Comment by WONG CHUN WAI

DATUK Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi quietly began putting little touches to his two-bedroom kampung house in Sungai Penchala a year back.

It will be his home when he vacates Seri Perdana, the official residence of the Prime Minister at Putrajaya, when he steps down. It is said that extensions are being made to the home now.

Some of the plants in the orchard have started to bear fruit including rock melons, which he has been experimenting with.

He had originally wanted a perigi (well) outside his home but changed his mind when told that it would be unsafe for his visiting grandchildren.

“Remember to visit me when you people are free,” he told editors at a lunch hosted by him on Tuesday.

He has a house in Putrajaya, which he bought but this would handed to his daughter, Nori, while a colonial-style home at Jalan Bellamy, behind Istana Negara, will be returned to the Government.

“Life is about changing roles. I don’t think I am going to be affected in anyway. The pomp and all that. Pomp and pageantry don’t matter,” he said. For the time being, he has no plans.

An editor had asked whether he was prepared for life as an ordinary Member of Parliament without all the attention.

Pak Lah reminded his audience that he has had his share of ups and downs in politics, pointing out that he lost his Umno vice-presidency in 1993.

The editors, some of whom were then reporters who had covered the Umno general assembly, reminded him there had been a blackout at his Jalan Bellamy home that night and the garden was flooded.

“One cannot hold to any position forever. That is something we must remember,” he said.

But he admitted that “the PM’s role was very exciting and I enjoyed it” although he was happy in all the ministries he had worked in.

He has not given any thought to writing a book and dismissed a suggestion that he should have a role in the Perdana Leadership Foundation, which is headed by Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

“There is no need to lament a fact, as you progress and you know at every stage there is something you can do, you still lead a useful life. You can still contribute. The question is, what do you do with yourself?”

It has not been easy for Pak Lah as the country’s fifth Prime Minister, when he went from hero to zero.

He readily admits that his greatest achievement was the massive Barisan Nasional victory in the 2004 general election and that his lowest point was the 2008 polls, when Barisan lost its two-thirds majority.

He was asked by a journalist why he did not exploit the mandate of 2004 to the fullest as his administration was eventually marked with missed opportunities.

“Yes, missed opportunities in the sense that I could not do many things I wanted to do. My election manifesto was actually a plan for the second half of Vision 2020. I never had any ambition to be there to declare that Malaysia is a developed country. I expect continuity.”

On Tuesday, his aides distributed a 74-page compilation of achievements under his tenure as PM.

“You don’t have to publish it if you don’t want to but I hope you will be accurate in your reporting. You can use this as a reference,” he said.

Abdullah said he was advised a few times that big projects, such as the Twin Towers or KLIA, were politically beneficial but the Prime Minister said he had to remind himself of the costs involved and the impact to the country’s budget.

Yesterday, Pak Lah chaired his final Cabinet meeting and had a group photograph taken with all his ministers.

The leadership transition has begun. Today, a new chapter in Malaysian history begins when Pak Lah and Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak meet the King.

ON THE BEAT
By WONG CHUN WAI

ON THE BEAT
By WONG CHUN WAI

IT’S 11am and the Dewan Rakyat sitting is taking place. Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak has moved his office from Putrajaya to the Parliament tower block to carry on with his work.

From his second-floor office, he occasionally glances at the television set next to his table to keep track of the proceedings.

There is a long queue outside his office where a steady stream of visitors is waiting for their turn to meet him.

At an adjacent room outside, several Umno leaders are also preparing themselves for a meeting with Najib.

As Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin walks in, the visitors stand up and shake his hand.

He puts on a broad smile, as if aware of feedback from the grassroots that he needs to smile more.

Najib and Muhyiddin are very much the men of the hour as Umno delegates nationwide make their way to Kuala Lumpur to elect a new leadership.

Najib has already won the Umno presidency unopposed and is now waiting to take over the helm.

Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has yet to announce the exact date of his exit but the common consensus is that he is likely to do so at the Umno general assembly starting Thursday.

