a lame excuse. One Barisan Nasional component party with an
overseas  club is so resourceful that it
runs a newsletter for Malaysians, fully sponsored by travel  agencies and phone companies.

The club also helps Malaysians who run 
foul of the law there or encounter money 
problems  all that without a
single sen  from party
headquarters.

Money is certainly needed to run the operations of a modern political party effectively.

Even the opposition parties, judging from 
the number of posters, banners and flags put  up during last year's polls, must have
spent  quite a bit.

But there is no guarantee that money will 
win votes, at least in a general election. It is  not a way to win the hearts and minds of
the  people.

The Kuomintang, reputed to be the richest 
party in the world, lost in the Taiwan election. It was the same with
cash-rich Golkar  in Indonesia.

Umno leaders have to lead by example if 
they want party members and the public to  believe that they are serious in
fighting  money politics.

They should stop flaunting their wealth, for 
one. A reporter cynically described the 
parking area at the Pan Pacific Hotel as having the “larget number of
luxury cars in the  smallest area in
Malaysia'' during the general assembly.

It'd be nice to see Protons in the area for a 
change.

After all, it takes two hands to clap. The  giver and the taker share equal blame.

Dr Mahathir's declaration of war against 
money politics is timely. On Wednesday, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi
will open  the Youth and Wanita
assemblies, followed  immediately by
voting.

All eyes will be on the tussle for the top 
Wanita post between incumbent Datuk Dr 
Zaharah Sulaiman and Datuk Seri Rafidah 
Aziz.

On Thursday, Dr Mahathir will open the 
general assembly proper where delegates 
will decide on the three vice-president's  posts, which are vied by nine
contenders.

Dr Mahathir and Abdullah have both won 
their respective posts unopposed. Acting 
Youth chief Datuk Hishamuddin Hussein, 
likewise, won without a challenge.

The target of these so-called demanding 
delegates, according to Umno insiders, are  the vice-president aspirants, where the  stakes are the highest. The winners are
seen  to be in line for the top party
leadership.

If delegates believe that they command a 
price, because of their voting power, then  they would spend money to get themselves  elected at branch and division levels.
Should  leaders at higher levels splurge
on these delegates, then they are merely endorsing money politics.

It is a vicious cycle because those who 
spend huge sums of money need to recoup 
their expenses.

It would not be surprising if those holding 
public office compromise their positions or  are prepared to accept kick-backs. There  must be an open display of disdain and
contempt against money politics.

Although the party elections would be the 
focus of the party and the media, many also  want to know the future directions of
Umno.

This year's general assembly is important 
because it is the first of the millennium and,  more importantly, the first since the
1999  general election.

There is immense interest in the assembly, not just among the Malays but
others  Malaysian because Umno is the
backbone of  the ruling Barisan
Nasional.

Critics of Umno have charged that the 
party has lost its credibility and an overhaul  is needed. They point out that there is
resentment against the leadership among the 
Malay community.

The result has been a split among the Malays, with many supporting PAS even if
they  are wary of the Islamist party's
extremism.

This issue is expected to be a focus in Dr 
Mahathir's address at the assembly.

Although Umno has come under intense 
criticism, many still accept the fact that the  party's strengths outweighs its flaws.

Its moderation and willingness to compromise have been its strong points.
Umno  should not be ashamed that it has
the support of non-Malays.

In fact, Umno has proven itself to be committed to self-renewal over the years.
Even  as PAS debate over whether
non-Muslims  should be associate members,
with no voting  rights, Umno has long
accepted non-Muslim  bumiputras from
Sabah as members with  equal
rights.

It also has shown great ingenuity in the 
formulation of the New Economic Policy, 
which has led to fairer distribution of wealth  and the strengtening of Malay-Sino
relations.

Dr Mahathir's expected emphasis on the 
substance of Islam, rather than its form, will  reassure many Malaysians that Umno has
no  intention of competing with PAS to
win Muslim votes.

The assembly offers the members the 
highest channel to carry out some soul searching. For a start, some
confidence building will help mend the post-election  dent.

Umno must accept the fact that it has to 
enhance its image at the grassroots through  more community-related work.

