ON THE BEAT

By WONG CHUN WAI

MALAYSIANS are going through extraordinary times, certainly not the best, as we grapple with global economic and local political uncertainties.

With the general election already concluded, we expect our politicians, whether they are federal or state leaders, to steer us through these rough times. We have a right to demand that they set their priorities right.

To put it bluntly, while these political controversies make good reading in the newspapers, many Malaysians are genuinely concerned with the direction we are heading with our excessive, never ending kind of politicking.

Certainly, issues like justice, democracy and human rights are important, but for many wage earners struggling to put food on the table with countless bills to pay, the antics of some of our politicians are becoming distasteful.

Political gimmick? One of the six road signs in Chinese put up by Gerakan in Penang recently.

More than six months after the polls, the perception is that the country is still trapped in a fierce political campaign. Not only are foreign investors confused, so also are many Malaysians who find the on-going political developments disturbing.

Just glance through the newspapers and you can see that they are not creating a pro-business climate in the country that will prepare Malaysians to face the effects of a global economic recession or addressing how we should adopt cost-cutting measures without impeding growth and remaining competitive in the region.

Instead of Malaysian unity, we hear of Malay and Muslim unity. In Penang, we read of attempts to put up Chinese language road signs, which has never been an issue in the state.

For years, Gerakan, which has been the dominant Barisan Nasional party in the state, did not find it a necessity to put up such signs; but now that they are in the opposition, they resort to such gimmicks to gain popularity.

If Gerakan’s attempt was to score points, it has ended up shooting itself in the foot. It did not affect DAP’s position but stirred up a hornet’s nest with Umno expressing its unhappiness. In the end, the municipal council took down the illegal road signs.

But Gerakan leaders in Penang said it wanted to remind the DAP that the party did the same thing a few years back. Now that it is running the state government, it would appreciate the problems facing Gerakan then.

The only place in Malaysia where road signs and signboards in government offices are in Bahasa Malaysia and Chinese is Kuching.

But it makes sense to put signboards in various languages such as English, Arabic and Chinese in heritage areas in Penang to explain the historical background of these places for tourists.

In Terengganu, Mentri Besar Datuk Ahmad Said has found himself in a controversy over the purchase of 14 Mercedes Benz cars at RM3.43mil, putting the BN in an embarrassing situation.

He may have good reasons for his preferences over the Proton Perdana, but the timing is certainly not right for the purchase of foreign cars. In short, he was not being very clever.

At the Federal level, Umno and PAS leaders are persuading their members – as well as non-Muslims – on the need for talks on Muslim unity.

PAS president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang himself has said in Harakah, the party’s newspaper, that he was disturbed at the increasing representation of non-Muslim legislators and parliamentary seats in Sabah and Sarawak.

Non-Muslims reading his comments must be wondering why this should be an issue – has Hadi forgotten that many non-Muslims voted for PAS in the March 8 elections, despite the party’s consistent Islamic state agenda?

Then, we have PKR adviser Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim who is determined to continue the political fight with an attempt to force a by-election in the Kulim-Bandar Baharu parliamentary seat soon.

He has also reiterated that his Sept 16 deadline of toppling the Federal Government with defections from Sabah and Sarawak BN MPs is not a bluff.

In the midst of all these, Anwar remains in a precarious position with the police still not telling us the results of the sodomy investigations. Will the case be dropped or would Anwar be formally charged, which would certainly shoot up the political temperature.

We can expect another eventful week or two.

ON THE BEAT WITH WONG CHUN WAI

THE stage is set for the fight for the party president’s post in the MCA elections in October following the decision of incumbent Datuk Seri Ong Ka Ting not to seek re-election.

On Friday evening, vice-president Datuk Ong Tee Keat announced his candidacy, ahead of the party division elections next weekend.

The elections involving 191 divisions are crucial as they would be selecting the delegates to the general assembly in October.

Tee Keat, an engineer-turned-politician, is known for being outspoken, an image his supporters said would help him secure the top post in the current political climate.

It has never been easy for Tee Keat, 52, who started off his political career taking on the late Selangor Mentri Besar Datuk Harun Idris in the 1989 Ampang by-election, where the latter contested as a Semangat 46 candidate.

