Our new ministers and mentris  besar, having gone through a  contentious general election, will  be scrutinised.

They won't have it easy. Their  every
step will be watched not  just by the
Prime Minister but  also by the
Opposition.

Their priority is to ensure the  smooth
running of their respective ministries and states and to  take them to greater heights.

Equally important is a commitment to live up to the people's  trust. They must not betray public
confidence.

Some of the new ministers,  mentris Besar
and state executive councillors are new; understandably, along the way,
they  may make mistakes.

What is important is they must  be
accountable and democratic.  They must
remember that they  are there to serve
the people   not their personal interests.

There is no place for arrogant  leaders.
Some start off with  great humility and
restraint but  become high-handed after
having all that power in their hands. 
These leaders will be dumped in 
the next elections.

Some of us may not agree with  the politics
of Kelantan Mentri  Besar Datuk Abdul Nik
Aziz Nik  Mat and some others may
question his competence. What can't  be
argued is his down-to-earth  style.

His approach has endeared  him to the
people of Kelantan.  That, in many ways,
has helped  PAS fend off the attacks by
Barisan Nasional.

It's the same with the MCA  state
assemblymen in Penang. 
Moving around on motorcycles  to
serve the people, their service-oriented approach has paid  off.

In the recent elections, all nine  MCA
state candidates were returned by the voters.

They have set up numerous  service
centres in their constituencies, even along alleys, which  they call Pusat Rihat Barisan  Nasional.

The party has also set up Pusat  Rekreasi
Barisan Nasional or recreation centres in neighbourhoods for community
get-togethers.

These meeting points, with no  office
equipment, serve as meeting places for MCA representatives and their
constituents to  discuss localised
problems.

Such grassroots interaction  has paid
off. The party has  gained the confidence
of the people who believe  and rightly
so   that their leaders must be  honest and have integrity.

The results of the 10th general  election
have shown quite clearly that there is a certain degree  of disillusionment with the Government.

Barisan ministers, mentris besar and chief ministers must regain the trust of
those who threw  their support behind the
Opposition.

For state assemblymen, effective service centres must be set  up in opposition-held areas to  show their commitment to the  people. The kind of service provided by MCA's
Michael Choong,  for example, must be
made  available in all
constituencies.

Likewise, every housing estate  should
have such Barisan service centres, similar to what Singapore's
PAP has done, to prove  to the people
that their welfare  and interest are
taken to heart.

Facilities should be provided  even in
non-Barisan areas.

As for Terengganu Mentri Besar Datuk Abdul Hadi Awang, he  must not neglect the interests of  non-Muslims 
neither should  he ignore the
materialistic part  of development.

Our new leaders should attempt to inculcate a new culture  among their supporters and the  public. They should insist that  their visits to villages are without
unnecessary pomp and fanfare.

There is no need for bunga  mangga or
lion dances when  such visits are part of
their job  routine. Leaders should get
on  with their jobs without wasting  money or time and energy.

Do away with grand and meaningless ceremonies unless they  involve some projects of significance. Event
organisers should  be discouraged from
insisting  that VIP guests perform
tasks  for the sake of publicity.

That aside, our new leaders  must believe
in strengthening  accountability. They
must understand the need for democratic reforms, even if done gradually.

Now that the appointments are  made, our
leaders should be given time to settle in. For those  who were rejected in the elections, they must
understand  their position.

The voters have spoken. All 
newly-elected representatives  do
not have to worry about the  next
elections  provided they  prove themselves worthy from  now till then.

From deputy president Dr 
Chandra Muzaffar downwards,  the
electorate rejected Keadilan  leaders.

It was the same with the DAP   Dr Chen
Man Hin, Lim Kit  Siang and Karpal Singh
all lost.

The only opposition front beneficiary, as the local media had  correctly predicted, was PAS.  The Islamist party increased its  representation at both parliamentary and
state levels.

It captured oil-rich Terengganu and is certainly set to become financially
stronger, at  least from oil
royalties.

It is interesting to note that  PAS no
longer describes the Kelantan and Terengganu governments as being headed by the
opposition front but by the party.

The point was made clear by  PAS
spiritual leader Datuk Abdul Nik Aziz Nik Mat when he said  that it was the DAP which wanted to forge an
alliance with PAS.

The truth always hurts and as  the dust
of the elections settles  down,
politicians have to come to  terms with
reality.

The message from Malaysians  is loud and
clear. The Malays, it  would appear, are
unhappy with  certain political
developments.

This can be seen from the voting pattern, particularly from  the predominantly-Malay states.  Clearly, the Datuk Seri Anwar  Ibrahim issue worked to the advantage of the
Opposition.

From the countless PAS flags  flying
across the nation, it can  seen that the
party machinery  was well-oiled this
time. They  had campaigned for a
year,  through daily ceramah and
sale  of video and cassette tapes,
in  trying to reach out to voters.

If PAS accused Barisan Nasional of lies, the Opposition was  no better. A look at their websites would
show their level of  politicking.

In the case of the DAP, its  leaders
don't need a post-mortem to find out why they lost.