The “Datuk politician,'' in his corporate 
image and shiny Mercedes-Benz, may project the image of a successful
bumiputra but  it has also sent wrong
signals to the kampung voters.

Complaint bureaus, where the ordinary 
people can seek help, could be set up in 
housing areas so that the party will be accessible to the
grassroots.

If the successful Sanggang by-election 
campaign is to be a lesson, Umno leaders not  only need to make themselves relevant
but  they have to relate to the
sentiments of the  ordinary rakyat.

Elian is now with relatives in Miami, Florida, where he
has been  staying since his dramatic
rescue  at sea last November. His
mother  and 10 other Cubans died when
a  boat full of illegal immigrants
capsized in their attempt to reach 
Florida.

His father, Juan Miguel Gonzalez, who travelled to Washington  10 days ago, has been trying to  meet his son and break the impasse over the
boy's future.

Under ordinary circumstances,  it would
have been a simple case of  a reunion
between father and son.

But they have been unwittingly  caught in
a political fight involving  politicians
and powerful Cuban exiles.

These forces have shown little  concern
for the child in the name  of democracy
and justice.

In the emotional debate, no one  has
bothered to ask whether  Elian's father
is fit to raise the  child.

Instead, Cuban President Fidel  Castro's
policy has become the issue of the dispute. Castro, the argument goes, is
unfit  not his father. In Cuba, the
Americans are  being attacked for their
unfairness  and injustice.

In Miami, Elian's greatuncle, a  distant
relative, has the biggest  say on
American TV and newspapers.

The child has been videotaped  telling
his father he wants to stay  in the US.
While his relatives say  the video is
authentic, critics are  claiming that the
child was  coached.

American politicians have ironically tried to force the father to  defect.

Politics has taken centre stage, 
involving people who have no business in the issue, while denying
parental relationship.

The judiciary system has been  blatantly
abused and subverted by  politicians and
relatives to keep  Elian in the US. At
this point, the  court has barred Elian
from leaving.

Elian's lawyer goes on TV every  night,
using superlatives to claim  that Cubans
“walked around fearful and scared'' and that children  were unhappy in the communist ruled
island.

Being a lawyer, he has been convincing. Human rights activists  have nodded in support.

Elian may possibly have a better  future
in the US, one must concede, but six-year-olds do not bother about democracy
and communism. They just want to have a 
good time playing with other kids. 
Lots of children in Cuba are certainly happy.

Every child belongs to their parents  not
Castro, not Clinton and  certainly not
busybody activists.

The matter nothing to do with  politics
and everything to do with  simple values
like love and affection. These are what ordinary people talk and care about all
over the  world, not just in the US or
Cuba.

To strengthen their case, the 
anti-Castro campaigners are 
claiming that they “speak for the 
people.'' Like many politicians, 
they too have freely made such 
claims.

The fact is that they only represent a small section of the Cuban  community in the US. A survey has  shown that many Cubans in other  parts of the country are embarrassed by the
action of their brethrens.

The same people who speak  about the
right to protest peacefully have vowed to use force should  the authorities step in to take Elian  from his relatives.

And because these campaigners  are so
imposing, the majority in  Miami who
disagree are fearful of  expressing their
views.

It is a case of self-proclaimed 
democrats who suppress the rights 
of others to speak up, simply because they disagree.

In Cuba, the same political rhetoric is being played up. Elian has  been reduced to a political slogan  without a thought to the psychological damage
on the boy.

Political rallies are being held, 
sometimes in heavy rain, in Cuba 
with Cubans listening to boring 
politicians reading from prepared 
text. These's no escape  it's
also  on TV.

Elian and his father should go  home
soon. They should be together as father and son, and that's all  that matters.

Speaking in Spanish, he wanted  to know what newspaper I represented and
whether everything  was fine.

There was little time to bring up  my
request, through his Foreign  Ministry,
to secure an interview.

Although Castro is known to  speak fluent
English, according to  some books, he
made no attempt to  use the language. His
aides translated.

Turning to NST editor-at-large  Hardev
Kaur, who was standing  nearby, he
planted a kiss on her  cheeks.