Tee Keat won the seat with a 4,500 vote majority. Tee Keat, a Universiti Malaya graduate, came from a humble background. His father was a fishmonger while his mother was a washerwoman.

As MCA Youth leader, he also took on his then DAP counterpart Lim Guan Eng in a public debate at the Chinese Assembly Hall, witnessed by thousands.

The debate was conducted in Bahasa Malaysia, Chinese and English.

Tee Keat’s candidacy is said to be endorsed by Ka Ting, 52, and his deputy, Chan Kong Choy, 53; the party president took Tee Keat with him on a road show recently.

Dropping hints that he was stepping down, he had also indicated that Tee Keat would be taking on a bigger role before announcing he was not seeking re-election on June 28.

But Tee Keat is expected to face a challenge from Datuk Dr Chua Soi Lek, 61, who has been meeting grassroots leaders despite having stepped down from all positions early this year after the video clip scandal.

Another Johor leader, Datuk Seri Chua Jui Meng, 65, is attempting to make a comeback but he has not indicated which position he would be eyeing. Jui Meng was a vice-president.

Attention would also be on the deputy president’s post. There is no clear indication who would be vying for the slot although names like vice-president Datuk Donald Lim, 53; secretary-general Datuk Ong Ka Chuan, 54; and Youth chief Datuk Liow Tiong Lai, 47; have been mentioned.

So far, Donald, the former PJ Selatan MP, has been the most active campaigner, with most political observers expecting him to contest the number two post.

Liow is also tipped to contest one of the four vice-president posts and is almost certain to leave his Youth chief post.

Current secretary-general Dr Wee Ka Siong, 40, is almost certain to contest that post.

Many expect deputy chairman Datuk Ling Hee Leong, 39, believed to be aligned to Soi Lek, to challenge Dr Wee but now there is talk that Ling may even contest a vice-president post.

History would also be created when Wanita chief Datuk Dr Ng Yen Yen, 62, vies for one of the vice-president posts. The women’s wing secretary-general Datuk Paduka Chew Mei Fun, 44, is likely to contest the Wanita post.

The only possible contest, political analysts say, could be from Penang MCA Wanita chief Ooi Siew Kim.

Chew could have a relatively easier passage with the resignation of MCA central committee member Datuk Paduka Dr Tan Yee Kew from the party.

Dr Tan, who is believed to have been offered a position in Pakatan Rakyat, quit MCA last week.

But as the party leaders gear up for the fight, they are also aware that the party can ill afford a fractious campaign, particularly after being badly bruised in the March 8 polls, which saw the party holding on to 15 MP seats.

More importantly, the MCA needs to face the reality that the fight to represent the community does not just come from the Gerakan in the Barisan Nasional but also the DAP and PKR now.

And with communal politics getting unfashionable, the MCA has to re-invent itself – in its image and the manner it operates in a multi-racial context – in the quickest possible time to stay relevant.

On The Beat

By WONG CHUN WAI

THERE were three reactions when Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi said he was quitting as Prime Minister and Umno president in two years’ time.

The first reaction was that he finally has a succession plan with his deputy Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak as his successor, thus setting a smooth leadership transition.

Big news: Abdullah’s announcement that Najib (left) will take over from him in two years’ time has met with criticism from some quarters.

Then, there are some who said two years is a long time and that would be unfair to his successor, as anything can happen in two years. But there are also those who said that Abdullah should not even have announced the date as that would make him a lame duck PM. In short, Abdullah can never expect to please everyone.

Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad, who led the country for 22 years, stayed on for 16 months after saying he was quitting.

Tuanku Abdul Rahman, who became the first prime minister since independence in 1957, dragged on for a year after the May 13 racial riots, when he knew he had to go.

Abdullah, as a seasoned politician, must have weighed the pros and cons of the deadline before finally making the formal announcement. Obviously, he had to ensure Umno would not be destabilised in the transition process and that his deputy would be loyal to him until his exit.

By securing Najib’s support not to challenge him, Abdullah has secured his position in the upcoming party polls in November. By winning his party post unchallenged, it would be an honourable exit for him come 2010.

But those who expect Abdullah to be an ineffective PM would be wrong. He has told his supporters and friends that he would devote his next two years to reforms, which he has committed to the rakyat.

It would be much easier for Abdullah now as he would no longer be too preoccupied with seeking popularity as all politicians do.

