Author Archives: wcw

Hoe leow, boh hoe leow?

 

COMMENT BY WONG CHUN WAI

BANGKOK Lane is famous for its mee goreng, with its tasty prawn-stock gravy and fritters, but on Wednesday night, Penangites were flocking to that narrow street for a different reason.

The road was packed with voters to listen to a DAP ceramah with state Opposition Leader Phee Boon Poh holding court. By Penang DAP standards, the size of the crowd would not be considered big.

But the mostly Chinese crowd was captivated with the incumbent Sungai Puyu state assemblyman's eloquence. His witty remarks, in Penang colloquial Hokkien, were greeted with laughter and applause.

“When you buy a car, motorcycle or even a bicycle, you get a geran. But in Penang, so many of us stay in flats and yet, it is so difficult to get a strata title. I brought this up at the state assembly, the government promised me that perkara ini sedang di beri perhatian dan tindakan akan diambil.

“They promised to send an official to look into the matter. But this chap, what can he do? He is not like the Goddess of Mercy who has 16 arms,” he said, as the crowd laughed along.

The seasoned politician took potshots at various targets, especially Umno Youth leaders. Often, he exaggerated his argument to emphasise a point. By the time he finished, the crowd was cheering wildly, asking for more.

When his Sri Delima counterpart R.S.N. Rayer took over the microphone, it was a tough act to follow. The lawyer’s “correct, correct, correct” joke, in reference to the V.K. Lingam inquiry, fell flat. It was a case of a joke being told too often.

Blogger Jeff Ooi, who is contesting the Jelutong parliamentary seat, had an even tougher job with the crowd when he decided to use Bahasa Malaysia and English. He focused on economic issues and this did not go down well with the mostly working-class crowd who wanted to be entertained rather than be informed.

Welcome to Penang – where Hokkien is the preferred lingua franca among the predominantly Chinese islanders. Even Malays and Indians, especially traders and hawkers, can converse reasonably well in that dialect.

The use of Mandarin, particularly in debate, is to emphasise one’s educational background but in the streets of Penang, it does not connect to the listeners. Even southern Hokkein, as spoken in Klang, Malacca and Johor, is regarded as crass and unrefined among Penangites.

When long-term Penang resident Datuk Seri Chia Kwang Chye found himself out of the race for the Penang Chief Minister’s post, supposedly because he could not speak Chinese well, he was understandably irked.

The Johor-born Gerakan leader, who is English-educated, can deliver his speech in Chinese and certainly in Penang Hokkien.

Penangites are well aware that the whole country is watching them. The state has become the focal point, where all the big fights are taking place. It is also the home of Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and his nemesis Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim.

As Penangites compared notes the following morning over breakfast at coffee shops, they were aware of the responsibility they carry. They talked about which politician speaks better and whether the previous night’s gathering was hoe leow, boh hoe leow? (good or not, a term which could also mean delicious or not, in reference to food).

In my midweek foray back to my hometown, I noticed that while the crowds are large, they are nowhere compared to 1990 when Lim Kit Siang knocked out then Chief Minister Dr Lim Chong Eu by 706 votes and retained his Tanjung parliamentary seat by 17,469 votes.

That was not all. The DAP won 14 state seats, denying the Barisan Nasional its two-thirds majority, and was only three seats short of taking over the state.

But the DAP gains were all wiped out in 1995, when it only got one seat. Tan Sri Dr Koh Tsu Koon beat Lim in the Tanjung Bungah state seat by 7,497 votes. In 2004, Lim decided to move to Ipoh Timur and the Penang DAP still had only one state seat.

The DAP is understandably more cautious, having learn the lessons of the past debacles. With Lim Guan Eng leading the charge now, the DAP has stayed away from any talk of forming the state government and instead only called for a stronger check-and-balance.

But no matter how the politicians strategise, the reality is that Penangites are highly unpredictable. Their political fickleness is well-known and it is this scenario that the DAP is hoping for – just by some luck, with more checking than balance, the DAP may just end up with a repeat of 1990.

The Barisan, particularly the MCA and Gerakan, has harped on the importance of keeping intact the political structure of Penang, where the state is the only powerbase of Chinese politics.

They have warned against the community shooting themselves in the foot and strengthening Malay-based parties like Parti Keadilan Rakyat and PAS at the expense of the Chinese community.

“I hear church groups telling their congregation to vote anything opposition including PAS, which is simply naive and emotional. Whatever the flaws of the system, it still works, despite some occasional hitches,” said one Penang Barisan leader.

MCA and Gerakan campaigners are racing against time to tell their listeners that the statements of one or two Umno leaders, which smack of racism, do not reflect the entire government and that representation in the government is crucial.

Said MCA Youth vice-chairman Chew Kok Woh: “You can shout and bang tables but the fact is that the voices of the community can only be heard inside the Cabinet or state executive council meetings. Parliament only meets a few times a year but the Cabinet meets every Wednesday. The community must understand the realities.”

But no one dares to predict the mood of Penangites. They remember the gigantic crowd at Macallum Street, on the eve of elections in 1995, when Kit Siang basked in all the glory only to be unceremoniously dumped the next day.

At the end of the day, the argument for Penangites could well be, which party oo leow ah si boh leow, which means which party has the substance in the elections.

 

* Hoe leow, boh hoe leow means Good, or not so good, in Hokkien.

 

Making our institutions strong

IT has gripped the attention of the nation. So much dirty linen has been washed, so much mud thrown and so many amazing tales told that Malaysians must be wondering who to believe.  

Now that the Royal Commission has completed its investigations into the Lingam video clip affair, let’s take a step back and assess what the mass of evidence, allegations and disclosures really mean for us, Malaysians.  