“Please send my regards to your  prime
minister, he's a good man,''  he said, as
a crowd gathered to  watch.

There has been much political  chemistry
since Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad made his first  trip to the communist-ruled Caribbean
island.

During the 1997 trip, Dr Mahathir was praised by Castro for  bringing 16 years of strong economic growth
to Malaysia.

He hailed Dr Mahathir for his  commitment
to bringing progress  to the South.

At that time, East Asia had just  being
hit by the currency speculators, 
bringing disastrous consequences to national economies and  wiping out decades of hard work  by the people.

During discussions then, the two  leaders
struck a chord as they exchanged views on globalisation and  how developing nations had to deal  with ever-increasing conditions  imposed by those in power and influence in
the international arena.

Since the 1997 visit, there have  been
follow-up visits by several  Cabinet
ministers and businessman.

MCA vice-president Datuk Ong  Ka Ting,
for example, was instrumental in bringing a women's volleyball team to Malaysia
following  a visit.

The Cuban side also opened an  embassy
prior to Dr Mahathir's  visit. Last week,
Foreign Minister  Datuk Syed Hamid Albar
announced that Malaysia would follow suit in Havana.

Cuban authorities certainly went  out of
their way during this summit to accord preferential treatment to Malaysian
delegates and  newsmen.

On arriving at the Jose Marti International Airport at midnight, we  found several hundred tourists lining up at
the immigration  counters. Instead of
opening a special counter for us, the Cuban officials insisted that we jump
queue   which led to protests,
understandably, from the tourists.

Much to the embarrassment of  the
Malaysians, the Cuban officials  turned a
deaf ear to the complaints.

Malaysia certainly made its  presence
felt. Dr Mahathir was  given the honour
to table a motion  to allow the G77
current chairman,  Nigeria, to express
the grouping's  aspirations to the G7
summit of developed nations.

Till recently, Cubans barely  knew
Malaysia as a country on the  other side
of the world.

The older generation still ask  whether
Malaysia had tigers roaming in our jungles 
images they  picked up from
watching a 60s film  Sandokan about a
swashbuckling  son of a sultan in
Sarawak.

Among the younger Cubans,  however,
Malaysia is regarded as a  tiger, roaring
for developing nations at international forums.

Over a meal of nasi 
briyani, Pak Lah exchanged views with the  editors on the technological changes taking
place in  the media.

His statements are timely as Malaysian journalists  will join their counterparts  in celebrating World Press  Freedom Day on May 3.

Some people will cynically say that there is nothing to celebrate, given
the  state of affairs of the Malaysian
press.

Exactly one year ago, 581  journalists
presented a petition to Abdullah calling 
for an end to publishing restrictions.

Nothing has happened as  the gamut of
laws facing  the industry has
remained.  Certainly, none of the
journalists who put their names  on the
memorandum (myself included) expected 
Pak Lah to carry out swift 
changes.

As writers, we certainly  want the press
to be less  regimented. It is not just
a  concern of Malaysian reporters but
practitioners of  the trade
worldwide.

In Malaysia, race and religion have always been taboo subjects for the
local  media. Not many young reporters
would remember  the racial temperatures
of  1969 and 1987, but for  newsmen who had to covered these dark events
in  the streets, they are likely  to adopt a more conservative and cautious
approach.

Many will even agree  that some media
restrictions are still needed to ensure a sense of responsibility.

Self-censorship is exercised sometimes because 
we strongly believe in the  need
to be moderate and  considerate in a
multi-ethnic country.

It is easy to speak volumes about press freedom 
but we should not ignore  the need
for people to live  peacefully.

Even after over 42 years  of
independence, one can  still detect
racial and religious insensitivity in certain sections of the media.

There are publications  which provide an
unwarranted slant to certain social and political issue.

But the baggages of history will surely go away 
one day. Similarly, many of  the
laws affecting the industry will eventually be 
outdated.

The requirement for  printing permits,
for example, would be less relevant as more news sites are  set up on the Internet.

Publications which are  banned will
merely turn to  cyberspace. With
audio-visual capabilities, these 
websites will become more 
attractive.