Many expect the Prime Minister to announce that he would step down on April 2, when both Abdullah and Najib are expected to meet the King.

April 3 has been touted as the day when Najib would be sworn in as the country’s sixth Prime Minister.

The perception is that Muhyiddin would be his deputy but a lot would hinge on the outcome of the polls.

He is regarded as the best second man with his strong background in economics and management as well as his fluency in English.

Unlike many Umno leaders, he did not start off as a civil servant but in the private sector.

As the country grapples with the effects of the financial tsunami, Muhyiddin is seen as the best man to help Najib. They understand the complexities of a global interlocked financial system, that’s for sure.

Premature as it may seem, many already regard Najib as the new PM and Muyhiddin as his deputy.

But standing in the way would be Tan Sri Muhammad Muhammad Taib. Popular and easy-going, he puts many Umno delegates and the press at ease when dealing with them.

A former Mentri Besar, he has pointed out his track record as MB of Selangor, the most developed state in Malaysia, as the candidate they should chose.

With Mohd Ali Rustam out of the race, he could pick up more votes and, certainly, this would also come from strong supporters of Pak Lah who still cannot forgive Muhyiddin for the pressure he exerted on the Prime Minister to retire.

Mat Taib, a Universiti Malaya history graduate, has made it a point in the past few weeks to answer queries from English newspaper reporters in English even when they asked in Bahasa Malaysia.

But the language factor, it must be remembered, is not an issue among the 2,500 delegates.

At the vice-presidents’ level, heading the pack of contenders is Datuk Seri Zahid Hamidi. Almost everyone from Umno to the media has concluded that he has made it.

Those following closely behind, it is said, include Datuk Seri Shafie Apdal and Datuk Seri Khaled Nordin.

Equally important would be the 25 elected supreme council seats for which 51 candidates are vying. Umno delegates need to choose candidates who are credible and clean. It is not just about choosing a new line-up of Malay leaders but Malaysian leaders as well.

Leaders like Datuk Mustapa Mohamed, for example, are often not news material. Mustapa shuns controversy but he is regarded as one of the most moderate candidates around.

But a year after the political tsunami on March 8, and the almost year-long campaigning by Umno candidates, the country is beginning to feel the impact of political fatigue.

It’s time to get back to real work once the Umno polls are over this weekend.

A new Prime Minister, a new Deputy Prime Minister and almost certainly a new Cabinet line-up would be in place by then.

On The Beat
By WONG CHUN WAI

UMNO delegates must bear in mind two things when they attend the coming party general assembly – the way they deliver their speeches and who they choose to lead the party.

They must be reminded that Umno is the backbone of the Barisan Nasional that lost five states in the March 8 general election.

It may have snatched back Perak from the Pakatan Rakyat but with so much resentment on the ground, no one can predict the fate of the Barisan in the next elections.

The fact is that except for Penang, the rest of the states in which it lost badly were Malay-dominated areas.

When the delegates take to the rostrum, they have to remember that their speeches and the way they are delivered will have an impact on Umno and the other Barisan component parties.

We want to hear Umno delegates talk about the coming financial tsunami and how we need to fend off the effects. This is not the time to talk about who gets what slice of the cake but about making sure there is still a cake for Malaysians.

They can take the easy way out by playing the racial card, get the applause of some communal-minded members and win party votes but they will alienate a massive chunk of voters.

The general assembly is unlikely to be telecast live this time but rest assured, the contents of the speeches and mannerism of the speakers would make it to YouTube, the video-sharing portal.

Credible leaders

Umno leaders have a chance to redeem the mistakes of the past at this coming party meeting.

They not only have to win back the Malay votes but they should also never alienate the non-Malay voters, who have in the past been their lifeline, but the political scenario has changed as PAS has cleverly reinvented itself to the Chinese and Indians.

The rest of Malaysians may not be voting but they are certainly entitled to have many expectations of the 2,500 delegates.

Malaysians have a right to see men and women of integrity and credibility being elected into places of leadership in Umno.

