With their unceremonious removal, angry warlords could be on the rampage.

NO doubt, they are the big names in Umno, with positions at national, state and division levels, too.

They are the warlords with immense power who influence many party grassroots members and the outcome of party elections. Many of them are also delegates who can even decide the fate of national party leaders.

Simply put, they exercise control over members and voters with their established network.

These personalities, with their arrogance and uncouth ways, may not be popular with many Malaysians, yet they are known to dispense patronage effectively in their constituencies.

They are hugely popular among their division members as well as their constituents. That may be news to many urban voters, but truth be told, they take great care of their constituencies, including non-Malay concerns.

These people include Tan Sri Shahidan Kassim (Arau), Datuk Seri Tajuddin Abdul Rahman (Pasir Salak), Tan Sri Annuar Musa (Ketereh) and Tan Sri Noh Omar (Tanjung Karang).

They control the machinery, which is essential during the general election and even simple by-elections. They make up a crucial cog of the Umno political wheel and other component parties in the Barisan Nasional also depend on them for the Malay votes.

However, they’ve now become monsters in Umno and have returned to haunt the party, which created these political beasts in the first place by allowing them to wield their clout with impunity.

Even worse, many of them have begun to treat these parliamentary constituencies as their personal fiefdoms.

Despite owing their positions and wealth to Umno, they have now threatened to contest under rival parties instead, after being dropped as candidates for the coming elections.

Umno president Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi has found himself backed into a corner – he has discarded the big names and risks losing these seats to Bersatu or PAS. It’s a huge gamble, and the odds are stacked against Ahmad Zahid since Barisan can’t afford to lose any winnable seats by default. These disgruntled and sulking politicians have already openly declared war against Ahmad Zahid.

For the first time, the imperative Malay votes are split between three coalitions, namely Barisan, Pakatan Harapan and Perikatan Nasional, which may lead to a fragmented and inconclusive GE result.

Chinese and Indians voters are almost certain to pin their hopes on Pakatan, despite a decline of 10% according to surveys, when compared to GE14 in 2018.

In 2018, a shift of about 30% Malay votes was enough to end Barisan’s 60-year reign.

The reality is that rural votes are worth more than urban ones, as the gerrymandering impact is clear.

The DAP, particularly, will only get about 40-odd seats even if 95% of Chinese voters back Pakatan. That’s the cold, hard truth. The decision of the predominantly Malay voters will make the difference, as always.

This time, there are even more variables, although early surveys indicate Barisan is ahead with a 37% lead among all races, according to 02 Research Malaysia. It said Pakatan has 32% and Perikatan 19%, while 12% remain uncertain.

As seasoned political analysts would know, surveys are never always accurate. In 2018, the common finding was that Barisan would win at least 120 seats, but that’s not how things panned out. Some said even the police and army intelligence got their predictions wrong.

But this isn’t endemic to Malaysia. Even CNN, with its impressive charts and well-articulated analysis, never fathomed Donald Trump would be elected US president in 2016.

So, with these Umno bigwigs shown the door, they are not going to go quietly.

Don’t expect them to toe the line although they have pledged their undying loyalty to the party, race and religion repeatedly in the past. The new candidates proposed for these affected constituencies will find it hard to operate, let alone win.

Let’s look at their ages – Shahidan is 71, Annuar Musa 66, Tajuddin 74 and Noh Omar 64 – but they are unlikely to believe they are past their use-by date and should allow younger leaders to move up instead.

Succession planning is an alien concept in politics. Should they step aside, they will probably only do so to accommodate their children, like a family dynasty.

Unfortunately, the playing field isn’t level because despite being 85, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah can continue to defend his Gua Musang seat. He has been an MP since 1969 – half the people or more in Malaysia weren’t even born yet.

Then, there is Tengku Adnan Tengku Mansor, who is 72, but has been allowed to contest the Putrajaya seat again.

The mess, however, isn’t just confined to Umno but has also spread to other parties including DAP, PKR, Amanah, Bersatu, PAS and Barisan component parties as well.

Some incumbents have served for three terms, but it’s still never enough for these politicians.

