There are many, it seems, who  are willing to take that emotional  position.

In a democracy, demands for  greater
transparency, accountability and democratic space are justified.

But the coming election isn't just  a
fight between Barisan Nasional  and the
opposition front. It's a tussle between Umno and PAS, a fight  between moderation and extremism.

The rest of the component parties would merely be playing a supporting role.
With Parti Keadilan  Nasional and PAS
flags flying side  by side, the voter
might get the impression that they are one and the  same.

While the two parties may broadly agree on some fundamental issues, the biggest
threat to Umno is  finally PAS.

PAS is far more experienced and  better
organised than Keadilan. In  the
opposition front, PAS would  play the
dominant role.

Keadilan, on the other hand, comprises former Umno members who  have benefitted from the system  over the past 16 years.

Many of them had made their  money from
allocated shares,  which they bought
through easily available bank loans. It is the very  system that many of them criticise  now.

They are not the only ones. There  are
also those supporting the government who became millionaires   not through business acumen but  through such privileges.

Then, there is another core group  in
Keadilan, the idealistic academicians who have never run a political campaign
before. They assume  that winning an
election is merely  writing a thesis and
speaking at a  ceramah.

It is the PAS machinery that will 
dominate the opposition campaign, 
not even the DAP which can only 
contest in urban seats.

Mathematically, if all the Chinese voters back the DAP, the party will win up
to 28 parliamentary  seats.

It remains a minor party in the 
opposition front, though. The DAP 
can no longer take for granted that 
the Chinese will back the party, 
given the present sentiments of 
Chinese voters in wanting to vote 
for stability.

The DAP is, in fact, in danger of  losing
the post of Opposition Leader to PAS or Keadilan if these two  parties get more seats.

For the first time in DAP history,  the
party is banking on non-Chinese votes to win more seats. It has  to break free from its communal  image or lose substantial support.

Thanks to Keadilan and DAP supporters, PAS would probably walk  away with the most number of  seats.

The likely scenario is if the Opposition forms the next federal  government, PAS, being the dominant party,
will push forward its  plans to set up an
Islamic state.

If PAS doesn't get its way because Keadilan, DAP and PRM are  against its policies, we will have a  squabble over how the government  should be run. A feuding government will not
benefit anyone.

While the DAP is clear on its secular government stand, we are not  so sure about Keadilan. Its position  has been vague.

What happens if the Opposition  cannot
form the next federal government? There is the possibility of  more opposition MPs. From a positive view,
there will be a stronger  check and
balance.

At the same time, increased representation for PAS would mean a  louder voice for its demands.

A secular government without a  strong
mandate would have to play  a balancing
role. Fearful of losing  its grip, it
will be submissive and 
compromising.

Without its two-thirds majority,  it will
be more concerned with politicking than in the running of the  government.

Given the uncertainties, the  stock
market will suffer overnight  as fewer
people will be willing to 
share-trade.

The line between PAS and Keadilan is now blurred because both are  shouting reformasi.

The two parties, however, have  different
agendas. One is honest  enough to say
that it wants an Islamic state. So, if PAS sets out its  orthodox policies later, Malaysians  shouldn't complain.

Keadilan is preoccupied with  freeing
Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim   period. The
rest are merely issues drummed up to win votes.

It is time for moderate Malaysians to appreciate the importance  of the principle of secularism for  the realisation of national unity.

Yes, there are flaws in Malaysia  that
need to be corrected. Yes,  there are
better ways of handling  some
issues.

Being emotional is one thing; dismantling the entire system without  realising it is dangerous.

Malaysians should not vote for a  change
for the sake of changing because they might get something  worse.

We must never allow any move  by any
political party to remove  our liberal
lifestyle, which we now  enjoy due to the
existence of a secular government.

There are those who talk about  freedom
and justice but make no  bones of their
intention to impose  their moral
standards on our social  and cultural
life. These politicians  confuse
liberalism with permissiveness.

In our struggle for democratic  rights,
we must be aware of those  who want to
curb values which we  have taken for
granted.

Before casting their votes, Malaysians should ask themselves  whether the alternative is capable  and effective enough in ensuring  their political, economic, social,  cultural and religious rights.

Wei is no ordinary shipper. He  heads China's state-owned Ocean  Shipping (Group) Co, which has the  largest bulk cargo fleet in the  world and which is rated third in  the world for container cargo.

For Wei, it was an eye-opener.  Although
he has visited Malaysia  before, the side
visits this time and  his experience in
eating durians  provided him a lasting
impression  of the country.

Like other Malaysians who are  good at
playing the gracious host,  Dr Ling
invited Wei to several  functions which
he opened, giving  Wei a glimpse of his
daily routine.

That wasn't all. Wei also had the 
privilege of seeing the pre-National Day celebrations.

Many of the things which Wei enjoyed are things that some of us  have taken for granted.

There are Malaysians who no  longer see
and appreciate the good  things we
have.

There is so much bias among  some, that
there is no longer anything good about the country.

Even the simple act of participating in a National Day celebration is  perceived to be supportive of the  Government.

By right, there shouldn't be any 
question of political affiliations.