Either the DAP leaders had  been badly
advised or they have  lost touch with
people on the  ground. Its pact with PAS
did not  go down well with Chinese
voters.

The involvement of DAP leaders, particularly Karpal Singh, in  the Anwar issue didn't deliver  votes.

Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad remains highly regarded  among Malaysians, regardless of  race, for his tireless efforts in  guiding Malaysia out of the  Asian economic crisis and keeping the country
politically stable.

The general population appreciates what the Prime Minister  has done because the people  have been able to hold on to their  jobs, their houses, their cars and  their hopes.

Many in the DAP and Parti Rakyat Malaysia, however, did not  understand these simple needs  of Malaysians.

DAP leaders, in particular, will  be more
unpopular if they continue blaming Chinese voters for  rejecting them.

They should not scare the Chinese for the purported lack of  secular voices among the opposition
ranks.

How could the Chinese depend  on the DAP
when it remained silent on numerous controversial  statements made by PAS leaders  such as Nik Aziz and deputy PAS  president Abdul Hadi Awang?

If the Chinese voters had gone  along
with the DAP and shunned  Barisan
Nasional, the consequences would have been worse.

For the sake of its survival, the  DAP
should re-assess its links  with
PAS.

In the case of Barisan, there is  no
question that it has lost the  trust of a
large section of supporters.

It must work doubly hard to  win them
back. It can do so, for a  start, by
having an impressive  Cabinet
line-up.

Fresh, talented leaders must  be given a
chance to serve the  people. More
importantly, they  must be men and women
of integrity. There is no place for 
leaders with even the slightest 
suspicion of corruption.

As we enter the next millennium, Malaysians will certainly  become more politically conscious and better
informed.

They will not tolerate any  form of
mismanagement and  abuse of power.
Leaders who  think they can get away are
mistaken. The wake-up call has been 
sounded by the electorate.

Leaders perceived to be arrogant, either in government or opposition, should
re-evaluate their  approach.

In the next general election,  there will
be more than 600,000  new voters  most of whom are  young, educated and demanding.

From the Barisan, they expect  the
ruling coalition to understand their aspirations and  hopes.

They want their voices to be  heard. They
want a say in the  running of the country
and Barisan leaders must engage them in 
discussions.

Deputy Prime Minister Datuk  Seri
Abdullah Ahmad Badawi,  who began meeting
student leaders before the elections, should 
continue with his engagements.

The Government must pick the  brains of
our academicians and  let them contribute
to the well being of this country.

Bit by bit, we should not be  afraid of
having more democratic space. Such fresh approaches  will continue to strengthen Barisan.

For the opposition parties,  they won't
get elected if they  merely issue press
statements  and neglect their
constituents   as many DAP leaders found
out  painfully. They must be able to  deliver the goods to the electorate.

PAS must realise that if it continues with its brand of politics,  the party will not be widely accepted.

No political party can form the  federal
government if it only has  the support of
one race. Malaysia is multi-racial and the support from people in Perlis to
Sarawak is needed.

For Keadilan, it must end its  politics
of street demonstrations  if it wants to
woo the support of  non-Malays.

Now that the elections are  over, a
certain degree of political fatigue has set in among Malaysians. Enough of
politicking.  Once the federal and state
government lineups are finalised,  we
should just get on with the  real work of
running the country  effectively.

The elections should not be reduced to such
superficiality.

Voters hold the fate of the nation in their hands. They will decide which party
will lead the nation effectively and efficiently  into the next millennium.

The next government must be  able to
fully grasp the complexities of modern economics and  finance.

Political rights alone have no  meaning
if they do not include  the right to
development, the  right to employment and
the  right to move around freely.

Malaysia, unlike some of our  neighbours,
has been fortunate.  We have come out of
the Asian  economic turmoil relatively
unscathed.

But many of us have taken the  economic
recovery for granted  because there were
no painful  experiences such as massive
job  cuts, sharp increases in food  prices and the closure of banks.

Steering the country out of the  economic
turmoil was perhaps  the Government's
biggest  achievement. For that, we as
voters have to consider whether the  Barisan
Nasional has done  enough to deserve our
continued  support.

If voters seek a change, they  must ask
themselves whether  the opposition front
is capable of  governing the country. Are
we  sure that the component parties,  which are diametrically opposed  to one another like DAP and PAS,  can work together in the government?

As for Parti Keadilan Nasional, 
Malaysians must evaluate  whether
there is a likelihood of  its elected MPs
returning to  Umno. If that happens,
where  would it leave the non-Malay  members if the party becomes  defunct like Parti Melayu Semangat 46?

Some of us say that the Opposition will never come to power  and that it is all right to vote for  them to deny the Barisan its two thirds
majority in Parliament.

No one can dispute the fact  that in a
democracy, opposition  is needed to
ensure a check and  balance of the
government.

But there is a flip side. If every voter adopts this approach, it  means that every vote will go to  the Opposition.

This happened in Penang during the 1995 elections when Penangites, fearful of a
DAP state  government, almost wiped
out  the DAP. The reverse may happen if
every vote cast is presumed to check Barisan.