From reforms in the judiciary to fighting corruption, he would be fighting against time to make all the positive changes – and in the process make it easier for Najib when he takes over.

Among the changes Dr Mahathir implemented in the final stage of his administration was to introduce English in the teaching of Mathematics and Science. For 22 years, despite being aware of the deteriorating standards of English, he did not do much, presumably fearing that there would be a backlash from the Malay nationalists.

Having made the changes, there is still pressure from the Chinese educationists who are against the decision.

It has not been easy for Abdullah for the past few months – the Barisan Nasional lost five states and its two-thirds majority in Parliament. Reeling from the losses, he ran into a global price hike.

Now, he has to implement what he needs to do so that history will judge him more kindly, with reforms as his priority.

It will not be easy, as reformist leaders like Datuk Shahrir Samad, Datuk Zaid Ibrahim and Datuk Ahmad Shabery Cheek have found out.

While many are convinced that only major changes in the policies of the Government and party can reinvent Umno, there are also many who feel these reforms have hurt them actually.

The setting up of an independent inquiry into the VK Lingam video clip issue hurt Abdullah in the general election. The incident took place during the administration of his predecessor but despite the pressure from some quarters, Abdullah went ahead with the setting up of the panel.

Some want Umno to go back to its old ways, believing that a strong and firm leadership is the answer.

Abdullah has allowed more democratic space than all the previous leaders although many may not agree, including those who want instant changes, not aware that powerful forces are also attempting to reverse the clock.

With the clock ticking away, Abdullah must race against time to push for meaningful reforms.

On The Beat

By WONG CHUN WAI

WE are becoming a basket case as far as politics is concerned. This whole sodomy episode has become one big joke with Malaysians at a loss as to what and who to believe.

Anal sex and sodomy are terms that have become so frequently used that newspapers, seen as a product read by the family, are finding it impossible to keep such terms out of their reports.

The issue has also divided the nation. You either believe that Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim is a compulsive sodomite or he is a frequent victim of a government conspiracy to prevent him from becoming the next prime minister.

After all, politics is all about perception. But in Malaysia, with the credibility of the government, judiciary, police and media in question, facts and evidence no longer matter.

And who can blame Malaysians? You have a private investigator P. Balasubramaniam who made incredulous allegations against Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak in a statutory declaration, which ranged from anal sex to commission for a submarine deal, and then retract them barely 24 hours later.

The man should be arrested and charged in court. The perception of Malaysians now is that a statutory declaration can be written by anyone, in the presence of any lawyer, and sealed for RM6 in front of any commissioner of oath.

It’s like a licence to shoot off allegations against anyone under the protection of the law. The next day, you can change your mind, whether under duress or pleasure, and retract the entire content.

The statutory declaration is in danger of becoming a piece of toilet paper. You can file a document, say the nastiest things, with no evidence except “reliably informed”. What the people choose to believe will depend on their political allegiance.

Malaysia is now on the radar screen, not because we are an attractive place for foreign direct investments, but for our political theatrics.

Investors also perceive our leaders and public servants as corrupt, and therefore assume that doing business in Malaysia is more expensive.

But as the sodomy allegations become juicier and more confusing – and the quest for power getting out of hand – the reputation of the country gets more tarnished.

The real issues have been neglected, even ignored, by those out to grab power and those wresting to stay in power. Investors no longer regard Malaysia as a politically stable country.

The perception is that the federal government will fall any time as the world waits for Sept 16, the deadline by which Anwar has promised he would be prime minister. Such political uncertainties will certainly not help bring in the investors.

Our strong point in Asia has always been our stability, economically and politically, but this has been challenged – and investors’ confidence has been seriously eroded.

Malaysia’s business is suffering; please stop this political drama.

These allegations may be good reading and help sell newspapers but many Malaysians are fed up with our politicians. The general election is over and politicians should focus on running the states and country.

The Pakatan Rakyat should prove that they are able to better govern the five states they control than the Barisan Nasional and take on the BN at the federal level in the next round.

The federal government needs to build the confidence of the people and show that it can steer them out of the troubled waters as the price of crude oil continues to climb. Businesses have slowed down and jobs are being lost all over the world.

Airline companies are going bust as stock market prices plunge; the last thing we need is a political fight which will pull us down deeper.