PAS, for example, has criticised  the
residents of Bangsar for organising a street carnival last week to  celebrate National Day.

In the latest edition of its party 
organ, Harakah, PAS equated the 
carnival to some kind of wild party 
involving liquor and the seedier 
side of life.

Those who of us who were at the 
carnival, including Datuk Seri Dr 
Mahathir Mohamad, know for a  fact
that that was not the case.

But Malaysians outside Kuala  Lumpur, who
merely read Harakah  and believe
everything it publishes, may come to wrong conclusions.

What was conveniently left out  by the
newsletter was that the carnival organisers had set up stores  promoting healthy living such as  hill climbing, mountain biking and  scuba diving. There were also nasyid and
traditional Malay performances.

The parade featured school brass  bands
and medallists of the SEA  Games. But
that was not reported  by Harakah.

More than that, what Harakah  failed to see
was how such a carnival successfully broke down the  walls of ethnicity.

The event proved that Kuala  Lumpur and
the rest of the country, given a chance, can truly be a  melting pot for the different cultures and
ways of life of the different races.

While ethnic identity is still  somewhat
important to Malaysians,  events such as
the Bangsar carnival reflect that tolerance and acceptance of each other's
differences is the essence in being able 
to live peacefully together.

Supporters of PAS may no longer  have
good things to say about Malaysia but there are many from  neighbouring countries who would  risk their lives to make the desperate
journey here.

All they want is to live and work  hard
and to enjoy the standard of  living
which Malaysians enjoy.

That many of us can afford to  own houses
and cars and go on occasional holiday trips shows that  our standard of living has gone up.  The cost of living has been manageable.

Many foreigners make their trips  here to
work because they believe  in what Malaysia
can offer  just  like many of our forefathers.

Like them, we just want to eke  out a
living, take our family out and  be able
to pay our bills on time.  That's not too
much to ask.

There's nothing shameful in asking for political stability and economic
prosperity. These are human  rights and
justice.

Dissenting views, conflicts and  demands
for change are not wrong.   But the
greatest fear is that there  are many who
want to go beyond  that  to change our entire system  and lives all together.

This has resulted in some fear  among the
people because drastic  changes will
always bring uncertainties.

PAS, for example, wants to impose on us its rigid and orthodox  standard of living.

For Malaysians, the question is:  are we,
living in a multi-ethnic and 
multi-religious society, ready for 
it?

Malaysians should not be made to  feel
guilty if they just want to have  a good
time on National Day and  other
festivities.

And as our Prime Minister pointed out to Kelantan Mentri Besar  Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat in their  teleconferencing on the eve of National Day,
dikir barat should be  enjoyed by all and
not banned.

Those of us who cherish a liberal 
lifestyle must never compromise 
on our principles of maintaining a 
secular system.

In wanting to maintain that, Malaysians should realise that it is not  an effort to undermine anyone's religious
rights.

We must be allowed to pursue the  faith
we believe in and at the same  time learn
to appreciate the religion of others without any fear of  compulsion.

For many Malays, Keadilan was a  vehicle for them to pursue their  challenge against the Barisan Nasional,
particularly Umno.

To the Chinese and Indians, it  was an
additional choice, if they  had no
allegiance to the DAP.

Combining its strength with PAS,  PRM and
DAP, Keadilan seemed to  be an attractive
party of the future.

To the middle class non-Malays,  Keadilan
deputy president Dr  Chandra Muzaffar was
a respectable figure who had been consistent on politics of
multi-racialism.

But the statement by Keadilan  Youth
vice-chairman Mustapha  Kamil Ayub last
week must be disturbing to many.

At a ceramah in Johor, Mustapha 
announced that the opposition front 
would field only Malay candidates 
in the 155 Malay-majority parliamentary seats.

It is uncertain whether Mustapha  was
playing to the gallery of mainly Malays, or whether it was merely his personal
view.

The impression given so far has  been
that PAS will contest in Malay-majority areas and Keadilan in  the racially-mixed areas.

The DAP will contest in about 25  Chinese
majority areas. Certainly,  the DAP does
not have that many  Malay
candidates.

The announcement is disturbing  because
Mustapha seems to have  ignored the
concept of power sharing among the various races.

Although the Barisan Nasional is  made up
of 14 component parties,  including
communal-based parties  such as Umno, MCA
and MIC, the  coalition has been imbued
with an  overall sense of responsibility
towards Malaysians of all races.

Umno, for example, has proven  itself to
be moderate by allowing  non-Malays to
contest in Malay majority parliamentary constituencies.

In Kelantan, the Barisan allowed  MCA
candidate Leong Sue Siang to  contest in
Kota Lama, a state constituency with more than 58% Malay voters.

In Perlis, MCA's Loh Yoon Foo  contested
and won the Titi Tinggi  state seat with
a 72.7% Malay electorate.

Another MCA candidate, Wong  Foon Meng,
won the Bandar state  seat in Terengganu
which had a  60.5% Malay
electorate.

There are many such cases involving parliamentary seats as well  where non-Malay candidates are  fielded, where Umno could have  won easily.

The Umno leadership has refused to give in to pressures from  ambitious grassroots leaders in  many cases.