We want Umno delegates to pick leaders who are moderate and able to articulate the wishes of not just the Malays but the rest of Malaysians as well.

Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak has won the Umno presidency unopposed and is set to be the next Prime Minister.

Surely, he would want intelligent people of calibre in his Cabinet, as well as his Deputy Prime Minister.

Umno delegates need to vote in competent leaders who understand the complexities of a global economy, especially in this doom-laden period. It is not about whether a candidate smiles more or not. It is not a popularity contest.

They must be leaders who can help him face the challenges ahead, not burden him further with their baggage.

Out with the corrupt

Can Malaysians be blamed if they perceive Umno as a corrupt party when, as ordinary people, they hear of how huge sums of money are required to secure party posts, even at the branch level?

They ask cynically whether it’s true that only a few thousand ringgit is the normal amount as reported in money politics cases, or is it many times more?

Malaysia is doomed if corrupt figures lead Umno because, ultimately, the posts would have been sold to the biggest bidders.

These corrupt figures would be indebted to their financiers and the money spent would have to be recouped. It would also send the wrong message to the civil servants – if the bosses can put their hands in the baskets, why can’t the underling who just wants to earn a living?

Politicians need a war chest, let’s not kid ourselves. Money is needed for campaigns. There would be expenses, no doubt, and there would be reimbursements.

From the US presidential campaign to the elections in Britain, politicians receive donations, especially from powerful lobbyists.

But that’s quite different from pressing money into the hands of delegates for a vote. That’s corruption – pure and simple.

Umno leaders have to park in their mind that there is little point in winning this battle but losing the war.

Najib has to put things right – it’s time for direct party elections to be carried out as that would wipe away corruption and the powerful division heads who treat politics as a business.

On The Beat
By WONG CHUN WAI

UMNO delegates must bear in mind two things when they attend the coming party general assembly – the way they deliver their speeches and who they choose to lead the party.

They must be reminded that Umno is the backbone of the Barisan Nasional that lost five states in the March 8 general election.

It may have snatched back Perak from the Pakatan Rakyat but with so much resentment on the ground, no one can predict the fate of the Barisan in the next elections.

The fact is that except for Penang, the rest of the states in which it lost badly were Malay-dominated areas.

When the delegates take to the rostrum, they have to remember that their speeches and the way they are delivered will have an impact on Umno and the other Barisan component parties.

We want to hear Umno delegates talk about the coming financial tsunami and how we need to fend off the effects. This is not the time to talk about who gets what slice of the cake but about making sure there is still a cake for Malaysians.

They can take the easy way out by playing the racial card, get the applause of some communal-minded members and win party votes but they will alienate a massive chunk of voters.

The general assembly is unlikely to be telecast live this time but rest assured, the contents of the speeches and mannerism of the speakers would make it to YouTube, the video-sharing portal.

Credible leaders

Umno leaders have a chance to redeem the mistakes of the past at this coming party meeting.

They not only have to win back the Malay votes but they should also never alienate the non-Malay voters, who have in the past been their lifeline, but the political scenario has changed as PAS has cleverly reinvented itself to the Chinese and Indians.

The rest of Malaysians may not be voting but they are certainly entitled to have many expectations of the 2,500 delegates.

Malaysians have a right to see men and women of integrity and credibility being elected into places of leadership in Umno.

We want Umno delegates to pick leaders who are moderate and able to articulate the wishes of not just the Malays but the rest of Malaysians as well.

Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak has won the Umno presidency unopposed and is set to be the next Prime Minister.

Surely, he would want intelligent people of calibre in his Cabinet, as well as his Deputy Prime Minister.

Umno delegates need to vote in competent leaders who understand the complexities of a global economy, especially in this doom-laden period. It is not about whether a candidate smiles more or not. It is not a popularity contest.

They must be leaders who can help him face the challenges ahead, not burden him further with their baggage.

Out with the corrupt

Can Malaysians be blamed if they perceive Umno as a corrupt party when, as ordinary people, they hear of how huge sums of money are required to secure party posts, even at the branch level?