DAP leader Fong Kui Lun, 76, has been MP for Bukit Bintang for 23 years while Cheras MP Tan Kok Wai, 65, has retained his seat for 27 years.

Both are DAP strongholds, and any young leaders could have taken over and won handsomely, yet these same people have been named candidates.

Somehow though, incumbent Klang MP Charles Santiago, despite his popularity, was unceremoniously dropped because “he has served three terms.”

Emotional outbursts by dropped incumbents have been common at every general election ahead of nomination day. In the words of Thomas Sowell, an American author, philosopher and economist – politics is the art of making your selfish desires seem like the national interest.

In the case of Malaysia, we all know by now, that these politicians – including those facing corruption charges – will claim they are fighting for race and religion, too.

The only problem is there are enough voters who will believe them because the politicians they love so much remain infallible angels.

The more the fairer?: The suggestion is for a DPM each from Sabah, Sarawak and the Peninsula.

‘Good intentions’ aside, three is a crowd in an already bloated administration.

WHY do we need two or three Deputy Prime Ministers? Aren’t we drowning with Ministers, Deputies and Special Envoys who barely make a ripple in the already bloated Cabinet?

Both the Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Harapan are unabashedly attempting to out-do each other in securing their share of DPMs.

The suggestion is for a DPM each from Sabah, Sarawak and from Peninsula.

The two competing coalitions are aware that no side will have the edge to form the next federal government without the support of parties from our two largest states.

At stake are 31 parliamentary seats in Sarawak, where the Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) is expected to unleash a tsunami, with at least 26 seats in the coming federal elections.

The GPS comprises Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB), Progressive Democratic Party (PDP), Sarawak United People’s Party (SUPP) and Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS).

The DAP has six seats, but it’s Stampin, Lanang and Sibu that will be in the crosshairs, where SUPP has a chance of snatching it back from the DAP. However, much hinges on the candidates it fields.

But PH has sounded a warning against the early optimism of GPS, pointing out that there are 600,000 new voters, whose allegiances are unknown. How wonderful for them to experience voting for the first time and be able to choose the best future for the country.

In Sabah, 25 Parliamentary seats are up for grabs, but don’t expect a scrap like in the Peninsula because the state is governed by Gabungan Rakyat Sabah-Barisan Nasional.

Barisan comprises Umno, MCA, MIC and Parti Bersatu Rakyat Sabah (PBRS), while GRS is made up of Bersatu, Parti Solidariti Tanah Airku (STAR), Sabah Progressive Party (SAPP) and Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS).

In Sabah, where politics is always complicated, 25 seats are at stake, but the perception now is that the state would be shared by Barisan, GRS/Bersatu and Warisan, with its six seats and DAP with its few.

Again, there are many variables, and the scenario will only be clearer closer to polling day. There are half a million new voters there.

It’s realistic to believe the promise of a DPM from the two states will be bandied to gain votes during the campaign.

These Peninsula politicians may have overshot in their promises, but it doesn’t look like they’ve tuned in to the sentiments of the rest of Malaysia, either.

Even Sabah and Sarawak have given lukewarm responses to the promises by these two coalitions, so far.

So, on one hand, we hear Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim pledging to whittle the allowances of the PM and shrink the Cabinet, and in the same breath, says he will have more DPMs.

Writing in Sinar Harian, its editor-in-chief Rozaid Rahman said, “the irony is Anwar made the promises after giving the assurance to reduce the size of the Cabinet and would perform salary and allowance cuts for the prime minister if they successfully formed a government.

“The question we have is how would these savings be achieved if he intended to create the DPM positions?

“Together with the positions would be additional salaries, allowances, special privileges such as a residence, additional police escorts, personal guards, and exclusive usage of aircraft during visits and official work domestically or internationally.

“This is before considering the added support staff they require as well as being given the title becoming the ‘Yang Amat Berhormat’ (YAB) Deputy Prime Minister.

“In our country, there are only four positions that hold the title YAB – the first is the Prime Minister, followed by Menteri Besar, Chief Minister and lastly, the Deputy Prime Minister. Along with the YAB title, there are benefits that come with it, as stated above.