Mustapha's communal appeal  should be
rejected by all moderate  Malays because
if Malays rise to  such extremism, the
participation  of non-Malays in
government could  be wiped out.

The Indians, for example, would  have no
place to contest because  there are no
Indian-majority parliamentary constituencies.

If race is a criterion, then Indians should get 20 of the 192 parliamentary
seats.

The reality is that there is not a 
single Indian-majority constituency, but the MIC was allocated seven
seats in Malay-majority areas  through
the generosity of Umno.

If Keadilan wants to be a viable 
alternative to the Barisan, it must 
be prepared to field non-Malays in 
Malay-majority areas, held by the 
MCA, MIC or Gerakan.

Being accommodating and moderate is part of multi-racial politics.

Racial populist support is not  good governance
and is certainly  not a component of a
plural society.

The communal stance taken by  some
Keadilan and PAS leaders, of  late,
appears to be a result of these  parties
giving up their hope of winning mass non-Malay suppprt.

Thus, there was a statement by a  PAS
leader recently that Malays  must reject
Barisan because the  Barisan has only one
Malay party  against 13 non-Malay
components.

Keadilan has good potential. It  must not
ignore long-term political  struggles for
narrow political wins  as this will
tarnish its image.

Its line-up of non-Malay leaders  should
not be mere tokenism as  some of them,
particularly those  involved in
non-governmental organisations, have had a good record  of being non-communal.

Keadilan's present lack of direction is a result of a mixed bag of  leaders with different dreams and  different goals.

The only thing they have in common is their hatred of Datuk Seri  Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

It is thus prepared to work with  the
orthodox PAS which is, at least,  clear
with what it has to offer to 
Malaysians  it wants to set up
an  Islamic state and take over the  prime ministership as well.

The DAP is caught in a tight spot.  It
has to work with other opposition 
parties but is quite uncertain of the 
mood of the Chinese, its core support.

It has thus taken a gamble.

The Chinese community remains  highly
suspicious of PAS. Kelantan  Mentri Besar
Datuk Abdul Nik Aziz  Nik Mat's recent
emphasis that ulamas are the best people to run Malaysia isn't going to help
win votes.

Multi-racial politics has always  been
complicated. A multi-racial  party is not
guaranteed that it will  have
multi-racial appeal.

There are parties that allow all  ethnic
groups to be members but  because they
are dominated by one  racial group, they
tend to champion  only the interest of
the dominant  race in the party.

The Barisan, while represented  by some
communalparties, has  been able to stay
above racial  grounds.

It is, perhaps, easier and politically correct for MCA leaders, for  example, to talk about Chinese  schools and culture.

Similarly it would be more pleasant for Umno to take the lead in a  discussion on loafing Malay youths.

Conventional wisdom, which  takes into
account political, cultural and social sensitivities, has enabled the Barisan
component parties to function effectively.

Leaders should realise that an effective government, whether at  state or federal level, should have  elected representatives from all  races.

It would be disastrous for any  ethnic
group to be left out of government.

Politicians must never forget  that it is
easy to be leader of a particular race but difficult to be leader of all
Malaysians.

The test in the coming elections  will be
whether Keadilan or PAS is  prepared to
field non-Malays in  Malay-majority areas
in Kelantan,  Terengganu and
Perlis.

The three-day trip to China from  Aug 18
is no ordinary visit. It is to  celebrate
the 25 years of diplomatic ties between Malaysia and China.

But political analysts see the visit as more than just a diplomatic  exercise.

For many, photographs of meetings between Dr Mahathir and
Chinese leaders Jiang Zemin and Zhu 
Rongji would be reminiscent of the 
visit by the late Tun Abdul Razak 
in 1974.

Photographs of Razak meeting  Chairman
Mao in Beijing were later reproduced and used as posters  in the 1976 general election.

Razak's visit went down extremely well with the Chinese  electorate as it paved the way for  normal diplomatic ties between the  two countries.

Since then, Malaysia and China  have
enjoyed excellent ties; Dr  Mahathir himself
has made over  five trips there.

Writing in the Japanese daily  Mainichi
Shimbun last week, Dr  Mahathir praised
China for deciding not to devalue the yuan.

More significantly, he described  China
as “a friend indeed, much  more so than
some other so-called  friends.''

Dr Mahathir wrote: `'If we can  live with
the US as the sole superpower, there is no reason why we  cannot live with China as a world  power.

“China has practically no history  of
conquering and colonising  neighbours.
European powers  have.''

Some see the latest China visit as 
excellent timing to endear the 
Barisan Nasional government to 
the Chinese voters. Those who subscribe to such a theory believe
that  the prime minister would
dissolve  Parliament and call for
elections  on returning to Kuala
Lumpur.

Although Dr Mahathir continues  to be a
target of attack among supporters of Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, Chinese voters
generally are  not as emotional as their
Malay  brethren.

The trip will in some way help  win
further Chinese support but it  won't be
the sole factor to get the  Chinese votes
as most Malaysian  Chinese no longer have
links with  China except as
tourists.

The Government's effort in restoring the economy is likely to  have a bigger impact. A bullish  stock market would help as it provides the
trickle-down effect.