The fact remains that a  media which is
perceived  to be biased will be
unable  to convey its message to  the people. Publications  which lose their credibility  will be shunned by readers.

That aside, the newsmen's role will change 
sharply over the coming  years.
They can no longer  be mere reporters of
news  but will become information
providers.

While Malaysians will  expect information
to be  made available faster,  newsmen will have to grapple with new tools
for their  trade.

Breaking news is now  flashed on cellular
phones  while palm-PC users can  download online editions to  read.

None of these tools require a permit from the authorities. In fact, no
censorship is possible.

But tomorrow's news  will mean nothing if
the  content is not well-received by the
public. Some  politicians have the
impression that mainstream  newspapers
will lose out to  the Internet for
allegedly  failing to provide sufficient
opposition coverage.

The fact is that not everyone wants to read political news. A good newspaper or
news website caters  to all
readers.

The biggest demand  from readers isn't
political  news but business news.  They want instant updates  on stock prices, analysis  and performances of oversea bourses. That is
the reality.

Local media is not the  only one being
questioned  and criticised.

Malaysians are asking  regional
publications why  they constantly quote
politicians who lost in the elections. Some politicians  have never been elected  but unshamedly claim to be  the people's voice.

The NGOs, run by a  handful of people,
make  the same claim. Most are  partisan but put up a neutrl  front.

Some publications and  websites say they
are independent and objective, but  their
content is clearly 
anti-government.

It has not stopped them  from making wild
accusations and spreading rumours, the lastest being  Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir  Mohamad falling from a  horse in Argentina. Yet  some citizens say these reformasi websites
are reliable.

While most of us do not  share their
stand, we subscribe to the belief that minority views have a place  in a democracy.

The growth of press  freedom is essential
in a  democracy. It may not necessary
promote economic  development, as
reflected  in the Indian and
Filipino  experiences, but the
availability of accurate information is a necessity in a  modern nation.

The Government may  have the best
intentions in  safeguarding stability
and  development when drawing up laws. A
country in  chaos cannot be
beneficial  to newspapers. If the economy
suffers, newspaper  revenue will drop due
to  falling circulation and  scarce advertisements.

Still, the political and  technological
changes taking place in Malaysia call 
for a re-look at laws like  the
Printing Presses and  Publications Act
1984 and  the Official Secrets Act  1972.

Amendments to relax  these existing laws,
even if  they are not immediately  repealed, will strengthen  the press environment in  this country.

For a start, a media  council comprising
media  practitioners, academicians,
retired judges and  government
representatives could be formed to  study
these laws and their  relevance in the
information technology age.

The Opposition has demanded  that Adnan be reprimanded and  give an immediate and unconditional
apology.

Adnan's reply that he was merely reacting to the “abuses and extreme
harassment by aggressive  PAS
supporters'' was unacceptable, they argued.

They pointed out that Adnan, as  Mentri
Besar, should behave in a  more dignified
manner.

It won't be easy for Barisan to  defend
Adnan simply because  there is a
rudimentary notion of  what is wrong and
right, what is  standard and acceptable
behaviour.

Some people feel that Adnan  should
express remorse. Perhaps,  then, his
display of unhappiness  can be deemed a human
frailty.

By coming clean, the heat on  Barisan
will dissipate. By being  defensive,
Adnan is not going to  help the voters
forget the action.

However, the blame should not  fall
solely on Adnan. The rowdy  and abusive
behaviour of many  PAS supporters,
despite their moral high ground, should not be ignored in this
controversy.

None of the many opposition  leaders
present saw it fit to restrain their supporters from verbally abusing the Prime
Minister  and others.

The controversy has added some  spice to
the campaign but the  15,276 voters
should not lose sight  of the larger
issues at stake when  they cast their
votes on April 1.

Although a victory for Barisan  or PAS
would not make any difference to the political equation in the  state, the decision of the voters  would have an impact on the directions of
both parties.

With its victories in Kelantan  and
Terengganu, PAS is determined to continue pushing the  Green Tide in another east coast  state.

A win for PAS will be a boost to  the
Islamist party which has  pledged to set
up an Islamic state.  That is what the
MCA has never  failed to emphasise to the
34% Chinese voters in their campaign.