“So, where would this Cabinet focus on cutting down and saving if they intend to add positions not written down in the Constitution and want to declare that DPM has not received any privileges they enjoyed – for the people, for the country.”

Believe it or no not, there was a time when police outriders were purely for the PM and DPM, besides the Sultans and Yang di-Pertua Negeri, of course.

But now, certain ministers and even officials have earned these privileges.

In fact, the Federal Constitution is bereft of provision for the position of a DPM, but first PM Tunku Abdul Rahman picked Tun Abdul Razak to assist him, and the tradition has remained.

But as Rozaid pointed out, when Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin was PM, he only elected a DPM – Datuk Seri Ismail Sabri Yaakob – a month before he resigned, but before that, he had only elected senior ministers.

Ismail Sabri replaced Muhyiddin’s position in August 2021, thus, the DPM seat was vacant, and he maintained the senior ministers until Parliament’s dissolution on Oct 10. Hence, Muhyiddin was the last prime minister to appoint a DPM.

Having three DPMs would merely be symbolic. Authority would be diluted, and, in the end, it would have been pointless.

If the GPS delivers 26 seats or more and is the key to forming a federal government to ensure stability, then Sarawak deserves to get the DPM post. In fact, it should demand that post as a condition.

Sarawak should also demand equal partner status and rights under the Malaysia Agreement of 1963 (MA63) – in the formation of Malaysia – be fulfilled.

A lot of Malaysians would prefer to see a DPM from Sarawak for a change. Perhaps more Sabahans and Sarawakians in a lean Cabinet?

Long process: Election Commission staff preparing election materials to be delivered to various parliamentary constituencies in Sarawak for the 15th General Election. — ZULAZHAR SHEBLEE/The Star

IT’S going to be a protracted process. In fact, the 14-day campaign period is among the longest in the nation’s electoral history.

Predictably, many Malaysians were hoping for an 11-day runup, and the most popular date for polling was Nov 12. The date would also avoid coinciding with the wet season predicted to arrive by the middle of November.

So one wonders about the factors deliberated on by the Election Commission (EC) before deciding on Nov 19 as the polling day.

The longer the campaign stretches, the more it costs the candidates, workers, the EC officials and the media, too. The 15th General Election (GE15) will set taxpayers back RM1bil, and that doesn’t even include spending by the respective political parties and other stakeholders.

With most states opting to dissolve their state assemblies only when their terms end in July 2023, more expense will be incurred for another round of polling then.

The endless politicking in our country has become the bane of most Malaysians’ existence, so the last thing we want is another round of elections within a calendar year.

The same narratives will likely be rolled out, along with the same personalities leading the campaigns. So how many new sales pitches will we hear at state levels?

The Penang DAP got it right when it said that the sentiments of Penangites was to have the state polls concurrently, but unfortunately, the national level Pakatan Harapan leadership shot it down.

DAP national legal bureau chief Ramkarpal Singh correctly said Pakatan shouldn’t burden the people by holding separate parliamentary and state elections. His first-hand knowledge of word on the street is that the people aren’t keen on separate elections.

Describing GE15 as a forced election, he said there is nothing unprincipled in holding concurrent elections.

Unfortunately, national Pakatan leaders view it differently from Penang leaders.

There’s the impression that these state governments under Pakatan and PAS merely want to cling on to being in government.

In fact, the Opposition had previously pushed for an early election with the argument that the present Federal Government had no mandate from the people, given that it was a “backdoor government” born from the Sheraton Move.

But it has been reluctant to take on Barisan Nasional, and the Opposition – be it Pakatan or PAS – has used the monsoon to justify not having the general election this year.

Logically, with the conviction of Datuk Seri Najib Razak for corruption still fresh in the minds of the people, it would be easier for the Opposition to take advantage of the situation.

It should be claiming credit for the anti-corruption rhetoric against Najib and other Umno leaders.

The Opposition is convinced that the issue will continue to be effective.

If Najib and the 1MDB financial scandal were successfully “used” during GE14 campaigning in 2018, they will definitely factor in now as well, since he remains a major talking point. This time, the Opposition’s argument would be that if Barisan wins, Najib could be freed.