Press conferences are held daily not to talk about fighting inflation, saving jobs and putting food on our table but about sodomy and more sodomy.

Pak Lah needs to take a firm leadership. It’s not good enough being nice.

He is the Prime Minister and he has to make sense of what is troubling Malaysians, show he is the boss and use all the resources under his control to implement all the reforms in the judiciary, the civil service, the police and all other sectors.

We are not seeing enough of this at present. Use the stick, if you have to, and stop the rot.

Visit my blog at www.chunwai08.blogspot.com 

HE had been mulling over the decision not to defend his position as party president for months, telling close friends and party leaders that this could be his last term.

In turn, they had told Datuk Seri Ong Ka Ting that he should only make public his views nearer to the October elections.

The first step had been taken when he decided not to accept a Cabinet position after the March 8 polls. But yesterday, Ka Ting announced his decision much earlier than had been expected.

The first indication of his plan came during a meeting with grassroots members in Penang recently, where Ka Ting introduced the “new team” of party leaders. And, as he was winding up his speech, he joked that he might have to campaign for votes in the future.

The little hints were enough for the grassroots to realise that Ka Ting, 52, already had plans to let someone else take over the party’s helm.

Deputy president Datuk Seri Chan Kong Choy, 53, who did not contest in the March 8 general election, is almost certain to follow in Ka Ting’s footsteps.

The Chinese newspapers had also speculated that party vice-president Datuk Ong Tee Keat, 52, already had the endorsement of the two leaders to take over.

MCA Youth chief Datuk Liow Tiong Lai, 47, is also expected to move up the ladder.

The Health Minister’s party post is likely to be filled by the youth wing’s secretary-general Dr Wee Ka Siong, 40.

Both Ka Ting and Chan have taken their line-up to various states since last month on a roadshow introducing them to grassroots leaders – ahead of the party divisions’ meeting next month.

But before that happens, they need to be tested out first. Former MCA vice-president Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek has been speculated to contest the president’s post with vice-president Datuk Donald Lim eyeing the number two spot.

At the same time, veteran party leader Datuk Seri Chua Jui Meng is also seeking a comeback although he has not committed himself to which position he is going to contest.

The development in MCA is the beginning of a rejuvenation process in the party, where younger party leaders have been identified and groomed, and, in this case, even pave the way for them to take over the leadership.

It has not been an easy process. Ka Ting fielded a large number of young candidates in the general election, which saw many defeated.

Some party members attributed the losses to the large number of veterans being replaced. But the likelihood is that even if the veterans had been retained, there was no way the political tsunami could have been stalled. And the results could have been even worse than the party’s line-up of 15 MPs now.

So far, the party election campaign has been restrained. Despite the snoop squad controversy, where party rivals were said to be targeted, it has been relatively composed.

The decision of the two top leaders not to seek re-election would also remove the possible emotions of a fractious contest that could have an impact on the MCA, which is carrying out reforms to rebuild the party.

A new leadership would also bring hope, freshness and rejuvenation, which the party needs badly after the disastrous outing on March 8.

The Chinese community expects their leaders to speak up both in and outside the Cabinet. That challenge will now rest on the shoulders of the younger leaders in Cabinet.

They also want the MCA leaders to relate and communicate with them, to be their voices and not merely a loyal partner of Umno. With the country’s 54% of population being less than 24 years old, the social contract and the friendship of the Alliance means little, if nothing, to them.

In the age of Facebook and the Ipod, they want change now. As in today, and not tomorrow! Failure to meet the expectations of a young electorate, which has a disdain for communal politics, would mean the decline of the race-based parties.

Ka Ting is still an MP and would surely be watching from the sidelines, giving a hand or two when necessary, but the transition has started

THE Winner Hotel, located in the heart of Kota Kinabalu, is one of the earliest landmarks in the state capital. What was once a prominent spot has now been overtaken by other hotels.

The budget hotel, with just over 30 rooms, was built by the father of Datuk Yong Teck Lee, the president of the Sabah Progressive Party, who is now embroiled in a political storm.

His father, a timber tycoon, had sent Yong to the prestigious London School of Economics, to study law.

The moustachioed and side-burned politician rarely goes to the hotel these days except to sample its famous steamed pork with salted fish, a popular Hakka dish, at the coffee house – and for very private meetings.