Barisan supporters must not  come under
the illusion that the  coalition is going
to win anyhow  and that whether they turn
out to  vote or not is immaterial.

On the contrary, they must  turn out to
vote for their candidates to ensure victory.

For the Chinese, their responsibility in this general election is  heavier because their votes are  regarded as crucial.

They must understand that  representation
in the government is vital. In the 1969 elections, the MCA lost ground because
of the community's anti establishment stand.

And because of its dalliance  with the
Opposition, the community has lost many important  Cabinet portfolios over the years  including finance.

Now is certainly not the time  to gamble.
Take the case of the  Tunku Abdul Rahman
College. It  did not come about by
chance.

The college has expanded to  many states
through the commitment of the MCA and the community. Today, it is offering
degree courses through its twinning programmes with US universities despite its
college  status.

A vote for an MCA candidate is  an
endorsement for the party's  work.
Chinese voters must ask  whether the
Keadilan, PAS or  PRM candidate can work
tirelessly for Chinese education and 
culture.

They must realise the implications of an Islamic state. It  means the end of civil liberties,  which the middle-class greatly  appreciates. It means the end of  their liberal lifestyle.

The fact that Keadilan keeps  emphasising
that it is contesting  more seats than
PAS is an indication that it, too, is wary of PAS.

Election Commission records  show 63
Keadilan parliamentary  candidates
against 59 from PAS  while at state
level, PAS has 235  contenders and
Keadilan, 69.

The opposition threat is very  real
because Barisan candidates  cannot depend
on the Malay vote  this time round. If
the non-Malays, too, wish to vote for change, 
talk of a new government is no 
longer far-fetched.

For the silent majority, it is  time to
speak up through the ballot and decide whether they want  to see scenes of violent street  protests again.

The criteria for deciding who  to vote
for should be whether the  party they
pick can ensure continuity, peace and harmony for the  nation. In the end, it is not about  a picture, an advertisement or a  personality but you and your  family's future.

Although the Barisan Alternatif manifesto has left out
the setting up of an Islamic state, PAS 
leaders have continuously vowed 
to push for hudud laws if they 
come to power.

The statements and practices  of PAS have
proved that they are  not committed to
multi-racialism  and liberalism.

The party is not fielding any  woman
candidate. Yet women  groups backing the
Opposition  have sadly maintained their
silence.

Keadilan and DAP, in an attempt to remove the fears of the  Chinese, have said that PAS  would not come to power.

Not many Chinese voters are  likely to be
convinced. Keadilan,  DAP and PRM
together may  field more candidates than
PAS  but it is almost certain that
PAS  will win the most seats.

The bottomline is that PAS will  call the
shots and be the dominant party in Barisan Alternatif.

The ability of PAS to come to  power is
not unreal, despite the  findings of a
recent survey  showing that 60% of
respondents  backing Barisan.

The survey reported that 52%  of Malay
votes will go to Barisan, 33% to PAS, 10% to Keadilan, 3% to the DAP and 2%
to  others.

Of the Chinese votes, 74% will  go to
Barisan, 4% to PAS, 3% to  Keadilan, 10%
to DAP and 9% to  others.

Of the Indian votes, 91% will  go to
Barisan, 7% to PAS and 2%  to
others.

The survey has basically confirmed the feelings of many Chinese voters and when
the DAP  leadership decided to
partner  PAS and Keadilan, they should  have understood the consequences.

The tie-up, in fact, infuriated  many DAP
veterans.

DAP secretary-general Lim  Kit Siang has
said that the unprecedented opposition unity 
and possibility of breaking the 
Barisan clout itself was worth it.

But the feeling of many Chinese voters is that while they  welcomed the DAP's struggle  for civil liberties, the party had  run contrary to its cause by  working with PAS.

The community is not afraid of  Islam but
rather PAS' brand of  politics and
interpretation of the  religion.

Besides that, the participation  of DAP
leaders in Keadilan linked reformasi demonstrations  has cost the DAP some support.

The Chinese community is  known for its
phobia of luan  (chaos), preferring
economic  and political stability.

The younger DAP leaders may  not
understand this but surely  the veterans
must be able to  gauge the mood of the
Chinese  electorate.

Many people also felt that DAP  deputy
chairman Karpal Singh  had gone
overboard. As a lawyer, he may be doing his best for  his client, Datuk Seri Anwar  Ibrahim, but his courtroom theatrics are not
appreciated.

Chinese voters may sympathise with former MP for Kota Melaka Lim Guan Eng who
was  jailed but they are unlikely to
be  emotional over the Anwar issue.

Most Chinese voters believe  that Dr
Mahathir has performed  very well in
turning the economy  around and
maintaining political  stability.

Many in the Chinese community do not take Keadilan leaders  seriously because they are regarded as people
who had made  money and are now
criticising  the Government, not because
of  injustices but simply because  they are no longer influential.

For the DAP, their strategy  and
inability to read the mood of  their core
supporters would cost  them many
votes.