Concerned with feedback that  Chinese
voters see the by-election  as a Malay
political fight, Barisan  has urged the
community to come  out in full force on
polling day.

The MCA has painstakingly explained to its listeners that they  have a choice of “a moderate Malay and an
extremist Malay.''

In an attempt to project a more  secular
and accommodating image  to non-Muslims,
PAS has fielded  Datuk Hishamuddin Yahya,
a British-trained lawyer and businessman.

Umno has placed its bets on religious scholar Redzwan Harun,  which PAS campaigners have tried  to discredit.

Allies of PAS, the DAP and Parti  Keadilan
Nasional, seem to think  that the Chinese
have adopted a  more conciliatory tone to
PAS following the general election.

They say the PAS-led governments of Kelantan and Terengganu  have been fair and liberal to minorities. Of
course, no mention is  made about the
kharaj tax on non Muslims.

If Adnan's hand gesture is a talking point, the MCA has highlighted  to the community certain PAS banners with the
words Tolak Secularisme (Reject Secularism) on nomination day.

MCA campaigners believe they  can deliver
the Chinese votes. Adnan has also announced development allocations of
RM500,000  each to all new villages in
Pahang,  a move which will go down well  with Chinese voters.

But the support of the Chinese  alone
isn't enough because the Malays make up 59.1% of the electorate.

Barisan hopes that its method of  meeting
small groups of voters in  their homes
will be more effective  than hodling
ceramahs. Last week,  Datuk Seri Abdullah
Ahmad  Badawi turned up at the homes
of   villagers to listen to their
problems and views.

If the PAS brand of politics and 
religion is an issue among the 
Chines community, it has not escaped the Malay audience either.

The Deputy Prime Minister's  message to
Malay voters is that  PAS is not Islam
and that the argument that one party was Islamic  and the other apostate was not logical when
both parties practised  Islam.

Pak Lah has repeatedly told his 
listeners in Sanggang that he too 
would like to go to heaven, and that 
by supporting Umno it doesn't 
mean he would go to hell, as some 
PAS leaders preach.

The Islamic Studies graduate  from
Universiti Malaya, comes  from a family
of Islamic scholars.  Pak Lah's late
grandfather was a  prominent and
respected religious  scholar who remained
faithful to  Umno throughout his
life.

His supporters have never failed  to
impress upon others that despite  his
Islamic credentials, he has never claimed to be an Islamic scholar. Neither
does he need to sport a  goatee or wear a
jubah to display  his religious
commitment, preferring moderation and a low-key approach.

Pak Lah's presence in Sanggang  has
helped allay fears among some  Chinese
that Umno will try to  counter PAS'
fundamentalism by  becoming more Islamic
to gain  back lost ground.

With just a week to go before  polling
day, both Barisan and PAS  will be
channelling their efforts on  the 1,500
new voters and those who  need more
convincing

In last year's polls, the Barisan won the Sanggang state
seat by beating PAS with a 1,038 vote majority.

According to Barisan campaigners, the slim margin was a result of backing from
Chinese voters.

Although the Chinese voters made up only 32.3% of the 15,000 electorate, their
decision was crucial in determining the outcome.

Based on the results of past elections, it has never been easy for the Barisan
in Sanggang.

In the 1986 polls, the Barisan won the seat with only a 910 vote majority in a
three-way tussle with PAS and DAP.

The majority for the Barisan slipped further in the 1990 general election, when
it won with only a 340 vote majority in a three-cornered fight with an
independent and DAP.

But in the 1995 general election, the Barisan improved its performance by
increasing its majority to 4,089 votes in a fight with PAS and DAP.

Sanggang, which comes under the Mentakab parliamentary seat, may seem like an
obscure place but its voters have shown they are to be taken seriously if any
party wants their votes.

A victory on April 1 for the Barisan, particularly Umno, is crucial. It will be
a boost to Umno which holds its general assembly in Kuala Lumpur on May 11,
and, especially, when it is in the midst of searching for directions to win
back the support of the Malays.