Was it necessary for the dirty linen to be washed in public over 17 days? How much of it was the truth?  

Was it necessary for some sorry episodes in the history of the judiciary – former Chief Justice Tun Eusoff Chin’s holiday in New Zealand with lawyer Datuk V.K. Lingam certainly falls into that category – to be dredged up and dissected?  

What was the point in reproducing old pictures, where family members who have no part in the controversy, found themselves named and their photographs published?  

Was it necessary to embarrass the august institution of the judiciary with allegations of case-fixing and other improper behaviour?  

Was it necessary for the Government to push for a commission hearing that seemed, at times, to cast a shadow of shame over the whole country?  

Yes. Yes. Yes. Yes.  

Despite the misgivings of some Malaysians, the inquiry has given us a chance to come clean about an institution that has been manhandled over the past two decades.  

How can we even begin to rehabilitate this so important body if we do not understand the battery of illnesses that affects it?  

The whispering campaign about judge-shopping and other allegations of wrongdoing has been building up over the years to the point that it has prompted some foreign companies to insist that their legal disputes be settled through arbitration outside the country.  

This trend is more shameful than any mud that was flung during the commission hearing.  

It would have been easy for the administration to pay lip service to concerns about the Lingam video clip.  

It could have made the right noises and switched the channel after a week or so. We have to admit that it is the news cycle, which often dictates our attention span on an issue.  

Also, by and large, Malaysians are more interested in bread-and-butter issues.  

But the video clip issue did not disappear because Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi knows that a Malaysia without strong institutions will be a country without a soul.  

After all, the courts provide the public with their only chance of seeking justice. It is their last refuge in the face of oppression and when wronged.  

Abdullah has tried to protect the institutions by appointing straight shooters like the late Tan Sri Abdul Malek Ahmad as the Court of Appeal President.  

Datuk K.C. Vohrah, a retired Court of Appeal judge, noted recently that Abdul Malek should have been made Chief Justice for his principles and steadfast adherence to fair play and justice.  

“The late Malek was an uncommon Malaysian, whose most important characteristic was his natural and tremendous sense of fair play and his unquestioned integrity.  

“He was the Chief Justice that this fair country should have had but never did,” he said at a remembrance event organised by Universiti Malaya and the Malaysian Inner Temple Alumni Association in memory of the former President of the Court of Appeal who died on May 31 last year.  

Similarly when Abdullah appointed Datuk Abdul Hamid Mohamad as the Chief Justice late last year, it was evident that he was interested in restoring order and credibility to the judiciary.  

Only if good people are put at the top of an institution, will it flourish and give confidence to Malaysians and investors. 

Don’t take my word for it. Let’s just turn back the pages of history and recall some of the illustrious names who led the Malaysian judiciary during its days of glory – the late Tun Mohamed Suffian Hashim and Sultan Azlan Shah to name a couple.  

It is not only the judiciary that will benefit from having good men and women at the helm. Even the reforms in the police force and the civil service have a better chance of succeeding because Tan Sri Musa Hassan is the Inspector-General of Police and Tan Sri Mohd Sidek Hassan is the Chief Secretary to the Government. 

There is much truth in the saying that the fish starts rotting from the head.  

For the Royal Commission members, the hearing is over but their work is only beginning. Over the next few weeks, they will receive written submissions from various parties, deliberate over the information given by 21 witnesses and then get down to the serious job of making their findings.  

Anyone following the inquiry can tell you that some individuals were sparing with the truth.  

They huffed and puffed and even made light of the situation. But this was no laughing matter. At the centre of this hearing was the credibility of an institution that all Malaysians have a stake in.  

It is hoped that the panel will not only be clear in their views about the video clip and the main actors but also recommend suggestions on how the selection and promotion of judges can be strengthened.  

Only by doing so can it help an administration that is keen to improve the health of the judiciary and all other institutions here.  

Only by doing so will it prevent a future generation of Malaysians from having to sit through another session of painful revelations years down the road.  

Keep politics fresh and young

On The Beat


FOR a brief moment, the crowd was clearly stunned. Even the Penang reporters covering the MCA dinner at the Esplanade on Friday night could not believe what Datuk Seri Ong Ka Ting had just said.  

The MCA president had told the crowd that this would be the last time he was contesting in the general election.  

With his youthful appearance, not many people could believe that the 51-year-old politician wanted to limit his political career.  

But Ong had begun his helm in the MCA by limiting the terms of the party president to only nine years or three terms. It was a dramatic move to ensure that a leader would not cling on to power forever.  

A strong advocate of party rejuvenation and giving new talents a chance, Ong wanted to make himself an example.  

Taking a jab at the opposition, he said, “In the opposition, a candidate can keep contesting until he is old” – an apparent reference to DAP veterans approaching their 70s.  

Ong was appointed party president in 2003 and retained his post in 2005. He has been Housing and Local Government Minister since 1999.  

He has also brought into the party’s fold many aides and researchers who are in their 30s and 40s, believing that they will introduce fresh directions and new ways of doing things.  

It is a bold but calculated move to ensure that the MCA remains relevant at a time when the voters have become younger and surely more demanding.  

In the United States, presidential hopeful Barack Obama is 47 years old and for many college-educated voters, he is their man.  

They see in him their call for change and his lack of experience an advantage as they shun the old politics of the establishment.  

His opponent in the Democratic Party is Hillary Clinton, 60, and should Republican John McCain make it to the White House, he would be 72 by then, making him the oldest president.  

Within the Barisan, there are also incumbent MPs, some in their 60s, who still find it difficult to retire.  