The former PM may be in prison, but he remains a dominant figure.

It’s still premature to predict GE15’s victor, but that hasn’t stopped chat groups, teh tarik sessions and family discussions from going into overdrive now that the dates for nomination and polling have been announced.

The campaign hasn’t started and until we know the line-up of the candidates, it will be hard to make an educated assessment.

The consensus this time is that it could be another round of inconclusive and fragmented results, with the various parties not securing enough numbers to form a government.

Then there are also those who have confidently predicted that Barisan will have an edge by highlighting the failures of the 22-month Pakatan government tenure, and that’s one reason for GE15 being called.

But hardcore DAP and PKR supporters claim there will be a repeat of GE14, where a 30% to 35% of Malay votes was enough to overthrow the Barisan government of 60 years. However, the parties and candidates will only really be tested in the coming weeks.

GE15 will be really rough. Those without the stomach and wits to bear the harrowing two weeks will falter.

No one should take anything – especially the voters – for granted.

Forget the old and jaded spiels, and don’t make assumptions either, especially when there will be 5.8 million new voters in this general election.

In a multiracial country like Malaysia, there is simply no room for religious prejudice.

POLITICS has become the mainstay of the media ahead of the general election, but there were two important announcements made by the Sultan of Selangor, towards which most politicians would conveniently cast a blind eye.

They avoid them for political expediency because it doesn’t suit their narrative or they don’t subscribe to it, which is damning either way.

Malaysia certainly needs level-headed and moderate politicians who dare question those who use religion to degrade the country with their personal interpretations of it.

The sentiment of many Malaysians is that this country is on a slippery slope as powerful groups and individuals propagate their religious agenda.

More and more of us, including the predominant Muslims, are feeling stifled as they impose values hardly suitable for multiracial Malaysia.

The recent controversy over the “non-halal” sign in a hotel’s lift, which it used to transport non-halal and perishable items, earned comprehensive coverage from the media.

Rightfully so, after lawyer and social activist Siti Kasim posted the sign and questioned its relevance. The picture had already gone viral on social media before that.

The hotel reportedly said that this is part of the requirement set by the authorities to ensure they receive their halal certification for the hotel’s back-of-house operations, such as the service lift.

Following the uproar, the Department of Islamic Development (Jakim) issued a statement about there not being a requirement for the “non-halal” sign to be displayed.

But Jakim said that hotels or premises can establish “any appropriate mechanism in accordance with the procedures set to maintain the integrity of Malaysia’s Halal Certification.”

While it implies no compulsion, it’s also a very general statement. Basically, no business entity wants to run afoul of religious authorities, especially Jakim or Jais, the Selangor Islamic Religious Department, or for that matter, similar religious bodies in other states.

These individual officers wield powerful authority by invoking religious decisions. The “non- halal” lift issue isn’t the first and won’t be the last. According to a news report, in 2013, a similar incident unravelled at another hotel in Petaling Jaya. A signboard beside three lifts stated “this elevator is only for transporting halal goods. For non-halal goods please use the staircase”.

Hoteliers have privately voiced their frustrations at this hindrance, which affects costing and even the layout of their establishments.

It means looking for separate lifts, entrances or stairways.

The impression given is that these alternate passages are required even though no signs are required.

In the end, many hoteliers opt to relinquish their non-halal restaurants as the most economical way out. For many, they see it as “coercion” of a different sort, reflecting the erosion of how non-Muslims can practise their way of life and secure their rightful place in this country, which is enshrined in the Federal Constitution.

But with the glass viewed half full, it can also mean halal-certified restaurants could attract a bigger pool of customers, especially Muslims.

Over the last few weeks, the Sultan of Selangor drove two crucial points home, which is clearly bold of him as head of Islam in the most important state.

He called on Malaysians to practise respect and tolerance to accommodate the differences of the country’s multi-ethnic and multi-religious societies.

Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah said differences in religion and race shouldn’t prevent Malaysians from living in harmony.