Realising their weakness, DAP  leaders
now tell Chinese voters  the party is in
danger of closing  shop if the votes
don't come in.

The sympathy tactic may work  to some
extent, but the DAP  should have fought
its own battle   like what the PBS is
doing in  Sabah.

The PBS, as a predominantly Christian party, understood the  situation and refused to be part  of Barisan Alternatif.

Among the opposition front  component
parties, PAS looks  set to do better than
the DAP,  PRM or Keadilan.

If Keadilan fares badly, many  of its
leaders will likely apply to  rejoin
Umno. As part of establishment for the last 16 years  and having benefited from the  system, it is unlikely that the  Keadilan leaders are able to bear  the difficulties of being in the  Opposition.

To most Chinese voters, Barisan Alternatif is no alternative to  Barisan Nasional.

There will probably be some  who will weep openly and later,  put up a brave front to pressmen  that they accept the leadership's  decision in the name of party  unity and the struggle.

According to insiders, Umno  headquarters
has been bombarded with telegrams and appeal letters over the past month.

It's the same with the respective heads of Barisan's 14 component parties.

Many of these messages come  with
impressive resumes, including the academic results of  the intending candidates' college  examinations.

If that is not enough, some  candidates
openly admit they are  prepared to use
their spouses to  strengthen their
case.

No one is sure whether such a  ploy will
work but one Barisan  component leader
has called it  “kitchen politics'' and
he is not  underestimating this
strategy.

Besides their wives,  many of  these politicians are said to be  prepared to send busloads of  family members, friends and  grassroots leaders to Kuala  Lumpur to lobby their case.

At stake is 193 parliamentary  seats and
the coalition wants to  win over 128
seats to ensure a  two-thirds
majority.

Up for grabs are also 365 state  seats.

Everyone of the contenders,  including
those from the Opposition Front, will claim they are  doing it for the people.

That aside, the reality is that  it's
also about power, positions,  prestige
and business opportunities.

The talk is that several Barisan stalwarts will be dropped to  make way for young blood, including  a few top civil servants.

One possible casualty is former information minister Datuk  Mohamed Rahmat while a popular name going
around as a potential new candidate is Chief 
Secretary to the Government  Tan
Sri Halim Ali.

Kedah Mentri Besar Datuk  Sanusi Junid
has confirmed he is  contesting in a
state seat but that  has not stopped
speculation that  he is going to be
dropped.

Then, there are also suggestions of Minister in the Prime  Minister's Department Datuk  Tajol Rosli contesting for a Perak state seat
and taking up the  Mentri Besar's
post.

If the gravepine is be believed, 
Consumer and Domestic Affairs 
Minister Datuk Megat Junid Megat Ayob may go for a state seat.  He is also said to be the other  contender for the Perak MB's  post.

There is also talk that the longest serving MB, Tan Sri Wan  Mokhtar Ahmad, will be  dropped.

Negri Sembilan MB Tan Sri  Mohamed Isa
Abdul Samad may  contest a parliamentary
seat instead.

Word has it that Isa, a four term MB, will be offered either  the Tampin or Teluk Kemang  parliamentary seat.

Immigration director-general  Datuk Aseh
Che Mat, who is  from Kuala Pilah, and
Cycle and  Carriage managing director
Datuk Mohamed Hassan, who is the  Rasah
Umno division chief, are  among those
tipped to succeed  Isa.

In Johor, speculation continues  that MB
Datuk Ghani Othman is  going for a
parliamentary seat.

Umno Youth chief Datuk Hishammuddin Hussein and Defence Minister Datuk Syed
Hamid are said to be possible replacements for the MB's post.

But what is clear is that the Johor state constitution stipulates  that only those born in Johor can  be Mentri Besar.

It is a peculiar clause that  rules out
talented people like Hishammuddin who was born in  London and Syed Hamid, who  was born in Penang.

On the MCA side, Deputy Finance Minister Datuk Wong See  Wah and Deputy Culture and  Tourism Minister Datuk Teng  Gaik Kwan have been confirmed  dropped.

Contrary to speculation, Local 
Government and Housing Minister Datuk Dr Ting Chew Peh and  Deputy Sports Minister Datuk  Loke Yuen Yow will contest.

Dr Ting, the MP for Gopeng  and Loke, the
MP for Tanjung  Malim, have, in fact, hit
the campaign trail.

Beginning tomorrow, the Mentris Besar of all states, except  Kelantan, who are also state  Umno liaison chiefs, will wait  outside Dr Mahathir's office.

The first on the appointment  list is
Pahang Mentri Besar Datuk Adnan Yaakob, who will submit his list of potential
candidates.

Tan Sri Khalil Yaakob, as the  Pahang
Umno liaison chief, will  have a strong
influence on the  choice of
candidates.

While Adnan is almost certainly to defend his Pelangai state  seat, there is talk that some Mentris Besar
will be dropped.

Their fate will almost certainly be known when they face Dr  Mahathir and other members of  the powerful Umno political bureau.