Some have been reluctant to announce their readiness to make way for younger candidates, hoping against hope that they would still be given another shot.  

A few seem to imply they are indispensable and that they will only be able to retain the seats for the Barisan Nasional, using anti-establishment sentiments as their argument.  

It is a problem that Barisan chairman Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has to deal with in every general election.  

Worse, he cannot interfere in the running of component parties, where some of their party chiefs, in their 70s, put their names on their lists. And they themselves cannot hear the loud voices from the people that they should go.  

Shockingly and hypocritically, they talk about bringing in “new blood” and of their “unfinished work”. Of course, it is always for the country and the people. Haven’t we heard that before?  

Used to the perks and power that go with the job of an elected representative, many find it hard to let go.  

Using all sorts of tactics, they get their supporters to hold press conferences to announce their support for them, ambush their party bosses at airports, send their wives to meet their bosses’ spouses and some even break down and weep shamelessly.  

But this is part of the melodrama that builds up during every election, where politicians so often put their ambition first before ideals and principles.  

It is the same in the opposition, where statements have been issued against their party leaders and tantrums thrown because they have not been picked to contest the elections.  

And of course, they, too, say that their entry into politics is to fight for justice, against abuses of power and to strive for accountability. Never personal glory, naturally.  

In a survey conducted among young people in the United States, many said they could not recall then presidential-hopeful Bill Clinton appearing in a talk show, wearing dark shades, playing Heartbreak Hotel on his saxophone.  

Clinton’s cool appearance won him support from the young and minority groups, as with Obama now. But that was 16 years ago and now, the young do not even know the show’s host Arsenio Hall, who remarked, “It is good to see a Democrat blow something beside the election.”  

In this age of YouTube and Facebook, Malaysia is not doing justice if we still have to have those from Jurassic Park lead us.  

By the way, it was a blockbuster movie and it was 15 years ago. Never heard of it, our young will tell us.  

 

 

Delivering the bread and butter

In short, political and economic stability will always be the priority of the middle class. The street protests may be about the right to demonstrate, but is also the quickest way to lose votes. 

For Middle Class Malaysia, these protests equate to traffic disruption, loss of business, inconvenience and chaos. 

An opinion poll conducted by the International Islamic University has revealed that the cost of living, social issues, the crime rate and illegal immigrants are issues that worry Malaysian voters the most. 

Despite loud criticism by the opposition against the leadership ahead of the polls, Malaysians are generally satisfied with the leadership. Only 1% of the 2,930 respondents polled in 13 states took issue with it. 

But the food bill issue, however, is not just a Malaysian issue. It has become a global issue. The Singapore Straits Times of Feb 4 front-paged Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong's call to Singaporeans to adjust. 

He said the concerns of Singaporeans had been heard and were being addressed, but Singaporeans needed to work together to tackle the fears. 

The opposition here in Malaysia has promised to lower the prices of essential goods, and even of petrol, if it captures the government. 

But what has driven prices up? The global price of crude oil is at a record high and this has pushed up transportation charges; the drought in Australia and snowstorms in China have affected food production; and farmers have dumped food crops for plants that cater to petrol-substitute ethanol. 

China and India, which have become more affluent, are consuming more, with food producers preferring the two gigantic markets. 

Still, even in China, overall inflation is running at a 10-year high – around 6.9% in November year-on-year with pork, a staple meat, spiking to 60% year-on-year.  

Worldwide, the financial markets are in turbulence, and the United States, the world’s largest consumer market, is heading into a recession, if it is not already in one. 

Companies listed on major stock markets, which rely heavily on the US market, find their prices dropping massively. 

Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has taken early steps to plug the holes. These include the setting up of the National Price Council, which has announced a national stockpile of essential goods, such as rice and cooking oil, to ensure that prices and supply remain stable at all times. 

The council, chaired by the Prime Minister himself, will monitor, advice and oversee the Government’s price policy, competitive market structures and the efficiency of subsidy schemes. 

Not many people shared Pak Lah’s agriculture policy, which he mooted when he took over the leadership, as we are so used to fast-paced industrialisation. 

Now, he has been proven right. “Agflation”, referring specifically to rises in prices of agricultural commodities, has suddenly become a buzzword. 

Last week, he did justice in ending the decades of uncertainty faced by 913 farmers in Perak, giving them 30-year leases to the 2,903ha land they had been toiling on. 

In Kuala Kluang and Kanthan, these farmers produce some 60,000kg of vegetables a day for the folks in the Klang Valley, while in Ladang Bikam and Coldstream New Village, the mangoes, papayas, starfruit and guavas they harvest are exported to Singapore, Hong Kong, Dubai and Europe. 

It is a recognition of these farmers, who make our lives easier and better with these fresh supplies of greens to our markets. 

It may seem a cliché, but Malaysians really are much luckier than many others. The cost of living is certainly almost the lowest, but the standard of living are among the highest, in the region. These two terms are often mistakenly used by many. 

Subsidies are provided for the people, from fuel to flour to education, which now make up RM40bil of the bill, which for Malaysians have become the norm.  

In other countries, including Singapore and Thailand, petrol prices often fluctuate, depending on market prices of crude oil. Again, not many Malaysian motorists are aware of this. 

It must be noted that 30% of the items used to measure inflation are priced-controlled or subsidised. More importantly, the Malaysian economy has remained healthy, helped by revenue from oil, while continuing efforts to reduce the budget deficit are on track, and external reserves remain healthy. 

Crime, as expected, ranked high on the survey. Some of the measures taken by the Government may not take off immediately, but short- and middle-term actions have been taken. 