They ask cynically whether it’s true that only a few thousand ringgit is the normal amount as reported in money politics cases, or is it many times more?

Malaysia is doomed if corrupt figures lead Umno because, ultimately, the posts would have been sold to the biggest bidders.

These corrupt figures would be indebted to their financiers and the money spent would have to be recouped. It would also send the wrong message to the civil servants – if the bosses can put their hands in the baskets, why can’t the underling who just wants to earn a living?

Politicians need a war chest, let’s not kid ourselves. Money is needed for campaigns. There would be expenses, no doubt, and there would be reimbursements.

From the US presidential campaign to the elections in Britain, politicians receive donations, especially from powerful lobbyists.

But that’s quite different from pressing money into the hands of delegates for a vote. That’s corruption – pure and simple.

Umno leaders have to park in their mind that there is little point in winning this battle but losing the war.

Najib has to put things right – it’s time for direct party elections to be carried out as that would wipe away corruption and the powerful division heads who treat politics as a business.

COMMENT BY WONG CHUN WAI

IT’S the hardest time now for heads of governments everywhere as they grapple with the financial storm.

From bankrupt businessmen to retrenched workers to opportunistic politicians, the Prime Minister’s job can only get harder.

For Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak, who is taking over the helm soon, it is no different.

When Finance Ministry and other government officials sat down in late January to put together the mini-Budget, they were guided by one principle – look at policy responses which would address the nature of the crisis effectively.

They knew that giving cash handouts or dishing money around would grab the headlines and help score political points but ultimately would not tackle the three main underlying issues facing the slowing Malaysian economy – retrenchments, flow of credit to businesses and stimulating investments.

No one in the world has a clear picture when the global economy will recover and how long the malaise in demand will last. The Government has accepted that it needs to have fiscal flexibility to deal with what could be a long drawn-out slowdown.

Taking these into considerations and the fact that the country’s Budget deficit still has to be managed responsibly, the Government put together the RM60bil mini-Budget.

By and large, the response to the package, which was announced in Parliament by Najib on Tuesday, has been positive.

Economists say the mini-Budget will help mitigate the impact of the global recession on the Malaysian economy.

They also note that the size of the mini- Budget seemed big enough to avert a much deeper and more prolonged recession, as well as to prevent massive job losses.

Large chunks of the money are going towards maximising job retention and benefiting the low-income group, and also helping businesses access funds through government guarantees.

Schools, for example, now get to hire their own contractors to do renovation works instead of having to depend on the Public Works Department, as in the past, which had resulted in sloppy work and malpractices.

At a briefing on the mini-Budget on Monday, Najib joked that the Chinese schools had been the most efficient in the use of these funds, adding that all schools, from Indian to missionary schools, would benefit.

As expected, the Opposition and some critics have attempted to puncture the euphoria and have labelled the mini-Budget as inadequate, saying that the RM60bil package was not as large as it appeared, as the fiscal injection from it amounted to only RM15bil.

That there is criticism is understandable. When US President Barack Obama unveiled his package to breathe life into the US economy, he was slammed by Republican lawmakers who said the stimulus plan was not large or focused enough.

Britain’s Premier Gordon Brown has also been on the receiving end of some serious stick. His remedies for reviving the economy have been ridiculed.

The point both these leaders and others around the world have made is that there is no silver bullet to tackle the world’s deepest recession.

There is no one template or policy response. Some countries like Taiwan have opted for food vouchers and direct cash handouts while others have opted to pump funds into the beleaguered financial system. Thailand provides free bus rides for some routes.

But what is clear is that every country has a limit to what it can do and this limit is dictated by financial capacity.

In Malaysia’s case, the response was dictated by the nature of the crisis faced by the country, in particular the lower export growth, tighter credit flow by banks and the need to stimulate private investments to stimulate growth. In this instance, the move is to get the private sector to generate growth.

To ensure that the number of jobless Malaysians is kept to a minimum, RM15bil will be used on training and job creation. And while some countries have opted to give their citizens cash payments, there is no need for Malaysia to do so as this is already being done through subsidies.