The emphasis on political and  economic
stability, particularly  with reference
to the riots in Indonesia, would leave a deeper impression on the Chinese
voters.

While the urban Chinese have  been supportive
of the DAP in past  elections, the
community as a  whole solidly backed the
Barisan  Nasional in the 1995 election,
delivering over 60% of the votes.

In Penang, the DAP was almost  wiped out
when 32 of 33 state assemblymen returned were from  Barisan.

Indications so far show the Chinese business community backing  Barisan. No one is quite sure how  the middle class, including professionals,
would vote this time.

Generally, it can be assumed  that the
community sees Dr Mahathir representing political and  economic stability.

Many Chinese admit that the  MCA has done
well in the fields of  education and
culture. The unity it  displays has made
the community  stand proud.

Even the critical Chinese educationists movement has gone on record to acknowledge
the MCA's efforts.

The continual move by PAS to  set up an
Islamic state, the bickerings in the DAP, the squabbles  among the opposition over who  should be prime minister in case of  an opposition victory, and the dispute over
cross-overs to Parti Keadilan Nasional have not helped the  opposition cause.

Should Jiang Zemin heap praises  on Dr
Mahathir's leadership, it is  unlikely
that the opposition would  be able to
criticise the Chinese  Government and the
Barisan without offending Chinese voters here.

It would not be able to respond in  the
manner Dr Mahathir had blasted US Vice-President Al Gore for  endorsing the reformasi movement.

But Malaysians must also see the  visit
by Dr Mahathir beyond domestic concerns.

Both countries, for example,  have agreed
to work together to  reform the
international financial  regulatory
system and establish a  new financial
order to benefit all  parties.

As part of a comprehensive programme on the development of bilateral ties,
Malaysia and China  have agreed to
jointly work to promote the Singapore-Kunming rail  project.

Malaysia will also open more  consular
offices for visa issuance  to tourists
from the republic.

The visit by Dr Mahathir will  further
boost the Sino-Malaysian  trade
relations, with bilateral trade  standing
at US$4bil in 1997 in Malaysia's favour.

Despite the economic slowdown,  the
countries managed to post a bilateral trade of US$2.91bil in the  first nine months of last year.

Dr Mahathir's trip to Beijing on  the eve
of the next millennium is  most timely
and, given the tremendous interest it has generated, expectations are naturally
high.

The first controversy was Nik  Aziz's directive to state government officers
not to employ beautiful women, lest their beauty affect the productivity of
their male  colleagues.

Second, the Islamic party is still 
adamant that women should not 
contest the general election under 
the party banner, purportedly to 
protect their safety and dignity.

Nik Aziz subsequently backtracked on this, following an outcry, and said no
decision had been  made yet on whether
his party  would field women candidates
in  the coming general election.

The two activists, who now belong to two political parties in the  opposition front, have found that it  was not politically correct to criticise an
ally.

Never mind if deep in their  hearts these
once-respected activists are outraged at Nik Aziz's  stand but political expediency  must come first.

The original struggles and principles have given way to narrow  political agenda, allowing beliefs  to be compromised as a result.

Over the past one year, Malaysians must have noticed how NGO  leaders have given up their rights  of expression after joining the reformasi
movement.

Instead of strengthening democracy through their articulation and  action as educators, they have become
partisan politicians.

Although many of these NGO  leaders were
anti-establishment in  the past, they
had, at least, spoken  up against issues
raised by the Opposition if they felt strongly about  them.

Presenting their views through 
non-communal perspectives, they 
had won the admiration of many 
middle-class Malaysians.

Whether it is about environment  or women
issues, these NGO leaders had helped to educate the Malaysian public.

Their intellectual views contributed to the move towards creating  a civil society where there is wider  people participation in governance.

Many of these activists, who are 
university lecturers, presented 
their arguments with well-researched material and information, proving
they were a class  above the politicians
who depended much on their rhethoric skills.

The mushrooming of NGOs over  the last
decade was a result of rising political consciousness and the  willingness of the Mahathir administration to
allow greater dissent.

But there is a disturbing trend  lately.
Many of these advocates of  human rights
seem ready to forego  their principles to
achieve their  political ambitions.

Without being partisan to party 
politics, they should by right be 
able to probe and evaluate social 
questions with an open mind.

Their participation in opposition 
politics have, however, caused 
them to lose all that objectivity and 
credentials.

Even the statement by PAS president Datuk Fadzil Noor, to close  down pro-government media if the  party comes to power, has not met  with NGO response.

At least DAP leaders like national party chairman Dr Chen Man  Hin and Wanita chief Dr Onn Hong  Geok have put their stand on record.

There are other muted response  to issues
such as PAS' attempts to  table a private
member's Bill on  death for apostasy and
the setting  up of an Islamic state.
Earlier this  year, PAS deputy president
Abdul  Hadi Awang said PAS would
close  down the Kuala Lumpur Stock
Exchange if it formed the next Federal Government.

PAS is also adopting a more communal approach in many issues,  judging from recent reports in the  party organ, Harakah.

On one of its front-page reports,  the
party accused Prime Minister  Datuk Seri
Dr Mahathir Mohamad  of insulting the
Malays.