On the Government’s part, RM8bil has been allocated to fight crime, which includes the purchase of a high-technology integrated communications system, 3,000 patrol cars and 4,000 motorcycles.  

The Government has also approved the recruitment of 60,000 police personnel over the next five years. 

The fight for the votes in the elections will be about which political party can assure the Malaysian Middle Class that it can deliver the bread and butter. 

All for the sake of winning votes

On The Beat

IT doesn’t look like it will happen in Malaysia for a long, long time. The world is currently glued to the US presidential elections where the front-runners in the primaries include an African-American and a woman.  

The Americans do not care if their candidate is black, yellow or white as long as he or she is the right person. Their supporters comprise Americans of all races and gender. Throughout the campaign, candidates have so far managed to stay clear from race and gender. 

More important, Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton, both Democrats, have debated in a civil and intelligent manner, focusing on substantial issues.  

Young Malaysians following the race must have surely asked when our politicians would live up to such qualities.  

For a start, those who have overstayed must know when to leave.  

Most of the voters are finding it difficult to swallow the argument put up by these leaders that they still need time to carry out their work.  

Surely, they can’t expect us to believe them after holding on to their posts for decades.  

Used to walking the corridors of power and enjoying the prestige and perks that come with their positions, many find it hard to be like us, ordinary Malaysians, again.  

The thought of not seeing their names and pictures in the newspapers must be difficult to fathom.  

By clinging on to their posts, it is also an insult to their party members because the impression, which they like to create, is that no one else is suitable to take over.  

No one else seems good enough to fill their shoes. You find these politicians on both sides of the political divide; they seem to be there forever. 

Then there are those who have had their chances. They had served in various capacities but had to quit in the most controversial situations.  

Now in their 60s, the age when most Malaysians are thinking of spending time with their grandchildren and watching the sunset with their loved ones, they dream of staging a comeback.  

Some of these figures do not even know how to surf the Internet and have no inkling of what young people are saying about them in cyberspace.  

They probably assume that the new voters, like their grandchildren, have forgotten the trouble they had landed themselves into, or the huge embarrassment they had caused their party.  

Their renewed ambitions must be difficult for the younger leaders in the party, especially those in their 40s and 50s, who have worked faithfully and are waiting in the wings.  

Then there are one or two Mentris Besar or Chief Ministers.  

It’s amazing how some of them seem to assume that their respective states are their personal fiefdoms.  

They show their displeasure at even the slightest suggestion that they ought to contest a parliamentary seat. 

They lobby to remain at their posts but then advise the other state assemblymen that they must abide by what their party bosses tell them to do.  

Also, there are those who still continue to play the race card, in this age and time. 

At their party conferences each year, they play to the gallery by projecting themselves as the communal heroes.  

But during the general election, they shamelessly become the true Malaysian leaders we dream of. 

They greet their voters in Malay, English, Mandarin and Tamil; and if they can speak all these languages fluently, they would do so.  

But for the rest of the five years until the next general election, they would insist only on one language for us.  

Never mind if we all know that they send their children to boarding schools in England or Australia. 

Some, it is said, have homes there, too.  

Of course, they are upset if we do not send our children to national schools, questioning our loyalty to the country.  

Suddenly, all these languages are used in posters, bunting and advertisements, and you wonder why Malaysia cannot be like this every day. 

Why can’t we embrace such Malaysian features and why must multi-culturalism be acceptable only during election campaigns?  

Such an unusual degree of tolerance and flexibility seems almost unbelievable. 

Even PAS is prepared to stop talking about an Islamic state during the elections but throughout the next five years, we can be sure they will tell us how certain principles cannot be compromised on religious grounds.  

Politicians are also busy visiting places of worship and meeting religious leaders, including those of other faiths.  

Yet we know we will continue to grapple with various bureaucratic problems relating to faith issues because these same politicians will struggle to stand up for the rights of all citizens once the election season is over.  

Fortunately, there are many who take their positions as MPs and assemblymen seriously. They work hard, help their constituents and speak with decorum.  

They are a credit to their party and the people who voted them in. 

How we wish we could have elections more regularly instead of just once every four or five years.  

But hey, good things don’t happen every day.  

Let’s enjoy all the attention while we still can. 

It’s good to tell the politicians what we want once every four or five years and do our best to hold them to their promises – every single day. 

 

 

Cafe Latte Chat: What the Indians want

THE Malaysian Indian community is at a defining moment. Comprising just 1.8 million or roughly 8% of the country’s 26 million population, it has never been so politically divided. Although the MIC – the third largest component party of the Barisan Nasional – represents the community in the Government, the political allegiance of Indians is split.  

The Gerakan, PPP, Indian Progressive Front, DAP, Parti Keadilan Rakyat and Democratic Indian United Party have their share of Indian members and supporters.  

The recent street protest led by the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf), sparked by perceptions that Indians have been marginalised, has led to the community becoming a focus of the national political debate, with the MIC and its leadership coming under intense scrutiny.  

The debate revolves around the community’s lack of a meaningful stake in the economy, opportunities to progress in education, employment and business and its disproportionate representation in crime statistics.  

Are the grievances affecting the Indians real? What are the solutions? What needs to be done to move the community forward? Have the more successful members of the community played their part? Cafe Latte discusses the topics. 

The Indian community and politics 

Wong: In the coming general election, various political parties will represent the Indian community. The community is small yet it is fragmented into so many different groups. What is your take on this, Dr Denison? 