In addition, several of the programmes in the mini-Budget involve cash transfers either directly or indirectly. For example, training programmes will involve the payment of allowances to trainees.

A key focus of the mini-Budget is to ensure that businesses, small and big, have access to credit. That is why the credit guarantee scheme could be pivotal to the overall health of the economy and ability of Malaysia to bounce back quickly.

Among the plans would be the setting up of a Working Capital Guarantee Scheme totalling RM5bil to provide working capital to companies with shareholder equity below RM20mil.

Also on the plate is an Industry Restructuring Guarantee Fund Scheme totalling RM5bil for loans to increase productivity and value-added activities, as well as the application of green technology.

When all is said and done, the mini-Budget is a laser-guided strategy by the Government to tackle impediments and problems in the Malaysian economy.

The Government could have thrown more money around but it would have been irresponsible. While there is less focus among governments around the world on keeping a tight leash on budget deficit during these difficult times, Malaysia cannot afford to adopt a cavalier approach to how we manage our finances.

Given the uncertainty over the extent and duration of the global crisis, it would be dangerous for any government to use all the bullets in the chamber at once.

Najib was asked by editors whether there would be a need for a third stimulus package. The truth is, no one can answer the question as we brace for the financial tsunami.

ON THE BEAT
By WONG CHUN WAI

It was launched last week with much pomp by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. In fact, for some, there was too much fanfare.

But the excitement of the MACC is understandable as the event was a historic occasion.

However, the real work of the MACC would be judged by the public, which would scrutinise its performance, credibility and integrity.

The MACC has a serious image problem at the moment. For a large section of Malaysians, it is perceived as an operating tool of the Government, which is selective in its prosecution of offenders.

It is seen as a toothless tiger, slow in taking action and unprofessional in its investigations.

Malaysians expect the MACC to bring in high-profile sharks and fat cats, not just the ikan bilis.

Malaysians have the right to ask how some politicians, police officers and government officials, with their supposedly limited salaries, can afford to keep up with their high living. Certainly, with their stable of cars and their extravagant lifestyles, it is sufficient for the MACC to make queries.

The various statements on the alleged abuses of power involving the Selangor Mentri Besar over the distribution of cows and maintenance of cars have certainly not endeared the MACC to the public.

In short, the MACC needs to be more cautious with the statements it releases and off-the-cuff comments made by its officials to the media.

But Malaysians must give the MACC a chance. We all want to make the MACC work. Surely, the commission doesn’t want to be the “Malaysian Agency on Cows and Cars”.

I am sure the MACC officers are well aware of the importance of public perception and they certainly would want to improve their image.

For a start, they need to recruit more investigators and at least 5,000 vacancies would be filled to boost its capability to fight corruption more effectively, more efficiently and in a more transparent way.

This would not happen overnight. The new recruits need to be motivated and they must believe in what they are doing. More important, their bosses must not let them down.

Obviously, Malaysians expect the body to step up their investigations and would certainly like to see more results.

But the MACC must be commended for the setting up of the Anti-Corruption Advisory Board and the various committees, such as the Corruption Consultation and Prevention Panel and the Operation Review Panel.

The involvement of the public in the operation of the MACC is an unprecedented step.

Personalities such as Tan Sri Ramon Navarat­nam of Transparency International Malaysia and lawyer Chooi Mun Sau are highly respected figures who speak out against corruption without fear or favour.

The members of these panels are mostly non-politicians, except for three Barisan Nasional MPs, three Pakatan Rakyat MPs and a Senator from Sabah.

The MACC’s role model should be Hong Kong’s Independent Commission Against Corrup­tion (ICAC).

Education would play a crucial role in fighting graft. The ICAC, for example, has enlisted film makers to instil the message that the corrupt must be punished.

In places of worship, schools, government departments and the private sector, the same message must be driven across.

Corruption must not be allowed to become entrenched, and there are worrying indications that it may become an acceptable culture.

Let’s help make the MACC work, and make it work for the sake of Malaysia.