In Sabah’s political circle, the joke is that Yong is the “YTL of Sabah”, in reference to Tan Sri Yeoh Tiong Lai, the founder of one of the biggest Malaysian conglomerates.

There is no question that Yong is SAPP and SAPP is Yong. He has a solid grip on the party and his deputy Datuk Raymond Tan poses little threat, if at all, to Yong, who has rebelled against the Prime Minister with a challenge to table a no-confidence motion against him.

With the SAPP supreme council endorsing the motion, Yong is now waiting for the sack by the Barisan Nasional leadership. He has moved on to his roadshow to garner support.

Tan, who failed to swing the SAPP leaders to his side on Friday, with his supporters, has now said he would remain with the coalition.

But it remains to be seen whether Yong will emerge a winner in the whole scheme of things. For now, there is little to lose in taking this political gamble as Yong holds no federal position. With only two MPs in Parliament, his party commands little respect.

Tired of being regarded as a mosquito party, Yong has decided to flex his muscle and now wants to be taken seriously, particularly with the wooing of Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim. Indeed, he is now front-page news.

The two have had a strange relationship, proving that there are no permanent friends or enemies in politics. When Yong was Chief Minister for two years from 1996, he openly clashed with Anwar, then Deputy Prime Minister, over the state’s defiance to allow Olympic Bhd to re-establish a gaming licence.

Tired of his authority being challenged, Anwar made public allegations of corruption in the state but Yong, barely 40 years old then, remained unshaken.

Fast forward to 2008. Yong and Anwar have met to discuss the political possibilities ahead of Sept 16, the date set by Anwar to topple the Barisan federal government.

The media-savvy Yong realises that he needs to move now. In his own words, this is the window period that will be closed after August.

By then, he said, “the public attention would be on the Olympics” and that the national press would have suffered “fatigue” over Sabah issues, unless there is action to be seen.

Coverage would centre on the Umno and MCA division elections while by September, politics would come to a standstill when the fasting month begins. The school exams would start with plans made for holidays by the year-end.

Yong, like Anwar, realises that he needs to create the momentum and stay in the news. Anwar also needs to convince that his Sept 16 promise is real and not just hype, as many seem to think now.

The SAPP looks set to be sacked while a huge demonstration against the fuel price hike that will take place on July 5 seems to fit in the grand plan.

At the same time, Umno leaders seem too preoccupied with their party elections which, to Pakatan Rakyat, would be the perfect timing for a political onslaught. And adding to that would be an electorate angry with a higher cost of living.

It’s an explosive political situation ahead. While all politicians have their own agenda and ambitions to fulfil, they must never lose sight of the national interest as the stock exchange continues to take a beating. The uncertainties are bad for business with nervous investors holding back their money. It needs to end, at some point, so we can all move on.

On The Beat

By WONG CHUN WAI

IT’S not a good time to be the head of a government. The skyrocketing prices in fuel and food have led to rioting in 22 countries, at the last count, and at least one government has collapsed because of these problems.

In April, the Haiti government fell after 16 senators in the Caribbean nation sacked Prime Minister Jacques-Edouard Alexis following a week of rioting against the rocketing prices of rice, beans and cooking oil.

The World Bank said at least 33 countries were being threatened with social and political unrest.

In European Union countries, in at least 15 nations, the inflation rate has soared, the highest since 1994 following the increases.

From Africa to Europe and Asia, people have taken to the streets to protest against this crisis.

Last week, in Kuala Lumpur, a huge crowd demonstrated against the fuel price hike after Friday prayers. It is an issue that touches the nerve of Malaysians, as their pockets have been burnt and any move to increase prices would always be unpopular.

But any promises to reduce fuel or food prices can only be regarded as far-fetched although the quantum of any price hike is debatable. Populist decisions are popular but unsustainable, even harmful, to the country in the long run.

Economists have singled out the Philippines for introducing popular wide-scale food subsidies that can lead to a dangerous level of food stock shortages eventually. It has also increased food imports by jacking up the budget deficit.

Since the last 30 decades, oil prices have soared at least five times and that means everything needed for food production – from fertilisers to transportation – have shot up.