Dr Denison: If you take the political parties – MIC, PPP, IPF, Gerakan – it might seem fragmented, but they are all invariably pro-Barisan Nasional and cohesively part of its framework. But if you look at opposition parties such as DAP, Parti Keadilan Rakyat and Parti Sosialis Malaysia, there is also quite a number of them there. But the central issue is the composition of the constituencies. No Indian can win just on the Indian ticket. The community needs the support of other communities. An example is the case of the Sreenivasagam brothers who won in the 1959 elections for the Socialist Front. Back then, we had more Indians in the Opposition than in the MIC. Having said that, the fragmented parties that we see (now) will have a major impact on the general election. For example, the Merdeka Poll survey conducted recently found that since September, there has been a 44% drop in positive views towards the government. There were also other indicators showing the people’s unhappiness towards the government and its policies. The question here, however, is whether such findings will impact the outcome of MIC candidates who hold nine parliamentary seats and 19 state seats. The MIC is sure that it will retain the nine parliamentary seats.  

Dr Ramasamy: Going back to the 1990 elections, I think that a slight majority of the Indian community voted for the Opposition. But in the subsequent election, it was back to status quo. I think the difference this time around is the mobilisation created by Hindraf. Based on the turnout of the event that day, it would be safe to say the Indians know they can be king-makers in particular constituencies. There are also indications that the popularity of the ruling government has gone down. But then again we must ask whether the Indians will remain faithful to Barisan Nasional.  

Wong: There’s talk that because of the Hindraf issue, many controversies have arisen. As a result, is there a fear in the community that its representation in Government may decline because of the anti-establishment sentiments? 

Devakunjari: We have to go back into history where the initial premise of Malaya was power-sharing among the races. This was needed back then to show the British that we could, and deserved, our independence. But here we find a situation where the government relies on MIC to produce feedback and solutions to the community. And there are perceptions that MIC is not being given enough airplay within the government, and that it has not really done its job. Neither perception assists BN in securing the Indian votes. The reason why Hindraf received such popular response was because the Indians, at least at the grassroots level, believed that no one else speaks for them and highlights their grievances.  

Dr Denison: Indian votes make a difference in 62 constituencies, and we will be king-makers if there is a split in the Chinese and Malay community. You might be the most hardened Indian candidate but you cannot win the seat because you do not have 100% Indian voters in the constituency. But the shift, I would say, based on the survey is that the people are unhappy. But whether this will translate into votes is a different matter altogether. This is because Hindraf is not aligning itself to any political party.  

Wong: What about the perception that MIC has not done enough for the community, as stated by Devakunjari? 

Devakunjari: Only now are there so many groups talking about the Indian problem. Suddenly, there is interest in the community. I’ve sat in various forums and the pertinent question that always arises is 'What is the available aid being given by the government now?' In one particular forum the Domestic Trade and Consumer Affairs Ministry informed us that there is a 3% allocation on every initial public offering for the Indian community. Sadly, it didn’t filter down because there is no methodology. So the question that some people are asking is why certain things such as this, which is available within the system, are not given a delivery route to the poor Indians.  

Dr Denison: I think, in terms of perception, the documentation of Indian problems, even from the start, focused on plantation difficulties and related issues. Things like salary, housing and working conditions centred on this premise. The more recent ones have been analysis on the urban trends and shifts. If one were to look at documents presented by Mapen 1 (the first National Economic Consultative Council), the analysis of problems and issues are there. If you take OPP 3 (Third Outline Perspective Plan) for example, it begins to recognise, for the first time, the Indian issues on public policy agenda.  

Wong: But you have said before that the system is such that there’s nothing you can change because the community is small. 

Dr Ramasamy: You must agree that the Hindraf gathering shook the ground, no? They made a huge impact by coming out together.  

Dr Denison: I think we still have to go back to the core of the problem, whereby under the Federal Constitution, it is stated that the special privileges of the Malay community is balanced with the legitimate rights of other communities such as freedom of religion, positions in the civil service, right to education and so forth. Now, if we take it into more recent policy discussions such as the New Economic Policy (NEP), we see more of a re-structuring of society by addressing issues such as poverty. But when we come down to OPP 3, I think there are enough resources and agencies to cater to Malay needs. This is highlighted by Mapen 2 in documents on crime, housing, urban poverty and education issues.  

Wong: These documents are all fine, but the bottom line is the perception that not enough is being done by the MIC. They are being compared to Umno and MCA where they can see proper structures for development and education, such as universities and skills development institutions.  

Dr Denison: MIC has done its best within the power-sharing basis and it has extensively contributed in terms of education and skills development. We have sent many students abroad on scholarships and even prepared the necessary avenues for those interested in skills training. Micro-credit financing for small businesses have also been made available. However, the problem is that the outreach is inadequate. We have not had the necessary interventions from the states, which is pivotal to addressing these problems. There needs to be an increased participation through the relevant agencies too. 

A national problem 

Wong: Plantations used to be the forte of the Indians, but foreigners have replaced them. Due to this, they have migrated to the towns and because of the lack of skills they have resorted to small businesses such as car washing and scrap metal.  

Dr Ramasamy: The problems faced by the community are not an Indian problem but a national one. We are all Malaysians. This is why when there is the mindset that it is an Indian problem, it will be germinated into the political pillars that MIC can and is responsible to handle the problem.  

Dr Denison: But this is where the OPP 3, 8th Malaysia Plan (RMK8) and RMK9 development plans recognised the low-participation of the Indians in the economy and looked at skills training for the youth. I would say that such policies have been properly outlined and written. 

Devakunjari: I agree that the Indian problem is a Malaysian problem. The source of many of the problems we see now arose from the fact that when the estates were developed in the late 70s there were no proper programmes to resettle, rehabilitate or assist this community. So they lost this 'community' when they relocated them and there were no opportunities in terms of education or profession. Even today, 75% of Tamil schools are not affiliated with the government. However, we must agree that when problems arise out of government policies, should not the government take ownership of the solutions and not just delegate the whole exercise to MIC?  