In another report, new PAS  member Datuk
Kamaruddin Jaafar called for support of PAS because “there is only one
Malay  party in Barisan Nasional against  13 other non-Malay component  parties.''

The implication here is the opposition pact has three predominantly-Malay
parties  PAS, Parti  Keadilan Nasional and Parti Rakyat
Malaysia  against the DAP,  a Chinese-majority party.

The use of such communal approaches does not augur well for  Malaysians.

PAS appears to have given up on 
non-Malay support, in making such 
advances, but it must understand 
that democracy isn't just about 
winning elections.

The bigger stake is the stability  of
this multi-racial and multi-religious country, which PAS seems to  have difficulty grappling with.

Our NGO leaders must continue  with their
advocacy of a wide  range of issues
affecting Malaysians. They must continue to demand for public accountability
and  more freedom of expression.

It is the job of NGO leaders to  make
sure that powerful politicians do not trample on our rights,  irrespective of the politicians'  ideologies.

But we have reached a point  where the
positive efforts of the  Government are
ignored and even  challenged while NGO
leaders  keep silent on the wrong-doings
of  the Opposition.

Their recent practice of selective concerns must be questioned  by right-thinking Malaysians.

However, it is interesting to note  that
for the first time many NGO  leaders are
expected to test their  popularity by
stepping into the  election arena.

For a long time, these leaders  have
claimed to represent the people though they serve in organisations with only a
handful of members.

The general election will tell  whether
they have the support of  the
people.

Idealism is something positive.  University students like to believe they can
bring positive  changes to the
country.

It's nothing new. The student 
representative councils in our 
universities have always been 
dominated by PAS-influenced 
leaders, particularly those from 
the east coast.

Anti-government sentiments,  however,
have become stronger  since the sacking
of Datuk Seri  Anwar Ibrahim from Umno
and  the Government.

There have been proposals to  enforce the
University and University Colleges Act against students and lecturers for their
involvement in politics.

Umno Youth has gone a step  further,
saying it was preparing  a report on the
alleged involvement of vice-chancellors and 
lecturers.

There must be a meeting point  here. Our
leaders must understand that dissenting views are  part of democracy.

Our students must be allowed  to sharpen
their minds and to be  exposed to all
perspectives.

Lecturers should freely expouse their political views in  class as long as they do not penalise
students who do not share  their
inclinations.

During tutorials, where marks  are given
for participation, they  should be open
to sound arguments from students. That is 
what academia is all about.

On the other hand, students  and
lecturers must be open to  the views of
those who are pro establishment. If our campus 
community talks about opening 
minds, then they, too, must not 
shut their minds to the views of 
others.

It is here that government  youth leaders
are tested. They  must be ready to
convince our  students the path taken by
the  Government is correct.

It is better for Barisan Nasional to convince our young  minds than to punish them for  refusing to support the party.

The student movement during  the 60s and
70s was actually  stronger. For example,
the role  played by Universiti
Malaya's  Socialist Club and Islamic  groups.

These groups took up popular  causes such
as joining in protests by rubber peasants in Baling and fighting for the
Tasek  Utara squatters in Johor in
1974.

In 1967, Universiti Malaya students raised the issue of the  landless in Teluk Gong. In 1969,  then student leader Anwar Ibrahim played a
key role in calling  for the replacement
of Prime  Minister Tunku Abdul
Rahman.

We must always recognise the  need for a
strong student movement and the importance of political consciousness.

It is imperative for the development of young minds which, in  the end, will make our students  better future leaders.

If leaders have not gone  through the
baptism of fire, so to  speak, it is
unlikely they will be  able to take up a
fight with the  opposition.

At the same time, our students  must
never have the illusion that  they are
the only champions of  the people.

Fighting for popular causes  may be their
social responsibility but they also have a responsibility towards the nation,
taxpayers and their parents, to do well 
in their studies.

It is no secret that many of our 
undergraduates have mediocre 
results in university exams.  Many
cannot even string a sentence in English, let alone write a  report in the language.

As a result of our education  system and
the attitude of our  students, the
Foreign Service,  for example, has
inherited the  problems of its officers
having  poor command of English.

At international forums, Malaysians are no longer looked  upon to draft communiques involving
international issues.

Those who advocate the  growth of
progressive thinking  must also be
willing to be critical  of conservative
and orthodox  thinkers, who stand in the
way of  modernisation.

One cannot help but be suspicious of those who consider  themselves as liberals but yet  readily work with forces which  attempt to put up institutions  that stand in the way of liberalism.

Surely, we do not allow democratic institutions to be torn  down simply because we do not  agree with our leaders.

These are fundamental concerns we need to bring to the attention of students,
who should  be equally critical of what
PAS  can offer to a multi-ethnic and  modern Malaysia.

Our students have been a  lucky lot.
Unlike Americans and  Europeans, our
students never  have to work part-time to
pay for  their studies. With
scholarships  on offer, our students are
free  from economic pressures.

There are many others who  would love to
take over their  places in universities,
lest they  forget.

But we must never use the slegehammer treatment. Bureaucrats in bush jackets
must not be  allowed to take over the
roles of  academicians.

The campus should be a vibrant place for lively debates  and differing views. We must  never allow intellectualism to be  stifled by narrow political interest.