ON THE BEAT
By WONG CHUN WAI

A scumbag. And that’s a mild word to describe the person who took and circulated lewd photographs of Selangor state executive councillor and Bukit Lanjan state assemblyman Elizabeth Wong, which caused her downfall.

Her boyfriend, Hilmi Malek, has been blamed for the disgusting action and if the allegations are true, he should be arrested soon and made to face the consequences.

But if Malek, a 32-year-old special assistant to the PJ Selatan MP Hee Loy Sian, has been wrongly accused, he should defend himself.

He is now being regarded as a spurned ex-lover who had wanted to hit back at the 38-year-old novice politician for a relationship that went disastrously wrong. Or worse, as someone who had been paid to carry out a dirty job on her.

In the murky world of politics, Hilmi owes it to his Parti Keadilan Rakyat members to come out with his side of the story.

Unfortunately, Malaysians now have to get used to politicians who flee the country without giving much-needed explanations.

Like in the case of Bukit Selambau assemblyman V. Arumugam, who faces allegations of bigamy. He quit, albeit through a letter sent via a third party, without the decency of explaining his move to his constituency and supporters.

Is he being pressured or threatened by the Barisan Nasional, as his party chiefs are claiming, or is he is just running away from serious personal problems? Unfortunately, the voters who picked him have been left on their own to speculate and in politically partisan Malay­sia, views have become pretty predictable. If you support PKR, his life must surely be in danger and if you are in the Barisan, he is just a bad husband and father.

As for Hilmi, we are told that he is now in Indonesia, and by a strange coincidence, Wong is also said to be in the same country.

Last week, Eli, as the former non-governmental organisation activist is popularly known, described her experience “as the darkest episode of my life” and “I have never felt so alone, vulnerable and humiliated”.

Wong, who has offered to resign from her state exco post and state assemblyman seat, said she had been told that there would be a fresh assault, with more photographs and videos released and circulated.

She said she has left the country “to search for peace of mind and get away from the stormy events surrounding me”.

Wong is not alone. Most Malaysians with any sense of decency and conscience stand by her and are even questioning her decision to quit her posts, however honourable it may be.

Her case cannot be compared with that of MCA deputy president Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek, who is married and was filmed having sex with another woman. Wong is a mature and single urbanite, serving multi-racial urban constituents who certainly don’t expect her to practise celibacy. They picked a state assembly representative, not a nun.

She is entitled to her personal life and what she does behind closed doors at home is none of anybody’s business. It has nothing to do with her performance as an elected representative.

She has said the photographs were taken when she was asleep, which meant she did not pose for Hilmi or any other person. If she was aware, the situation might take a different dimension but we should take her word for it at this point.

It is not fair for anyone to prejudge her. Who are we to decide on her morality, with all our flaws, weaknesses and sins? Certainly it is not right for any Barisan Nasional supporter to attack her because she is from PKR.

But on that note, the opposition should also not be too quick to blame the circulation of Wong’s revealing photos on the Barisan. It could well be internal sabotage by powerful forces within the PKR who feel that Wong has stood in the way of their agenda.

It has been said that Wong, an uncompromising figure on hill development in Selangor, had stepped on the toes of powerful people in the state, who may have just backed certain politicians.

It is easy for PKR leaders to blame the Barisan for the party’s shortcomings. The two Perak PKR assemblymen, who were arrested and charged with corruption, were defended by party leaders relentlessly, even to the extent of describing their arrests as political sabotage.

But the minute they quit PKR to become Independents, they suddenly became discards and unworthy politicians tainted with corruption. Suddenly, it was a case of good riddance, and good luck to the Barisan for taking in these allegedly corrupt politicians.

For some, the possibility that Wong could be a victim of an ex-lover or a rival politician within the PKR seems far-fetched. It has to be another evil act from the Barisan in the black-and-white world of Malaysian politics. The establishment’s lack of credibility is the cause for such public perception and perception is everything in politics.

We have become too caught up in partisanship. We may not agree with the politics of the Barisan or Pakatan Rakyat but certain issues need to be looked at with a clear mind.