The bureau, headed by Dr Mahathir, includes vice-presidents  Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad  Badawi and Datuk Seri Najib  Tun Razak, Khalil (who is also  Umno secretary-general) and  treasurer Tun Daim Zainuddin.

On Tuesday, the bureau will  finalise the
lists of candidates.  The day's work will
begin with  the crucial line-up for
Kelantan  with Tengku Razaleigh
Hamzah  handling the task.

Dr Mahathir, who is also Barisan Nasional chairman, will meet  the heads of the component parties in the
afternoon beginning  with MCA president
Datuk Seri  Dr Ling Liong Sik.

On Wednesday, it will be the  turn of
party leaders from Sabah  and Sarawak,
who will each be  given one hour to
present their  case.

For Barisan, especially Umno,  it is
imperative that fresh blood  be
introduced to rejuvenate the 
coalition.

Many of the old timers have  contributed
greatly to the party  and nation but they
can also be  an obstacle to further
progress.

New faces will attract new  members,
especially young professionals and entrepreneurs to  join the main Barisan parties.

By fielding more new faces,  the Barisan
will also remove possible offensive strategy from the  opposition.

It would also be a good strategy to field prominent civil servants, especially
those with  sound track records, as they
will  be able to get the support of the  civil servants.

It appears to be a case of tit-for-tat  as the political temperature soars in  the run-up to the coming general  election.

Just a few days earlier, Umno had  hit
out at DAP deputy chairman Karpal Singh, questioning his ethics as a  lawyer. The MP for Jelutong was  criticised for allegedly abusing the  courts for his political agenda.

To emphasise the ideological differences of the Opposition, the MCA  rapped PAS deputy president Abdul  Hadi Awang for his attempt to table a  Bill to curb the propagation of religions
other than Islam.

The message was clear: PAS is bent  on
setting up an Islamic state and the  DAP
is guilty by association.

The latest relevation by Murad will  work
two ways. To reformasi supporters, the allegations of huge slush  funds would just be another government
conspiracy to discredit Anwar,  while
allegations made by the Opposition, particularly PAS, are believable and
acceptable.

No amount of explanation by Barisan leaders would make a difference.

Murad's expose would, however,  make an
impression on the fence-sitters. It could damage Anwar's credibility and set
back his campaign.

More importantly, the various issues over the past week have put the  Opposition on the defensive.

For the last six months, the Opposition has come up with all kinds of issues
ranging from the construction  of
Putrajaya to the alleged arsenic 
poisoning of Anwar.

The poisoning episode, however,  proved
to be damaging to the Opposition as tests carried out locally and  overseas have proved negative.

With no arguments left, the Opposition resorted to calling for a Royal  Commission of Inquiry to be set up.

In a bid to return to the spotlight,  the
Opposition unveiled its election 
manifesto last week. Although Malaysian elections have never been  won on manifestos, the move by the  Opposition is refreshing.

As our voters become more educated and urbanised, they would want to  study the programme and written  promises by political parties. It is  likely to be a trend in the coming  years.

The biggest achievement by the 
Opposition is, perhaps, the decision 
by PAS to drop its “Islamic state'' demand in the manifesto. This
must  have been the result of a
compromise  among the leaders of Parti
Keadilan  Nasional, PAS, DAP and
PRM.

The Opposition was clear on its decision to repeal the Internal Security  Act if it comes to power.

The biggest flaw, however, is the  lack
of clarity on other laws which  the
Opposition has claimed to be draconian in nature.

Despite its talk of justice, the Opposition is only ready to commit itself to
review laws such as the University and University Colleges Act  and the Printing and Publications  Act.

Setting up committees to review  these
laws with no time-frame will be  perceived
as a delaying tactic with no  sincerity
in abolishing these laws.

The Opposition's follow-up action  of
presenting an alternative budget  was an
unprecedented move although  it received
scant attention.

In fact, it would do the Malaysian 
political system a lot of good if they 
take it a step further by setting up a 
Shadow Cabinet.

If Dr Jomo Sundram has drawn up  an
alternative budget, along the lines  of a
shadow finance minister, surely  Keadilan
leader Irene Fernandez can  be shadow
human resources minister. It would be interesting to see  what she has to offer Malaysian  workers, after fighting for foreign  workers for years.

The biggest blow to the Opposition  must
surely be Budget 2000 tabled by  First
Finance Minister Tun Daim 
Zainuddin.

Call it an election budget if you  must;
the fact remains that it is a bag  of
goodies.

So what if Budget 2000 is aimed at 
getting votes? After all, the whole 
point of an Alternative Budget is to 
win votes.

Civil servants, some of whom have  been
involved in anti-government activities, should be grateful for the increase in
wages and other perks.

Unlike workers in the private sector, they enjoy job security or what is  known as the “iron rice-bowl'' during  an economic crisis.

Now that the Government has been 
generous in the budget, civil servants 
should focus their attention on improving efficiency and
productivity.

More important, the budget will  lead to
a trickle-down effect, so the  economic
recovery can be felt by all 
Malaysians.

With the euphoria over the budget,  it
won't be long before the general 
election is called.