“If the multi-ethnic and multi-religious communities in Malaysia are ready to work together and respect each other’s religious beliefs, Insyallah, all good intentions and efforts in dignifying religion and strengthening close relationships in the community of various religions, cultures and this nation can be attainable,” he said during the Institute of Islamic Understanding Malaysia’s (Ikim) 30th anniversary celebration recently.

It’s important to note that leaders of other faiths were invited to this event, which is certainly commendable.

The Sultan said that from an Islamic standpoint, the existence of a multiracial society is the nature of human events, and our differences shouldn’t be used as an excuse to be cruel or hostile towards the followers of other religions. Earlier, the Ruler had said any muzakarah (religious discussion of an issue) decision must consider the rights and interests of non-Muslims, as legally guaranteed under the Federal Constitution.

He emphasised that Malaysia is a multiracial country and that the teachings of Islam showing mercy to all, including those of different faiths, must always be observed.

The Selangor Sultan, who is also the National Council of Islamic Religious Affairs (MKI) chairman, said the MKI muzakarah committee played a very important role and function in the Muslim community in Malaysia, and is a tower of legal reference at national and international levels.

He also said, again, that any statement regarding the decision made by the MKI muzakarah committee can only be made by its chairman.

“No other party, including the Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department (Religious Affairs) or the Islamic Development Department (Jakim), can make the statement.

“This is important to ensure that muzakarah decisions at the national level and fatwas at the state level are not influenced by elements of party politics,” said Sultan Sharafuddin.

He added that Jakim only acts as the secretariat of the MKI muzakarah committee, advising muftis to refrain from religious disputes in the public domain, especially if the issue had been resolved together in the muzakarah space.

The Sultan added that disputes between muftis and religious experts should not become a public spectacle, as it will only downgrade their authority.

So, many Malaysians can now only rely on our Rulers to bring some semblance of rationale and moderation.

In the past, the Sultan of Johor, for example, lambasted a Muslim-only launderette in his state while the Sultan of Selangor rapped the call to stop Muslims from attending the Japanese cultural festival of Bon Odori. We can clearly tell who our true leaders are.

So, forget our politicians. They’re either too timid or have too much self-interest to speak up against religious extremism or worse, they fuel the fire, especially PAS politicians.

Daulat Tuanku!

Like roulette, the nation is embroiled in a guessing game for the next general election.

THE 15th General Election, which must be held by Sept 16 next year, has become the most difficult one to predict. Currently, its date is just a stab in the dark.

The Dewan Rakyat’s term ends by July 15, 2023 and the election must be called within 60 days.

Malaysians are holding their breath for news on the dissolution of the Dewan Rakyat to pave the way for the polls.

The Prime Minister has said a few times that the general election is “near”, but unfortunately for us waiting on needles and pins, that time scale is relative because it could mean over the next few months.

The Budget was tabled two days ago, and many are anxious to see if Parliament will finally be dissolved in the coming days.

Unlike previous elections, where those in the political and media circles would usually have an inkling of when it would be, this time we’re clueless.

Datuk Seri Ismail Sabri Yaacob has kept his cards close to his chest. There have been no leaks or hints of any kind. The cat has stayed firmly in the bag.

He is fond of vague responses such as Insyaallah, an Arabic expression meaning “God willing.”

Basically, we aren’t any closer to knowing the election date with that sort of reply.

It’s no secret that his Umno party leaders, including party president Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, who has been pushing for the general election to be held this year, has found the PM’s expressions disconcerting and frustrating.

In Bahasa Malaysia, it’s called berdolak dalik (meaning wobble), as one senior Umno leader put it.

The past 48 hours have been unsettling for many. The only person who can call for Parliament’s dissolution is the Prime Minister, and that can only happen after he seeks the King’s consent.

He need not consult Cabinet members, although he has said this would be done.

No sitting PM has ever needed to do that, but then, he is in an unprecedented situation because in the past, the Prime Minister was also the president of Umno. Mail, as he’s fondly referred to, may be the PM, but he’s just one of the three Umno vice-presidents.

He is answerable to Ahmad Zahid, who is his party boss. The former DPM has now found himself in a much stronger position after being cleared of his bribery charges.

Last month, he was acquitted of 40 charges alleging he received bribes from a company to extend its foreign visa system contract, with the High Court ruling that the prosecution had failed to establish a prima facie case.