After graduating, young people are on their own and will  have to prove their worth at  work. Their future employers  won't assess them on the number  of reformasi demonstrations and  ceramahs they have attended.

Likewise, the minute academicians take off their gowns to become politicians,
their objectivity ends. They are just like any 
other partisan politicians who 
have to prove themselves to the 
people.

As expected, the opposition parties are telling
Malaysians that the  recovery is not
real. The strong  market sentiment, they
argue, is  due to support from
government  agencies.

On the other hand, the Government has come out with a list of  statistics to back its arguments.

Some market analysts see the  KLSE
performance as a pre-election rally and not due to returning  economic confidence and low interest rates.
Foreign funds, they  point out, are not
strong and that it  would be difficult
for the local  pundits to hold on to that
huge volume being traded daily.

Financial weekly The Edge notes  that
there was not much of a  broad-based
pre-election rally prior to the past three elections of  1986, 1990 and 1995.

If a strong government is elected, as in the past, it is almost likely  that the stock market would be  strong, even if only for a short  time.

But if a two-thirds majority is 
denied  worse still, a hung
government  we can be certain that  the stock market would plunge because of
political uncertainty. Foreign investors would not know who  to deal with in such circumstances.

The general election this time  should
remove the element of uncertainty.

That aside, the current bullish  trend
does have an impact on voting patterns.

Realistically, not every voter  dabbles
in shares but in urban areas, a feel-good sentiment is pertinent before the
polls.

Middle-class voters, particularly  among
the Chinese electorate, consider the economic recovery as a  key factor when they casting their  ballots.

And the KLSE performance has  always been
regarded as one indicator of any economic recovery.

While speculation is sometimes  perceived
as a form of gambling, it  cannot be
denied that ordinary Malaysians have made money from  the stock market and that it has a  trickle-down effect.

Restaurants are packed again,  there are
more property sales, and  a bigger demand
for cars. Consumer spending has risen because 
more money is going around.

Forget about what the politicians  and
the economists tell you, just  take a
cursory look at the classified advertisements 
many companies are hiring again.

Employers want to make sure  they are
ready to cash in through  increased
production when consumer spending is high, particularly in the run-up to the
new millennium and approaching Hari Raya.

If the feel-good factor continues  over
the next few months, it will be  to the
advantage of Barisan Nasional. During the 1995 general  election, the coalition won a landslide
victory because of the strong 
economy.

It remains to be seen whether  Barisan
would be rewarded for its  efforts to
turn around the economy  with minimum
pain.

Foreign fund managers have already given a more optimistic  growth rate than the Government's  projection.

There are those who argue that  other
countries, including those  which
accepted IMF help, have  done
better.

They forget that in the case of  Malaysia,
the stakes are still in  Malaysian hands.
Our banks did  not collapse and there was
no massive loss of jobs, unlike Thailand 
and South Korea.

And the ringgit did not turn into 
worthless paper overnight.

We have performed better than  expected,
despite the gloom and  doom scenario
which the foreign  media painted for
Malaysia.

For now, our banks should not be 
over-cautious; loans for productive 
projects must be given out to spur 
further growth.

At stock-broking firms these  days,
investors admit that they  should have
followed the advice of  Prime Minister
Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad to go in when the  KLSE index was down to 262 points  last year and some stocks were  worth less than five sen. Today,  they have climbed back to their  original levels.

A housewife in Nilai, Negri Sembilan, heeded Dr Mahathir words.  She is now the owner of a single storey house
which she rents out to  several
air-stewardesses.

She paid cash for the house after 
selling the shares which she had 
bought low.

It's a true story  one of many  that tell of how Dr Mahathir is often proven
right much later.

According to a report in The  Star on
Friday, the board concluded that numerous cuts would  disrupt the flow of the film.

Unless you have been in deep  freeze, Malaysians would be able  to recall that not too long ago,  Austin Power's 1997 hit International Man of
Mystery was  screened on RTM.

Although there were cuts here  and there,
our psychedelic hero  still came out
smashing, as he  would say.

That movie was screened on  television
with its dose of sexual  innuendoes and
double-talk, and  escaped the scissors of
our censors.

But two years later, the censors are back and they have become more demanding,
ready to  pounce on our superhero.

It's a sin, suddenly, for Malaysians to watch Powers lose his  “mojo'' (sexual libido) in the  Swinging Sixties.

Our swinging spy has suddenly  become the
villain overnight. It's  certainly not a
very groovy thing  for our censors to
do.

Malaysians laughed too fast  when they
mocked and ridiculed  the Singaporean
authorities for  initially trying to
replace the  word “shagged'' with
shiok.

The equally puritanical Singaporean censors, too, had felt the  need for its cinema goers to behave.

Thanks to them, Singapore  found itself a
subject of global  ridicule, with Austin
Powers  fans laughing as hysterically
as  the nefarious Dr Evil.

But at least the Singapore authorities realised before it was  too late that the move was ludicrous, and
eventually allowed  the movie to be
screened without  making any changes to
the title.

Malaysian authorities, however, seem to be frozen in some  kind of time zone.