It is a step in the right direction  as the proposed council would  serve as a forum to discuss and  sort out issues of mutual concern.  One of the sore points among the  students is the perception that  their voices have been stifled.

During the one-hour closed door meeting in Putrajaya last  week, Abdullah heard the 35 student leaders
out.

The meeting was the result of a  recent
demonstration at Universiti Malaya when Abdullah delivered a lecture there.
Instead of  turning his back on them, he
met  the demonstrators.

He accepted a memorandum  from them and
promised to meet  them. He kept his
promise by  meeting them last week.

No one should expect miracles  from one
meeting. But what seems  like a
confrontational situation a  few months
ago has become more  amiable.

The student leaders who agreed  to the
council have shown their  leadership
qualities. They have  stood their ground,
insisting on  changes to certain laws
affecting  them, such as the University
and  University Colleges Act.

At the same time, they have  shown their
maturity by their  willingness to listen
to the views  of others.

It is thus a shame that another  student
group has opposed the setting up of the council.

Even their fax inviting journalists to a press conference was  from Suaram, a non-government  organisation known for its anti government
stand.

Any student leader will tell you  that
student representatives have  their own
offices in the campus,  complete with
clerical support.

These students shouldn't allow 
themselves to be used. As student 
leaders, they must demonstrate 
their ability to make decisions on 
their own.

The proposal to set up the council is a good first step. The students should
insist the council  should not merely
talk but must  produce results.

If they want to have a say in any  change
to the UCCA, then this  council must be
able to play its  part. Results are
important to justify their support for the council.

Those who are against the council must put aside their sentiments  and analyse whether the Opposition is able to
form the next government.

If the answer is no, then it  doesn't
hurt them to start talking  to the
Government.

No one is suggesting they burn  their
bridges with their PAS and  Parti
Keadilan Nasional idols.

There are good reasons for having the UCCA. It stops student involvement in
factional or ethnic  politics in
campuses; such political clubs will only result in further polarisation among
students.

At this point, the type of politics 
which seems dear to student leaders can hardly be regarded as liberal,
progressive, non-ethnic and  rational
because PAS seems to be  the dominant
player in campuses.

The success of the proposed  consultative
council would depend  on the student
leaders themselves.

Those who have agreed to it  should
demonstrate their sincerity  by being
committed. They are not  answerable to
any opposition leaders if they believe in their independence.

The issue is not politics. It is  grouses
which the students have  with the
government of the day.

The Government has met the  students half
way and it is up to  them now to decide
whether they  want to resolve issues
through negotiations.

At the same time, student leaders must understand that negotiations cannot be
conducted if they  threaten the
Government with  demonstrations.

They must understand and accept that they represent the students, not the
people of Malaysia.

They should also remember that  they are
students and not politicians. While students should be  beware of political developments,  their priority is to study hard.

Now, they are given a chance to  sit down
with the Deputy Prime  Minister who is
willing to listen to  them.

They shouldn't waste this opportunity. Neither should they let  down a leader who has shown his  sincerity.

If the student bodies can sit  down and
think rationally rather  than be
influenced by certain  groups and take a
confrontational  attitude, it will be
easier to solve  problems.

Our student leaders must now  prove
whether they have the skills  to
negotiate, persuade and compromise.

These are the qualities of good 
leaders  which we believe our  student representatives should be  in the future.

To possess these abilities, they  have to
do their homework and  brush up  their language and negotiating skills.

For the past week, Malaysians  have followed the trail of the celebrity-like
F1 drivers who turned  up at functions to
please their  sponsors. They have had to
kiss babies, sign autographs, pose for 
photographers  one even
opened  a bank.

There's no such thing as a free  ride in
this case. The F1 event is  more than a
race  it's mega bucks business.

And if you believe the claim by  PAS
central committee member  Datuk Dr Hassan
Harun, the entire  exercise is to
hypnotise Malaysians with the various brands of 
cigarettes.

It's another kind of vice endorsed by Barisan Nasional, the  motivation-speaker-turned-politician said at
a recent ceramah. In  August, PAS
condemned the pre National Day celebration in Bangsar, describing the trendy
spot as a  haven for vices.

Dr Hassan and his supporters  are
unlikely to be at Sepang today. 
Presumably, shouting slogans and 
burning Barisan flags would be 
more thrilling for them than 
watching speeding cars.

Bringing Formula One racing to  Malaysia
is a coup. It has put Malaysia on the world map because  the event is not a one-off race.

Next year, Malaysia will host the  last
leg of the race. That means the  champion
will be crowned here.

Beside the international exposure, the returns from tourism will  be enormous. Hotels in Kuala  Lumpur were booked solid over  the past one week.

Nearby tourist spots such as  Port
Dickson and even Pangkor  have attracted
visitors who came  for the race.

The F1 is one of the biggest  sports
events, attracting over 500  million
television viewers across  260
countries.

That aside, it makes sense to  hold the
race in Malaysia as it  complements our
efforts to be an  automobile producer. It
is also a  boost to motorsports as it
will enhance automotive engineering capabilities.

As Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad pointed out, it could encourage locals to
design racing  cars on par with those
produced  abroad.

Malaysia should now take the  next step
of hosting world-class  motor shows like
those held in Japan, the United States and Europe.  The F1 race, considered the ultimate in motor
sports, will  strengthen any bid by Malaysia
to  host an international motor
show.

PAS leaders are merely being 
economically myopic when they 
bring up petty issues to criticise 
the race.

Tobacco sponsorship in the race,  for
example, reportedly amounts  to 30mil per
season, which covers  16 races, while
souvenir sales run  to millions of
dollars.

Over the next five to six years, 
however, financial institutions are 
likely to edge tobacco companies 
out as they take over F1 sponsorship.

The countries involved in hosting the races are Australia, Brazil,  San Marino, Monaco, Spain, Canada, France,
Britain, Austria, Germany, Hungary, Belgium, Italy,  Luxembourg, Malaysia and Japan.

The 61 sq km San Marino is  smaller than
Perlis and is located  near Italy. A tax
haven, the landlocked republic has made itself 
known following the F1 race despite having a population of only  25,000.

Despite its small size, it has not 
stopped San Marino from hosting 
the event. Malaysia certainly has 
better capabilities.

Now is the time to show the  world whether
we are world class  or merely interested
in hoisting  party flags on tree
tops.

The RM286mil Sepang F1 circuit  is
regarded as the best. It won't be  a
white elephant because it will  stage the
World 500cc motorcycle  GP in
April.

It also has a go-kart circuit and  tracks
for motorcross. An 18-hole  golf course
is on the cards while  other
facilities  including a  theme park, hotel and hypermarket  will be built.

Similarly, when the National Stadium at Bukit Jalil was being constructed for
the Commonwealth  Games '98, criticism
was rife that  it would be left idle. It
has turned  out otherwise  the stadium is  used for concerts and trade fairs  now.

And as F1 legend Jackie Stewart  said,
“make Malaysia known for its 
attractions and not because of its 
politicians.''

Let's prove to the world that the 
Malaysian Formula works.

Last week, the Cabinet directed  all ministers and senior civil servants to
cancel their leave plans; a strong sign
that the general election is imminent.

Speculation is rife that Parliament will be dissolved this month and polling will be held by the second week
of November.

The 25th Barisan anniversary 
celebration, scheduled for Oct 24, 
has received the go-ahead from 
the Prime Minister.

The biggest boost for the Government must be the negative results of the
findings on the alleged  arsenic
poisoning of Datuk Seri  Anwar
Ibrahim.

The first report came from Hospital Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. When the
results were unfavourable to Anwar, his supporters responded by insinuating
that  the hospital was under
political  pressure.

The bottom line, they implied,  was a
cover-up. They wanted an  investigation
by a Royal Commission of Inquiry.

But it would be difficult for the 
Opposition to dispute the findings 
of the London and New York hospitals which also concluded that Anwar did
not suffer from arsenic  poisoning.

Four different laboratories in  Malaysia,
Australia and Britain  found arsenic
present in samples  of Anwar's hair,
urine and nails but  they were all within
acceptable  levels.

The Mayo Clinic of New York  was of the
opinion that the presence of arsenic was "due to the  consumption of a non-toxic form of  arsenic, probably from sea food.''

The findings also showed that  Anwar was
free from HIV, refuting an earlier allegation that Anwar was injected with the
AIDS virus.

The Opposition has made a tactical error and would need some  time to pump up sagging morale  among its ranks.

For Barisan, the clear evidence  of the
country's economy recovery   achieved
without submitting to  the International
Monetary Fund,  unlike Indonesia and
Thailand  is  another morale-booster.

Despite being criticised for its  capital
controls move, Malaysia  managed to pull
through without  massive retrenchment and
a sharp  rise in prices of essential
goods.

Some of us may recall that a  year ago,
the pro-opposition foreign media forecast a scenario of  Malaysian banks collapsing.

The reports called for reforms,  saying
the Government had not  been tough enough
on the banking  system. But when Bank
Negara  moved to merge some banks in
order to strengthen the system, the  same
media looked for faults.

Another plus point was Dr Mahathir's willingness accommodate  an appeal by Chinese groups.

What was earlier seen as a potentially sour point among the Chinese community
turned out well,  with MCA president
Datuk Seri Dr  Ling Liong Sik getting the
various  Chinese groups to sit down to
resolve the controversy.

Dr Ling pointed out that it was  an
appeal, not a demand.

There was also no demand for a  deputy
prime minister's post, as  presumed by
some. Dr Ling said  that representatives
of Chinese  groups would be named into
the  National Economic Consultative  Committee II.

It is important to note that Datuk  Chong
Chin Shoong, regarded as a  moderate,
retained the presidency  of the powerful
Federation of Chinese Associations of Malaysia.

With economic recovery, a bullish stock market will help quell  anti-establishment sentiments especially
among the urban middle  class.

Investors and retailers understand that if Barisan is not returned with a
strong mandate, the  effects would be
disastrous to the  market.