It has not helped that extreme weather conditions have hit wheat- and rice-exporting countries such as Russia, Kazakhstan, Australia, Vietnam, Myanmar and Bangladesh.

Besides export controls and bans by India and Vietnam on rice, Ukraine, for example, has export quota. After harvesting more wheat than they could sell at home, farmers were forced to toss US$100mil of rotten grain into the Black Sea early this year – just when many countries were facing a shortage of food.

Last week, the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung brought together editors from Europe and Asia to Bangkok to meet rice producers, traders and experts to review the declining stock of rice among exporting nations.

Asian Development Bank executive director Sebastian Paust, who spoke to editors, warned that the prices of wheat, grain and rice might stabilise but highlighted that food had become a commodity that was now heavily bet on.

The Chicago Mercantile Exchange, he said, had showed the volume of contracts increased by 20% since January to more than a million contracts a day. There is also the Multi Commodity Exchange of India in Mumbai.

Hedge funds alone this year amounted to about US$40bil in financial markets, with shares in food-related companies being snapped up.

AMP Capital Investors Shane Oliver reportedly said traders and speculators flocked to commodities, including food, this year because it was one of the few investments that provided solid returns.

But Paust said structural factors such as neglect of rural areas, insufficient investments, insecure land tenure rights, urban migration, rising energy prices, lack of incentives in agricultural products and the massive demand for food consumption, especially in India and China, were also contributing factors.

Rice trader Vichai Sriprasert said the prices of rice would not go down, citing climate change as a serious threat, but dismissed speculations on rice futures. He said Thai politicians, wanting popularity, would keep prices at a minimum.

The Thai Rice Exporters Association president said hoarding and panic buying could lead to a periodic price increase but it could also mean lower demand.

But it’s not all bad news. International Rice Research Institute development director Duncan Macintosh said new hybrids for unfavourable environments had been successfully tested, with vast improvement in biotech for breeding efficiency.

Rice expert Dr Ammar Siamwalla of the Thailand Development Research Institute predicted the price of rice would slide back, if there were no climatic disasters.

Paust said India planned to make speculative future trading more costly at the commodity exchange, adding that countries should make agriculture a political priority. There are also calls to strengthen social safety nets through targeted income support for the poor rather than generalised food subsidies or trade measures.

Countries are now also re-looking the biofuel trend as cereals should not be used to feed machines but people. Since 2000, cereal use for industrial purposes like biofuel jumped by more than 25%, according to reports. It is a sin to do so in the name of environment.

There’s also a lesson for all government leaders – don’t ignore food production for manufacturing and cash crop commodities.

For editors, agriculture stories may not sell newspapers and they are ignored until there is a food shortage. It’s food for thought for all.

On The Beat

By WONG CHUN WAI

THE people had anticipated that prices of fuel would go up, but what they did not expect was the sharp 41% jump in petrol prices while diesel went up by 63%.

A gradual price increase would have been less painful but it appeared that the Government was unable to hold the spiralling RM50bil oil subsidy as global oil prices continue to shoot up.

At the same time, the tariff for electricity will also go up, which is another blow for Malaysians who will now have a really tough time juggling their monthly budget as prices of other essential items go up in tandem.

Actually, Malaysian motorists still enjoy a 30 sen subsidy and our fuel prices are still among the lowest in the region, but many salaried workers are not in the mood to listen to politicians who compare the country with Thailand and Singapore.

Singapore, which has an excellent public transport system, cannot be used as a yardstick.

Any attempt to explain the need to cut the subsidies on fuel, which will help to sustain the economy in the long term, is now regarded as apologetic in nature and is bound to go down badly.

Yet, the fact is that those leading the protests against the fuel price hikes have not been able to explain how they intend to tackle the fuel subsidy structure if they were in charge.

For Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, the decision to increase the fuel prices must surely have been a burden. Less than three months after losing five states to the Opposition, he now had to make a decision that would lead to a further dip, if not dive, in his political standing.

He is already facing a tough internal battle in Umno and the latest decision will not help boost his position for sure.

Right decision

Lifting a substantial part of the subsidies is the right decision, painful as it can be, but the timing for Pak Lah has not been a good one.

Obviously, he has tried to postpone the decision because of the March polls and, for strategic reasons, he could not have allowed a price hike. The consequences would have been even greater than losing five states.