The movie is merely a parody  of James
Bond, whose movies  were thick with
explicit and implicit sexual innuendos of the 
agent's sexual abilities.

One wonders why no Bond  film, some with
Agent 007 sleeping with at least three different  women in one movie, escaped  the censor board's scissors.

Meanwhile, the Austin Powers  movies
which make fun of such  libidinous heroes
by exaggerating their sexual prowess to the 
point of ludicrity is not spared.

Obviously, the censors are also  unaware
that many people have  already watched
the sequel.

Film-goers fed-up with foot dragging only have to visit their  neighbourhood pasar malam  VCD seller to get a pirated copy  of the movie.

Even those who genuinely  want to
“behave'' and watch the  movie on the
big screen and not  patronise VCD
suppliers now  have no choice but to
resort to  the evil of piracy.

The saddest part of this episode is that the report of the ban  came on a day when the Cyberjaya project was
launched.

Those behind the project are  well aware
of the need to fend  off attempts to
exercise censorship on the Internet.

Coincidentally, in launching  Cyberjaya,
Multimedia Development Corporation executive 
chairman Tan Sri Dr Othman  Yeop
Abdullah voiced his concern about enforcement of cyber  laws which they said could stifle  the market.

Dr Othman also said a world class studio would be constructed as part of the
Entertainment  Village in Cyberjaya by
2002.

Before we do that, it might be  a good
idea if the censor board  can be
consistent in its review of  movies.
There is obviously no  clear
criteria.

Our censors should also realise  that
Malaysians are quite mature  in their
thinking.

Most, if not all, know when a  movie is a
joke, and Austin Powers is one big joke of a hero, and  hardly the beautiful stranger  that he is made out to be.

Finally, the authorities should  realise
that the joke is on us if  they persist
in their Victorian  standards.

It is obviously not a groovy  thing to do
to Malaysia's image.

For many Penang Barisan Nasional leaders, it's never easy
being in the government. The islanders have a reputation for being  anti-establishment, which explains  why many of the country's more vocal
politicians and non-government organisation leaders hail  from this state.

Dr Ling was born in Taiping but  settled
in Penang and eventually  opened up a
clinic in Butterworth  before becoming the
MP for Mata  Kuching, now renamed
Bagan.

Over the past one week, Penang  has
become the focal point for  Barisan and
the Opposition because the stakes are high.

The MCA, which has nine assemblymen and two MPs in this  state, is determined to wrest back  Bagan (from the DAP).

For the DAP, secretary-general  Lim Kit
Siang has declared the  state as its
frontline  short of  stating it wants to take another  shot at capturing the state.

After its humiliating defeat in  the 1995
general election, where it  only one of
the 14 seats it contested, the DAP believes its luck will  change with the help of Parti Keadilan
Nasional, PAS and PRM.

In 1995, Lim lost to Chief Minister Tan Sri Koh Tsu Koon in the  Tanjung Bungah state seat.

In 1990, the DAP won 14 seats   three
short of forming a simple  majority in
the 33-seat state assembly.

This time, the DAP hopes to do  better
while the MCA believes it  can maintain
the status quo, perhaps perform even better with the  perception that the Chinese are  with Barisan.

For Umno, the attention is on  Permatang
Pauh, the parliamentary seat of Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim.

Last week, Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad entered the lion's  den by holding a meet-the-people  session at the constituency. It was  his first visit to Permatang Pauh  since the sacking of Anwar from  the government and party last  year.

With many believing that Keadilan president Datin Dr Wan Azizah  Ismail will contest in Permatang  Pauh, instead of Dr Mahathir's Kubang Pasu
constituency, the fight  for the hearts
and minds have been  more intense
there.

If the fight is between MCA Gerakan and DAP on the island for  the Chinese votes, it's a clash between Umno
and Keadilan-PAS on  the mainland for the
Malay votes.

For MCA and Gerakan, they believe that the Chinese voters are  not as passionate as the Malays  over the Anwar issue. The economic recovery
and the bullish stock  market sentiments
are an advantage.

The oppositionists, however, say  that
the Chinese community would  see the
Anwar issue from a citizen's point of view rather than  from an ethnic angle.

They are banking on the middle class, particularly the English speaking
professionals, to buy  their talk of
democracy and human  rights.

In the end, though, the side issues might swing the votes. Penangites have a
reputation for being  fickle-minded;
there is little political allegiance and their mood  changes in almost every election.

The general perception of Chinese voters is that there should be  more than just one opposition  member in the state assembly. At  the same time, not many Penangites are
willing to trade the Barisan state government for the Opposition.

Lim has read the sentiments of 
Penangites well by refusing to 
openly declare the party's plan. In 
1995, the DAP slogan of Try Five 
Years was rebutted with Barisan's 
Die Five Years.

Based on experience, Lim would  be the
first to testify that a huge  ceramah
crowd is no indication of  support. In
the 1995 polls, his last  ceramah at the
Weld Quay flats  saw a mammoth crowd but
they  failed him in the end.

Matters such as the Rent Control  Act is
still important to the working class because it is basically a  bread-and-butter issue. The state  Barisan has now appealed to the  Federal Government to grant a  three-year reprieve to pre-empt  attacks from the DAP.