And the trickle-down effect of  the
economic recovery will be felt  even more
when the Government  announces its
year-end bonus for  civil servants.

Bearing in mind all these factors, the time is ripe for Barisan to  call for elections. After months of  defence, Barisan is on the offensive
again.

Dr Mahathir should take advantage of these developments. Fresh  issues would only put Barisan on  the defensive.

Most Malaysians would have  made up their
minds by now.  Those who want stability
would  vote Barisan while those who want  a change in the system would vote  the Opposition.

Anwar supporters have accused  the
Government of poisoning him  while
Barisan has accused the Opposition of poisoning the people's  mind. It's time for the voter to decide whose "brew'' is more potent.

Asked whether he was being  used by Keadilan, Ito replied he  was actually the one using Keadilan.

Ito, 48, as everyone in the music 
industry knows, is a fading star. 
His name doesn't ring a bell to 
youngsters brought up in the era of 
hip-hop music.

“I'm using them. I need a platform for my work,'' he explained.  Still, his decision to join the opposition
party must be music to the  ears of the
reformasi movement.

With Ito's participation, Harakah may just decide to be progressive and start a
music review page.

Keadilan's unhappiness seems to  be
towards the country's hottest  singer,
Siti Nurhaliza, who has  been performing
at many gatherings attended by Datuk Seri Dr 
Mahathir Mohamad.

Keadilan's information chief  Ruslan
Kassim has complained  that Siti has
sounded like Dr Mahathir  politically,
that is.

Siti has been telling her audiences that they must be patriotic  and not be used by foreign elements.

Ruslan shouldn't be too upset.  Siti is
certainly not being used.  Like Ito, she,
too is using the Barisan Nasional.

After all, she has said she would 
perform at gatherings organised 
by the opposition if invited. Like 
Ito, she is willing to use Keadilan, 
too.

Recently, veteran singer D.J.  Dave
turned up at a dinner in conjunction with Dr Mahathir's visit  to Sabah.

“I am for stability,'' he told  guests
who sat with him. Stability  is, of
course, the euphemism for  supporting
Barisan.

Just a day earlier, KRU and Elite  were
performing to a packed  crowd at a
gathering organised by  Barisan Youth in
Tuaran, Sabah.

Even Chinese entertainers have  got into
the act  several HVD actors have joined
the MCA. In fact,  there is now the
Malaysian Chinese Artistes Association.

It shouldn't be too difficult for  our
entertainers to climb their party hierarchies.

Politics demands quite a bit of  acting,
actually. And politicians  need to sing
or crow about their  successes.

If Ronald Reagan and Joseph Estrada can become presidents, why  can't Ito or Siti Nurhaliza make it?

In fact, in the US, Warren Beatty, a one-time heart-throb, is reportedly
seriously going for the 
presidency.

In one city, Americans voted a  wrestler
as mayor.

In India, revered actor MGR  used his
silver screen popularity to  become chief
minister of Tamil  Nadu while Hindustani
action hero  Amitabh Bachan became an
assemblyman.

However, it is unlikely to expect 
Kelantan Mentri Besar Datuk Nik 
Aziz Nik Mat to welcome Ito to the 
state.

If dikir barat is banned by the  PAS
government, there is no  chance of Ito
singing the blues  away for Nik Aziz and
other PAS  leaders.

Besides, blues carries certain 
connotatios. It would probably remind them of the Barisan official  colour.

Ito can sing all the blues he  wants but
you can bet that PAS  leaders won't be green
with envy.

Siti, of course, won't get a job in  the
Kelantan civil service. She is  too
attractive and is considered a 
distraction.

KRU and Elite will be at home in 
Bangsar  which, by the way,
is  considered a place for vices,
according to PAS  but certainly not  in Kelantan.

Our politicians should be worried with the prospects of these artiste joining
their ranks.

For one, they are certainly better attractions and need not resort  to extreme ends like chauvinism or  bigoted fundamentalists to get  public attention.

They will be like ducks taking to  water
if they were to address a political rally.

They will definitely not suffer  from
cold feet when holding a microphone before a large crowd.

The only difference is that, instead of singing, they will have to  talk 
which isn't too difficult considering the quality of some of our  politicians.

But the essence of the whole  thing is
still the same  to woo  your listeners to whatever you're  singing or saying.

In fact, singing a song and delivering a political speech have many  things in common.

Performers do not sing different  songs
to different crowds. They  usually sing
one of their hits at every show they go and only sing different songs when they
have new  hits.

Politicians will, at every ceremah, repeat an issue which they  feel can attract and keep their listeners
entertained.

In short, singing a hit repeatedly  is
akin to a politician's rhetorics.

Politicians are always glad to  have a
new issue that they can exploit during ceramah. If they over stretch an issue,
they fear losing  their crowd.

Surely, that is something singers 
realise. Using a hit song too many 
times may make them less in demand.

A new hit on the charts will ensure they remain in the entertainment
circulation.

The moral of the story, for all of  us,
including politicians is: Don't  sound
like a broken record.