Dr Denison: When we look at the national economic council and the development plans, it needs aggressive state intervention because no one individual or political party can do it. We are doing the best we can.  

Dr Ramasamy: If we go back to Hindraf and take a survey of the people who came, we will find that it was not just the poor plantation people but rather professionals such as lawyers and businessmen who felt they were short-changed. The question here is, can we brush away all these things?  

Self-help 

Wong: There’s this perception that there is no self-help in the community despite the emergence of many successful Indians and many in the upper-middle class. There is no reaching out to the grassroots. 

Dr Shanmuganathan: We must realise that there is no solid middle-class for the Indians. It is hollow. For example, if one were to go to Masjid India and check their financial statements, it is very weak. But people perceive that just because it is a big shop they must be making a lot of money. They are hollow businessmen because they are not fundamentally strong financially. In addition, as of 2004, Indians were said to have 1.5% equity in the economy. I would not be surprised that as of this moment, the figure stands at just 0.9%. And from this, if you take away the slice belonging to the top five Indian tycoons like Ananda Krishnan and Air Asia's Tony Fernandez and others, there is just 0.2% for the rest.  

Education  

Wong: We’ve mentioned the state of Tamil schools. Is it true that they are losing their appeal? 

Dr Ramasamy: I disagree with you. Tamil schools have actually out-performed national schools in the last five years. The problem with Tamil schools, however, is that they need more facilities and infrastructure. This is caused by the current system of education because there is less focus on them. Despite this, we find that in the last 10 years more and more parents from the middle-class are sending their children to Tamil schools. 

Dr Shanmuganathan: That’s true. This year the intake for Tamil schools increased by 30%.  

Dr Denison: Although the number of Tamil schools has dropped, the number of students has gone up. The discrepancy is where the schools are located and where the people are living. Almost 70% of the schools are in estates, but the majority of students are in urban areas. There is a major difference between the Indian and the Chinese community. The Chinese buy the land, build the school and then get the licence transferred whereas the Indians ask the Government to provide the land in the urban areas. Therefore, schools in the rural areas have less density.  

Devakunjari: In the last five years, Indian parents have found that their children were not being given enough attention at the national schools. The balance has tipped and Tamil schools have become more alert to the needs of the children. This is why more people from the middle-class prefer to send their children to Tamil schools. They want them to have this attention and a sense of cultural identity. 

Dr Denison: The government has also said it would allow Tamil to be taught in SJK schools. I think these policies would take quite a while to sink in. But while there is a major increase of students in Tamil schools, the resources required by the schools are definitely more. There are about 7,000 teachers employed now. So, if infrastructure is improved, I’m sure that the disgruntled feeling among Indians would be alleviated. 

Wong: I can’t help but notice that we have kept on referring to asking the Government for help. I know this is a Malaysian problem but surely there must be some kind of self-help. 

Dr Shanmuganathan: There are. Several of my close friends and I, for example, have adopted many schools. We are paying tuition fees for the students. After school, we conduct training for them to get better results. We are also paying the teachers and even giving them two months' bonus but we cannot afford to do the same for all Tamil schools.  

Dr Denison: When we talk about rebuilding Tamil schools – the bantuan modal schools – they are largely being rebuilt through community funds because the state does not provide that. Even in the RMK8 allocation of RM86mil, it was for the bantuan penuh schools. So, currently, they have allocated about RM60mil for bantuan modal schools, and the requirement is quite huge. MIC for example has allocated student loans for up to 7,000 students at RM85mil.  

MIC and its leadership 

Wong: I think it is on the minds of many Malaysians that the MIC has a leadership problem. 

Dr Denison: In terms of determining the MIC president, the decision is in the hands of the MIC delegates. Regarding the candidates for the general election, we have been informed that a sizeable change would be made. This is a step forward to newer faces.  

Devakunjari: Regardless of the MIC and its leadership, as mentioned earlier, the problems faced by the community is still a Malaysian problem. Let us look at the example of single Indian mothers and the problems they face. The poverty line index sets at least RM661 per month as the minimum to sustain one’s self. Most of the single mothers earn RM550 or less. They have two to three children and have no housing programmes. How are they going to live? We are not even talking about food. And as far as self-help goes, it would not make much of a difference if the government does not step in.  

Solutions 

Wong: We know the cause and the grievances but what can be done?  

Dr Shanmuganathan: Requests and proposals have been made to the Prime Minister seeking his approval to set up a special team under the Prime Minister’s Department or the Economic Planning unit to come up with a guideline to develop Indian businesses. The Malays, for example, have the Perbadanan Nasional Berhad to assist them. All we are asking for is 10% allocation of the same aid. From that allocation, the community can automatically develop for the next 10 years.  

Wong: I’ve heard talk about affirmative action for the Indians. Do you think this is practical? 

Devakunjari: It depends on what you mean by affirmative action. My concern is that the existing policies are not being filtered into something tangible that can be delivered. There is a Minimum Standards Act, for example, to regulate the welfare of the plantation workers and yet it is not being enforced.  

Dr Ramasamy: It is very simple. Indians want the opportunities and equal rights.  

Wong: But isn’t there an Indian quota prepared for university entries?  

Devakunjari: It does not seem that way.  

Dr Denison: University admission issues aside, we have to look at the fundamentals of education first. We have to look at the grassroots – the pre-school and primary school. And as we move along, we have to consider business windows and other opportunities for the community. What I’m saying is that what has been promised by the government in OPP 3, RMK8 and RMK9 must be delivered. And one of the suggestions that Mapen 2 requested was for an independent monitoring mechanism.  