He was ruled out by many with Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s conviction following the Federal Court’s order to jail him for 12 years over charges involving the 1Malaysia Development Fund (1MDB).

The public had expected Ahmad Zahid to be next, but now that he has come out unscathed, he can retain his powers, and this is certainly a curve ball for Ismail.

Ahmad Zahid has the final say to decide on Umno’s election candidates since his signature is required as party president for the candidacy letters.

Those who had plotted his downfall may now find themselves out in the cold.

The present Cabinet is also odd, comprising Bersatu and PAS ministers who will be lining up against Barisan Nasional candidates, especially Umno.

To add to the irony, PAS is still warily straddling the divide between Umno and Bersatu. It can’t decide because its endgame is about being in the federal government.

Only its hardcore or naive supporters would subscribe to its “Muslim community” or Ummah narrative. It’s all about power, which is undoubtedly addictive.

Ismail’s party leaders, of course, find it unacceptable that the PM must share confidential information with his Cabinet members who also include Umno’s enemies.

The monsoon season and the havoc it wreaks has been widely used as the reason for not holding the general election.

Truth be told, the weather concern must certainly be taken seriously. After all, many of us, including those living on the west coast, have felt the wrath of the floods.

Floods in Malaysia in December 2021 caused economic losses ranging between RM5.3bil to RM6.5bil.

The same year, torrential downpours lashed the peninsula for three days, resulting in floods in eight states, and left 54 dead and two missing.

It is important to note that the King visited the National Flood Forecasting and Warning Centre on Thursday.

It is clear that our weathermen have openly warned that it is not the best time to hold the elections and we can be certain that the King would have posed that question to them.

For His Majesty, his concern is national interest in his decision, and not just be confined to political party interests.

The King, who will leave for London tonight on a working visit, will be away for a week.

The Opposition has been using this reason to stop the GE. This seems a far cry from the past when it was always eager for polls.

Umno has questioned the change of stand this time, saying the Opposition doesn’t want the elections because it’s in disarray and unconfident of doing well.

Umno says that if people were incensed with the government, the Opposition would surely seize the opportunity to topple the present government.

But this time, it is strongly against the call for Parliament’s dissolution, a sentiment echoed even in Penang, Selangor and Negri Sembilan, which are all under Pakatan Harapan.

Two general elections were held during the wet season – on Oct 20, 1990, and Nov 29, 1999.

Then, there’s the economic argument. If GE is only called next year, the country’s economy will improve, according to a minister.

But most economists believe the global economy will be volatile next year and many countries, including Malaysia, will not be spared.

So, 2023 will certainly be rough. The jury is still out on how the country’s economy will improve in the coming months because the impact of the depreciating ringgit will be felt from now till then.

But as the competing parties offer their narratives, a few things are certain.

Since the Dewan Rakyat will expire on July 15, 2023 – that’s not too far away, but the decision of the three states, and presumably Kelantan, Kedah and Terengganu under PAS, not to hold polls too, will mean taxpayers will have to pay for polls once more.

Many voters have unsurprisingly become jaded because of political fatigue. They find most politicians untrustworthy.

Some politicians have already talked of alliances and so-called “new political order,” which is just a euphemism for cobbling together a federal government even with rival parties if the majority is insufficient to form a government.

Many believe no party will have enough seats to form the next federal government.

We will hear these purportedly principled politicians running down their opponents during campaigning, but don’t be surprised if after the votes have been tallied, they justify to their supporters the need for everyone to work together.

It will always be for our interests – never theirs to become ministers and deputies.

But that’s mainly because there are enough Malaysians who will believe them in the coming months.

WhatsApp chat groups, supposedly to reminisce old times in school or plan makan sessions, will be hijacked by a few to become political talk shops.

Friends will sometimes become hostile because of their blind allegiance to their political idols.

But what’s most disturbing about this election date uncertainty is the inconvenience it has caused most Malaysians.

We can’t plan our work or holidays, what with the yearend approaching, because politicians can’t decide.

Just tell us if GE is next month or next year, so we can get on with our lives.