It is a by-election the party needs to win well as Umno is said to have 5,000
members in the constituency.

The indication so far is that the Barisan is taking on PAS in its own game. It
has picked an Islamic scholar Redzwan Harun, 49, to contest the seat.

The Al-Azhar University graduate and former mosque official has a clean image
and strong religious credentials.

By picking a religious figure instead of a businessman or civil servant, the
Barisan hopes to stop criticism from PAS that it has neglected theologians and
the spiritual aspects.

Beside banking on the right candidate, Umno has directed its campaigners to
make personal contact with every voter to win their hearts and minds.

The idea is to counter the opposition, which is likely to hold ceramahs all
over the constituency.

Meanwhile, the MCAis sending 1,000 campaigners to the area, with the order of
one campaigner for every five Chinese voters.

Instead of the aggressive Gerak Gempur approach, a more low-key style, to be
known as Gerak Mesra, is expected to be adopted by Umno.

PAS has openly stated its ambition to capture Pahang following its victories in
Kelantan and Terengganu.

The Islamist party obviously realises the importance of winning the Chinese
votes.

Since January, PAS and DAP have held forums to convince the community that
criminals will not have their limbs chopped off under the hudud if PAS comes to
power.

In Kelantan, the party appointed a Chinese Muslim as a state exco member while
in Terengganu, Mentri Besar Abdul Hadi Awang lifted the ban on pig
slaughtering.

He also ordered a tax imposed on an arch in the state's Chinatown to be
abolished after his earlier fiasco of wanting to impose the kharaj tax on
non-Muslims.

PAS also cleverly kept their silence when some Umno MPs joined in the criticism
against Chinese and Indian programmes on Astro.

In fact, Pokok Sena MP and PAS Youth chief Mahfuz Omar questioned the motive by
some quarters in picking on only Chinese and Indian programmes.

The fight in Sanggang is not just a barometer as to whether Umno has improved
its standing among the rural Malays but also whether PAS has been successful in
winning over the Chinese.

It is obvious that PAS, comfortably confident with Malay support, will, in its
by-election campaign, emphasise its purported fair treatment of non-Muslims in
Kelantan and Terengganu. But for many Chinese voters, the question is not so
much whether they can eat pork or gamble under PAS rule but the consequences of
an Islamic state.

It is whether non-Muslims can take part in a democratic elections under a PAS
federal government and whether they would be relegated to a minor role.

The community must also be assured, beyond rhetoric, that their liberal
lifestyles would not be taken away.

These are fundamental questions raised by even some Parti Keadilan Nasional
leaders who were academicians. Suddenly in the name of political expediency,
the principles of these academicians changed overnight.

PAS will have to convince the non-Muslims that it is prepared to be more
liberal and secular if it wants their votes.

No one can deny that even critics of Umno are uncomfortable with the mix of
politics and religion being preached by PAS.

But national issues may not be enough to win votes in Sanggang. The Barisan
component parties have the advantage of having an impressive local
network.

The Pahang MCA, for example, has strong grassroots support while Mentakab MP Fu
Ah Kiow has an excellent constituency service record.

Local issues would be important for the constituents comprising mainly farmers,
traders and civil servants.

Barisan campaigners from the cities in their flashy cars or opposition leaders
with their thunder and lightning approach won't score points in Sanggang.

Besides the town areas, the constituency also covers villages which border the
Maran parliamentary constituency.

In some areas, campaigners will have to take boat rides to win the votes of
riverine folks.

For many of these folks, development still does matter and the Barisan is
likely to impress among them the need to support the dacing.

Razaleigh is certainly well aware  that the task would not be easy. He  may have received the first nomination from
the Tanah Merah division from Kelantan but no one  should expect a sudden avalanche  of support.

The nomination by the Tanah  Merah
division shows there are divisions which were prepared to  defy the leadership advice that  there should be no contest for the  top two party posts..

Last week, the 62-year-old leader hinted that he was prepared to  accept nominations for the Umno  presidency or deputy presidency.

He said he could not run away  from
responsibility in Umno no  matter how
heavy it was so long as  it was within
his capabilities.

Razaleigh is certainly well aware  there
are problems and dissension  within Umno
ranks.