Wong: Who would run this mechanism? 

Dr Denison: Representatives from civil societies. We need such mechanisms to make sure the process is one of transparency.  

Wong: What type of programmes would you all like to see to address all these grouses? 

Devakunjari: We would like to see excellent education opportunities from pre-school right up to higher education and more skills training.  

Dr Shanmuganathan: Going back to single mothers, in my office I have set up a training centre for them. We teach them marketing, business, hands-on work and so forth. After training, we find jobs for them and then we monitor them for at least a year. At the time they come to us, they earn on average about RM550 but we have assured them that if they follow our advice, they can make up to RM5,000 per month. So far we’ve helped about 225 single mothers.  

Dr Ramasamy: Fundamentally, if the Government is serious about it and makes it a national commitment to resolve the issue, Indians will feel that they have a place in society. 

 

 

Time to drop the jesters


ON THE BEAT
By WONG CHUN WAI


CREDIBLE candidates – that’s the key phrase in the coming general election. That means those whose names have been tainted should be dropped as contenders.

We know who they are with their off-colour and controversial statements, often racist and sexist, but they would probably believe it is their right to be retained.

Their disregard for parliamentary decorum in the Dewan Rakyat and inability to be civil has shamed their party and surely their constituents. To put it bluntly – they have no class.

Then, there are one or two who have made news headlines for the wrong reasons, simply by flouting their wealth.

Their outrageous behaviour, including those of their supporters, have made many Malaysians question if they have any right to keep their Yang Berhormat (Right Honourable) titles.

In short, Malaysians would like to see them retired off in the coming polls. If not all, at least most of them, and it would not be wrong to suggest that it would be the wish list of many Malaysians.

There is no reason why the likes of Port Klang assemblyman Datuk Zakaria Deros, Datuk Bung Moktar Radin (BN-Kinabatangan) and Datuk Mohd Said Yusuf (BN-Jasin) should still be retained.

Their constant appearance in the Roll of Shame for 2007 is sufficient reason to have them removed; surely Umno has enough talent to fill their places.

Some Umno officials have admitted their dilemma – some of these jesters have political clout at the division level in their parliamentary constituencies.

Given the rural or semi-rural set-up of their areas, they have performed well for their voters but the urban voters, who read the newspapers, on the other hand, are not amused.

Given the structure of Umno, where division chiefs are powerful figures who can decide the fate of party leaders, these culprits have often escaped with a slap on the wrist.

Take Datuk Badruddin Amiruldin (BN-Jerai). He had to retract his remarks at the Dewan Rakyat twice last year, including attacking Karpal Singh (DAP-Bukit Glugor) who is on a wheelchair “as a punishment from God” and for using a vulgar word.

He provoked a woman MP by asking “what type of a woman would last with someone like the MP from Batu Gajah” but he holds a powerful position in Umno as the deputy permanent chairman of the annual Umno general assembly. A deputy speaker, that is.

Last year at the party conference, he irked Malaysians again with his “tunnel” joke about the tight skirts of Air Asia stewardesses,

Like others, his supporters have defended his record and, in all fairness to Badruddin, he is essentially a very nice person whose sense of humour sometimes goes off tangent. He speaks a smattering of Hokkien and his popularity with his Chinese voters is well known.

He is unlikely to be dropped but he has to be more cautious of his statements in Parliament. Still, he is palatable to most, even his critics.

But there are some who owe their voters plenty of explanation.

Syed Hood Syed Edros (BN-Parit Sulong) suggested that all crosses in missionary schools should be removed and church influence in these schools be stopped – it must rank as one of the most unacceptable remarks.

He later backtracked, realising his mistake, but he has lost plenty of goodwill and respect.

During the debate, he was supported by Datuk Mohd Aziz (BN-Sri Gading), where it was alleged that some schools were open during Hari Raya.

Surely they must be aware that Hari Raya is a gazetted holiday and that the claim has no basis.

The Opposition, too, has its share of controversial elected representatives. Lawyer Karpal Singh has a record of name calling, shouting at his fellow MPs as lembu (cows) and bodoh (stupid).

His detractors say he is politically shrewd and ensures he makes the news with these political fights.

The colourful DAP veteran, who is actually a soft-spoken and polite person, has been blasted in the past for poor constituency work but given the anti-establishment sentiment in Penang, he is likely to be fielded and re-elected.

Then, there is Abdul Fatah Harun (PAS-Rantau Panjang), who described divorcees as gatal (randy), saying that based on his observations at gatherings and parties, he noticed that single mothers were not sad about their divorces.

If he is picked again to contest, it would be a non-issue in his conservative constituency and his voters probably do not even know of this controversy, which was debated mostly in the English newspapers.

The fact that he is from PAS would be sufficient enough for his backers.

Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has sent an early message – he wants only credible candidates in the elections.

Over the coming weeks, those who put the Barisan in a tight spot last year can be assured that they won’t be asked to join in the campaigning, let alone contest.

The decibels are up in Penang

THE campaign is already in full swing in Penang, which is set to be the most intensely-fought state in the coming general election.  

At the Rifle Range flats, where over 8,000 votes are at stake for the Bukit Bendera parliamentary seat, which had an electorate of 65,126 in the 2004 general election, Barisan Nasional and Parti Keadilan Rakyat have put up banners and flags.  

It is unlikely that the DAP would give way to PKR to contest in this predominantly Chinese constituency. The DAP has always put its stake here but PKR adviser Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim is visiting the flats today.  

Buntings announcing his visit have been put up while ironically, the DAP rocket is missing at the flats, which the party regards as its territory.  