Visitors to Penang are sometimes surprised to see the somewhat disorganised
location of  hawker spots and light
industrial  areas. Houses are converted
into  coffee-shops and offices, much
to  the dismay of city planners.

But the state government has allowed this flexibility, well aware  that in a small state one cannot  risk losing the votes of hawkers  and small businessmen.

Strange as it may seem, DAP's  Lim Hock
Seng won the Bagan parliamentary seat in 1995 simply because word went around
town that  he was a real people's
man  he 
reportedly became a pall-bearer 
for a constituent during the election campaign.

In fact, during the recent Penang 
Gerakan elections, some of Dr Goh 
Cheng Teik's supporters blamed 
the local Chinese press for not reporting that Goh paid his last
respects to a delegate's family member who passed away. Dr Koh's  visit, instead, enjoyed coverage.

Such incidents may seem trivial,  even
irrelevant, against seemingly  bigger
issues. But the personalities  of
candidates and local issues do  count a
lot in Penang.

If the race is going to be a tight  one,
then the X-factor among the  contenders
will determine the winner.

Fischer was also quoted as saying that they discussed
possible  economic scenarios in the
future  for Indonesia.

He said a meeting with Indonesian President B.J. Habibie had  been scheduled.

The IMF meeting with the opposition leaders took place presumably because
Fischer is sure that  they will form the
next government.

His directive is simple: follow  the IMF
programmes adopted by  the Habibie
government.

In most countries, this IMF  meeting with
politicians would  have been seen as a
case of interference in domestic politics.

It is humiliating for the ruling 
government, no matter how unpopular Golkar can be, because the  vote-counting process is still going  on.

But Indonesia has little choice. It  has
sought IMF help and whoever  forms the
government must now  take orders from
IMF.

It is a new form of colonisation. 
Malaysian journalists who covered 
the recent Indonesian elections 
spoke of condescending Western 
analysts and non-government organisation leaders who lectured  Indonesians on how they should  run their country.

A colleague told of an NGO leader who, having arrived in Jakarta  barely 48 hours ago, gave his views  as an expert, running down the  country and the system.

The saddest part, he said, was  that this
so-called expert was  cheered by a group
of Indonesians  and given prominent
coverage by  the media.

A similar pattern seems to be appearing in Malaysia. Western  countries are demanding the promotion of
human rights and democracy, in their style, before economic development. They
argue  that these values can be transplanted
overnight.

No Malaysian would argue that  human
rights and democracy are  antithetical to
the country's development. Those against gradual  changes to improve our institutions are as
bad as those who insist  on immediate
reforms.

Human rights and democracy  are part and
parcel of Westminster  democracy. What
makes people  cynical is the hypocrisy
and inconsistency on the question of human 
rights.

Instead of a holistic approach,  human
rights are defined from a  narrow
perspective, focussing on  civil
liberties and political rights.

The West, especially the United  States,
continues to tighten its grip  on the
media, international economic institutions and arrangements with the United
Nations.

The US, for example, portrays itself as a moral crusader of human  rights but allows certain authoritarian
governments in West Asia  and South
America to function because they serve its military and  oil interests.

In Algeria, a popular Islamic  party
voted by the people is rejected by the military which backed a  secular government.

In this case, the West closed its  eyes
but a similar situation in  Myanmar
became the subject of an  intense
campaign.

In some West Asian countries,  elections
are a mockery  with the  monarchy reigning supreme  but  we
hardly hear any complaints  from US
groups simply because  they are client
states.

It's the same with China, which  the US
has been particularly tough  on. Year in
and year out, the world  is reminded of
the Tiananmen  Square incident.

But the western media has never  even
once explained why the student protest failed and whether the  failure was due to the lukewarm  support from the grassroots nationwide.

Neither has the US media, supposedly good at analysing events  according to their own prejudiced  view, explained why the protest  was confined to Beijing.

Any visitor to China would realise that sweeping changes have  taken place in China over the past  two decades.

But it is still not enough for the  US.
Perhaps, it wants to see China  turned
into another Russia  a former superpower
which has become a democracy but reduced to 
an exporter of prostitutes.

Fact is, the US isn't exactly the 
protector of human rights it wants 
many to believe. The US has refused to sign, accede or ratify up  to 144 of the over-400 conventions,  treaties and other agreements under the
UN.

There are two important treaties  that
have been signed by the US  but yet to be
ratified, namely the  International
Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights  and the Convention on the Rights  of the Child.

Why is the US dragging its feet?

By ratifying these treaties, signatory countries are required to  make the necessary changes to  their laws.

For example, the US has refused  to sign
the Convention of the Use,  Stockpiling,
Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and  On their Destruction  simply because it is one of the biggest
users  and producers of landmines.

It has not signed the Rome Statute of the International Criminal  Court (ICC) which requires war  criminals to be handed over to a  tribunal.

Despite preaching lofty ideals,  the US
is prepared to bend rules,  even ignore
them, so long as it  suits its national
interest.

Contemporary history has shown  that the
US is ready to work with  dictators, if
they are prepared to  takes orders from
Washington.

So, Malaysians should be wary of 
meddling foreigners.