There are many members who  feel the
party leadership could  have handled
national problems  better.

No one can deny that many are  openly
frustrated at the erosion of  support for
the party among the  Malays.

There is genuine concern, even  among
Umno's critics, about the  increasing
strength of PAS with its  mix of politics
and religion.

Many want directions and answers to regain the party's popularity and
Razaleigh's supporters  are telling their
listeners that their  man can do the job.
Or at least,  show that Umno is prepared
for a  shake-up.

However Razaleigh's predicament would be to convince his listeners that a
change need not necessarily mean disunity and unstability.

There may be pockets of unhappiness but not many Umno members are prepared to
go through  another crisis following Datuk
Seri  Anwar Ibrahim's sacking from  government and Umno.

Those who read Umno well will  see that
many members are suffering from political fatique following the gruelling
general election last year.

Not many are in the mood for a  round of
fight. The momentum, so  far, has been
that most of the 165  divisions prefer a
no-contest situation, as advised by the supreme 
council.

Until Friday, Dr Mahathir and  Abdullah
had already obtained 17  nominations, and
are comfortably  in the lead.

The feedback on the ground, so  far, is
that the trend would continue.

Razaleigh's hope would be in Kelantan and Terengganu. It has been  speculated that as many as 10 of  the 14 divisions in Kelantan will  back him.

By March 31, when his Gua Musang division meets, it would be  clear whether he has sufficient  backing.

If there is a groundswell, then 
Razaleigh can safely said he has to 
accept the sentiments of the divisions.

Assuming that there is not  enough
nominations, there is always the excuse that he has never  say that he wants to contest any  top post.

Razaleigh is shrewd enough not  to commit
himself to anything at  this
juncture.

Umno may have 2.3mil members  but only
2,000 delegates will decide the fate of the party, and for  that matter, the country.

The contest for the Umno presidency and deputy presidencyis  crucial because the winners traditionally
hold the posts of prime  minister and
deputy prime minister.

There is no need for Razaleigh to  make
any annoucement of seeking  higher
office.

The party has only 165 divisions  after
all and it is quite easy to meet  the
main power brokers.

A large of the 2,000 delegates,  are
automatic delegates, comprising key figures in their respective  divisions.

It is not too difficult for candidates to meet the delegates. But it  is also a disadvantage for potential  challengers like Razaleigh.

By virtue of their positions as  elected
representatives, many of  these division
leaders have their  own self interest and
fear.

Abdullah's advantage is that he  is already
a deputy prime minister  and just a step
away from the  prime ministership.

Division leaders would rather  place
their bets on a clear successor no matter what the sentiments  are. That is the reality of politics.

Politicians in power are in a better position to dispense patronage  and Umno grassroots leaders are  certainly aware of this.

The delegateswill have to rely on  their
information and gut feeling  whether the
prince will obtain  enough
nominations.

No politician worth his saltwould  want to
be with the wrong horse.

In the context of Malaysian politics, there is no place for losers  and no one would want to get  caught in a political cross-fire.

Razaleigh paid a heavy price after he failed to unseat Dr Mahathir  in 1987. The penalty was a decade  in political exile.

But he is in the news again. With  just
two weeks to go before nominations close, the excitement is  fast being built up.

By nominating Razaleigh for the  top two
posts, the Tanah Merah division is cleverly keeping everyone guessing what post
is Razaleigh going to contest if he decides 
to go ahead.

No one should underestimate Razaleigh's stature in attracting support but at
the same time, he must  have also
realised the task of going  against an
entrenched machinery  of the incumbents.

Razaleigh's campaigners would  certainly
wish the move by the  Tanah Merah
division would open  the floodgates of
support.

The division has all the right to  pick
Razaleigh as its choice. Critics who challenge that decision  may unwittingly give  Ku Li's the 
advantage.

Every ballot from the delegates  is
important and any slip up in  strategy
would be costly.

With Dr Mahathir and Abdullah  already in
the lead, the question  now is how
Razaleigh intends to  turn the
tide.

Still, we can expect a dramatic  campaign
all the way until the May  11 general
assembly.