In predominantly middle class Malaysia, human rights and democracy normally take a back seat in comparison to issues such as inflation, which hits the pockets of consumers, and crime.

Any attempt to launch an austerity drive from now on has to be practical and reasonable, given the hostility of the general population.

One newspaper reader has suggested that Malaysians cycle to work and even the return of trishaws. We may be celebrating World Environment Day but that is certainly ludicrous. So is asking us to plant kangkong and sawi at home.

To ask Malaysians, especially wage earners, to change their lifestyles would also be hypocritical and certainly laughable when most of us are struggling to pay off our bills with our meagre take-home pay.

The rebates promised by the Government have been received cynically, probably because most income tax payers have yet to see the return of the money they overpaid in their monthly scheduled deductions to the Inland Revenue Department.

But what Malaysians may likely want to see would be a more prudent and frugal kind of management by the Government, especially the RM13.7bil saved from the new subsidy structure.

They are asking, for example, how we can justify spending RM39mil on the angkasawan programme, especially when they had been assured that the Russians were playing for the trip in view of our purchase of the 18 Sukhoi planes. Sure, they paid RM75mil to offset the cost but, in the end, we still paid a bomb.

The Government can expect Malaysians to be less forgiving from now when they come across extravagant projects and schemes, which see little return for the country.

There is a need for a great leap forward in improving our public transport system. Users of the LRT and KTM can tell you how much they have to suffer every day.

Thus, it is good that Pak Lah has made public transport a priority on his list of plans to ease the burden of Malaysians, along with expanding the list of controlled items, cost-cutting in government departments and agencies, and increasing support for small and medium-sized industries.

If the people are expected to change their lifestyles, they, too, expect the Government to change the way taxpayers’ money are spent.

THE last time Malaysians had to put up with the notoriety of the Persatuan Kebangsaan Pelajar Islam Malaysia was when it called for the ban of the Gwen Stefani concert last year.

The student body claimed the singer was too sexy and that her concert would lead to immorality.

Now, the same movement has made another ridiculous statement.

Its vice-president Munirah Bahari condemned the school uniforms worn by girls in government schools, saying they were too sexy and would cause rapes and sexual immorality.

The white blouse, she said, was too transparent for girls and could cause distraction to men, adding the Government should review the uniform to ensure that it would conform to Islamic ideals.

She said it was important to “cover up” to fend off social ills such as rapes, sexual harassment and premarital sex, which could lead to babies born out of wedlock and even prostitution.

Now if you think that’s comical, wait until you hear this. Munirah blamed some female students for using the white blouse to lure men, suggesting the colour should be changed.

How white can sexually arouse men is something I, and certainly most Malaysians, cannot fathom. We have to ask our Cik Munirah, who seems to be quite an expert in this area.

And the National Union of Muslim Students leader is not even talking about the white blouse with knee-length skirt or pinafore, which is the preferred choice of most non-Muslim female students.

We can guess she will come to the length of the skirt next, if her student body has her way with the white blouse and other nonsense.

The student body is hardly known today but in the 1990s, it was a prominent movement with protests against so-called western hedonism and nihilism, and was in the news for protesting against the “Salem Cool Concerts.”

Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim headed the student movement from 1968-1971, where the emphasis was on social injustices.

Fast forward to 2008.

The organisation seems to be preoccupied with dressing and thanks to Munirah’s statement, Malaysia has made international news, again, for the wrong reason.

But what is disturbing is the trend to embrace the Arab culture in the name of religion and those who seek answers are immediately shut off for being insensitive to the religion of others.

It has come to a point where many people have become too timid to question individuals and groups like these, worried about the backlash against them, and the result is that their decibels get higher as they impose their values on us in the name of morality.

There are supporters of this student group who are pushing for “thicker material” for these blouses; heaven forbid that we come to a point where some groups get to push for greater conservatism in Malaysia.

If there is any review of our school uniforms, we should be allowing our students to wear collared T-shirts like in Australia, which suits our tropical weather much better. It is also healthier.

In the Arab countries, it is dusty and at times, even windy, but in Malaysia, it is humid and we know how sticky and uncomfortable we become after the physical education lesson, as our schools do not have shower facilities.

Common sense must prevail, just like the views of the majority. Don’t let anyone tell us how and what to dress.