And just because Wong is PKR, she has to be deemed immoral with a questionable lifestyle when we know there are plenty, including those in the Barisan component parties, who project a religiously pious personality but see little wrong in corruption. Not many would want to condemn such immorality.

There’s also a lesson for PAS and its many self-appointed guardians of morality: Do not be too quick to prejudge others. Surely, they too would want to walk with Eli now.

Malaysians need to take a step back and stop looking at issues too emotionally. Partisanship and inability to evaluate issues rationally can tear the nation apart.

ON THE BEAT
By WONG CHUN WAI

DATUK Dr Zambry Kadir started his first day as the Mentri Besar by attending a Chinese New Year gathering at Kampung Simee, where the crowd was mostly Chinese and Indians.

His message to the listeners was that he would be a Mentri Besar of all races and that he would be fair.

Dr Zambry is surely aware of the difficulties ahead of him. There is plenty of unhappiness, if not outright hostility towards the Barisan Nasional government.

For many, it is a victory without honour. It would be hard for him to explain or convince the people who voted in the Pakatan Rakyat government that it was Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim who started the game by getting Bota State Assemblyman Datuk Nasaruddin Hashim to defect.

With emotions running high, supporters of the PR government seem to forget or ignore that the party hopping exercise started after March 8 when efforts were made to get BN MPs to defect to force a democratically elected federal government to collapse.

Tian Chua and other senior PKR leaders even went on a much publicised trip to Taiwan to convince Barisan MPs to defect, setting the Sept 16 deadline, and claiming such defections were principled and democratic decisions.

But the game seems to have gone too far. Ordinary Malaysians have found the events of the past week distasteful and insulting. They feel robbed of their constitutional rights.

CNY cheer: Dr Zambry being warmly greeted by guests at a Gerakan Chinese New Year open house at Kampung Simee in Ipoh Saturday. — Bernama

Anwar, again, showed his impatience – his Achilles heel – but this time, he paid heavily by losing a state.

He is certainly a major factor in the fiasco.

But it would not an easy ride for Dr Zambry. He now heads a government made up entirely of Malay elected representatives and only one Chinese assemblyman from MCA.

There is no Indian BN state assembly representative in the ranks.

His executive council would certainly not reflect the multi-racial composition of the state.

But given the circumstances, he could appoint Chinese and Indian leaders to head various committees and agencies but they must be given enough political clout.

Comparisons would be made because the perception is that under the PR government, important portfolios were given to non-Malays, which, to many seemed to reflect better power sharing.

Given the current political make-up, Dr Zambry would have to find ways to present a balanced line up, no doubt a difficult task.

Dr Zambry must realise that the positions he creates and the steps he takes over the next few weeks would have implications over the political future of the state.

He can still retain the state in the next general election in spite of the current anger among the voters.

One week is a long time in politics. Three years is even longer. The PBS state government collapsed when its elected representatives crossed over to the BN in 1994. The BN won massively in 1999 by securing a two-thirds majority.

Populist measures should now be on the fast track of Dr Zambry’s agenda because he has little time. He is facing a scenario that none of the other BN leaders has faced and he has to tackle the challenges head on.

He needs to resolve the land title issues of the farmers, which has been a long-standing concern.

It is certainly not about race. It is not about giving land titles to Chinese farmers but about giving a fair deal to generations of pomelo and guava farmers who have toiled the land for decades.

We applaud their efforts and acknowledge their contributions to the agricultural sector and yet they have to appeal, if not beg, for land titles.

Similarly, tropical fish breeders have helped to earn revenue for the state coffers. They, too, have a good case. He has to convince the Malay community that their interest would not be neglected and that any issuance of titles to genuine farmers would also help them.

The PR state government earned plenty of brownie points by setting out its agenda with decisions that won the hearts of Perakians.

Dr Zambry has to do better. Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak, who would take over the national leadership in April, too needs to put the state under his personal care.

There is no better place than Perak to emphasise his “One Malaysia” slogan. Perak can serve as a model state.