ON THE BEAT WITH WONG CHUN WAI

IT has been 39 years since May 13, 1969, when the country’s darkest history occurred. The racial riots have continued to remain a traumatic experience and a scar that won’t go away after almost four decades.

More than 60% of the country’s 26 million population, if not a little more, did not experience that shameful part of the nation’s journey, and yet it is still taboo to talk about it.

More than 54% of Malaysians are below 24 years old. Add another 10% who are probably between 30 and 40 years old, or slightly older, and we will find that for all these people, the incident is a distant memory.

The more elderly Malaysians prefer not to talk about it and even if they do, it is done in a guarded manner. As for the history textbooks in schools, it is an episode to be remembered through a few paragraphs but best not to be discussed openly.

For some opportunistic politicians, the May 13 tragedy is used to invoke fear among the people and to protect the politics of communalism.

Unfortunately, in our reluctance to talk about May 13 openly, the best of Malaysian stories, even in the worst of Malaysia, have not been narrated.

There have been many fantastic uplifting stories, where Malaysians of different races protected each other and these stories should be told.

I am 47 years old and was only in Standard Two when May 13 took place. My home then was at Kampung Melayu in Air Itam, where my parents still live. As the name suggests, it is a predominantly Malay area and while many flats have since been built, it was essentially a semi-urban village then.

The rows of terrace houses were the only ones occupied by Chinese and when the fights broke out, we were caught in a frightening situation. Although I was only eight years old then, I remember my father taking me to the fiery Gerakan rallies, where the eloquence of the speakers, especially the Gerakan founder the late Datuk Lim Ee Heong, mesmerised me.

On the eve of the 1969 election, my father carried me on his shoulders at the mammoth Gerakan rally in Esplanade so that I could get a good view of the stage, where the speakers stood. He would explain to me what the loud clapping was about whenever I seemed lost as to what the speakers were saying, which was often.

The crowd cheered when the opposition called on the voters to “sink the Alliance boat” at the Esplanade sea the next day.

I recalled Lim telling the voters in Hokkien that if the federal government refused to build the Penang bridge, “we will ask China” to build the bridge, as he built up the communal rhetoric.

Ironically, the Penang bridge was built by the South Koreans and the new one would be built by the Chinese.

History was created as the Gerakan was voted into power the next day.

In Kuala Lumpur and Selangor, which saw the opposition making sweeping gains, the same euphoria erupted and a victory procession soon took place, which sparked the start of the racial riots.

When news of these disturbances broke out, my family had to make a choice – move to my grandmother’s house in Chulia Street, a Chinese majority area, where we would be safe, or stay behind in Kampung Melayu.

I was too young to ask my father why he decided we should stay back but we all did – my parents and three brothers. We stored plenty of food but no weapons even though my father sold hardware, believing that nothing would happen to us.

After all, the many Malay friends who stayed in the village knew us; even those who did not know us personally would greet us as they passed by our home daily. They were friendly, if not helpful, Malay neighbours.

We were right. Nothing happened during the riots. Kampung Melayu was one of the safest places in Penang for the Chinese.

Like all curious children, I would peer through the window to see if any fights had taken place during curfew but all I saw were some Federal Reserve Unit officers on patrol. No action at all.

The police had sent Chinese FRU officers to our village, knowing their presence would make the minority population feel safe. When the curfew hours were lifted, we mingled with these policemen who were friendly. I was fascinated with the weapons, especially the gas canisters they carried.

But the Malay and Chinese neighbours also came out, assuring each other that all was well and that there was no reason to fear any racial clashes. At the nearby field, where I played football with the Malay boys, we talked about when we would start our games again, and when we should catch dragonflies and little fishes at the stream that passed through our village.

For many of us, May 13 was also a phase that interrupted the interaction of Malaysians. For the Malay, Chinese and Indian boys in Kampung Melayu, we just wanted to carry on with our games. We heard about the clashes from my parents and in our innocence, many of us wondered why.

Of course, there were also unluckier ones, who had to live through a more traumatic experience, where they saw fighting taking place and lives snatched away. It will not be easy for them to forget.

But for many Malaysians, now in their late 40s and mid-50s, May 13 is just a flicker in their memory. It’s time to have a proper closure, a lesson learnt and not to be used to create fear.