At Penang Road and Macalister Road, the DAP flags lined the two streets while at the Penang Chinese Town Hall, a huge crowd gathered to listen to the party leaders talk about the Hindraf issue on Saturday.  

But the centre of attraction was DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng, who is said to be leading the party's challenge in Penang.  

A big screen had to put up outside the hall to accommodate the listeners in the state, where urban voters are said to be in an anti-establishment mood.  

But Barisan isn’t taking all these salvoes quietly. MCA deputy president Datuk Seri Chan Kong Choy is in Penang today to meet party leaders and supporters, where its elected representatives are known for their service work.  

On Saturday, Second Finance Minister Tan Sri Nor Mohamed Yakcop showed up at the Methodist Boys School, where the Penang Christian Association for Relief had raised RM350,000 for seven organisations.  

The stakes are high as Barisan holds 38 state seats in Penang: Umno (14), Gerakan (13), MCA (nine) and MIC (two). The DAP and PAS have one each.  

Barisan also has eight parliamentary seats: Umno (4), Gerakan (3) and MCA (1). The DAP has four while Keadilan has one. 

The fight in Penang is for more than just numbers – this is also the home state of Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.  

Barisan has stepped up its campaign by telling Penangites to reject Guan Eng, saying he was from Malacca and an outsider.  

Last week, state Barisan Youth chief Huan Cheng Guan said Penang was not a hotel for outsiders, like Guan Eng, who could “check in and check out” as they pleased.  

He said there was no reason for Penangites to opt for such politicians as there was a large pool of qualified local candidates.  

A DAP official retorted, saying that even the top Gerakan leaders in Penang were not “Penang originals”.  

He cited the example of Bukit Bendera MP Datuk Seri Chia Kwang Chye, who like state executive councillor Teng Chang Yeow, is from Johor while Dr Teng Hock Nan, another Gerakan leader, was born in Kedah. Teng’s other brother, Chang Khim, is a DAP state assemblyman in Selangor.  

But even as the decibels have gone up, there are many uncertainties in the state. No one is sure if acting Gerakan president and Chief Minister Tan Sri Dr Koh Tsu Koon is contesting a state seat.  

He has refused to answer persistent queries from the media but party adviser Datuk Seri Dr Lim Keng Yaik has suggested that Dr Koh could stay in the state. Certainly as acting president, Dr Koh can have much say in where he wants to go although the prerogative is with Pak Lah.  

There is also a precedent – former Gerakan president Tun Dr Lim Chong Eu remained as Chief Minister. Even when Keng Yaik took over the party leadership, he was a Perak state executive councillor.  

But times have changed. It would be awkward, if not a political disadvantage, to be left out of the Cabinet.  

The fate of the MCA state assemblymen is also not clear. Except for Ooi Chuan Aik and Tan Teik Cheng, the rest of the seven MCA men are three-term elected representatives, who must give way to new faces under party rules.  

While the senior assemblymen may have their base of loyal voters, regarded as “goodwill votes,” and essential in a tightly-fought race, fresh faces will also give Barisan an edge.  

The MCA needs more educated, more qualified and more credible leaders to emerge although the present crop of working-class style assemblymen have earned a reputation for being service-oriented.  

For the opposition, the DAP-PKR electoral pact has been slow and leaders from both sides have said, off the record, that the process has been “agonising.”  

Both sides, believing that the anti-establishment mood was going to result in a swing, are holding their cards tight to their chests and unwilling to compromise, believing this is their time.  

Despite the drumbeat, the DAP has also been reluctant to declare a fight for the state government. It has presumably learnt from the bitter experiences of the past.  

The gerrymandering process, which weighs favourably for the semi-rural areas on the mainland, has made the job impossible for the DAP – these seats are safely in the hands of Umno.  

This is a point the MCA, Gerakan and MIC have emphasised to Chinese and Indian voters – you may vote your communities out of the government.  

One faction too many

THE Indian community is shrinking, that’s a fact. If the MIC remains the third biggest component party, it has more to do with history and its partnership with Umno and the MCA in fighting for independence.  

The community now stands at 1.8 million, roughly about 8% of the country’s 26 million population, down from 10% before.  

The number of registered foreign workers is two million and it wouldn’t be wrong to state that there are now more foreigners, mostly Indonesians, than Indians, and that’s not even counting the sizeable illegal workers.  

But the community has never been so split. There are many grievances in the community, with pent-up frustrations of what they perceive as marginalisation from the economy.  

The MIC, especially its president Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu, has been on the receiving end, with sections of Indians charging that the party has not done enough. They also want Samy Vellu to go, saying he has over-stayed.  

The party’s fate has become even more complicated with rivalry within the party, with forces aligned to former deputy president Datuk S. Subramaniam also wanting Samy Vellu out.  

To make matters worse, other smaller Indian parties are also fighting for the community’s affection.  

Although the People’s Progressive Party claims to be multi-racial, it is essentially dominated by Indians.  

PPP president Datuk M. Kayveas has made no bones of how he feels about Samy Vellu and their feuds are well known. It has been reported that the two squared it off at a recent Barisan Nasional meeting.  

Then, there is the Indian Progressive Front (IPF), which has tried for years to be accepted into the Barisan, but has been stopped by the MIC.  

It has remained loyal to the Barisan, with its ability to reach out to the poorest in the community, and its president Tan Sri M.G. Pandithan recently buried the hatchet with Samy Vellu.  

That olive branch has, however, earned the wrath of its members who felt betrayed; for years, they have fought against Samy Vellu within the pro-government mechanism despite being kept out of the coalition.  

Last week, it was reported that the IPF is now split into two factions – one led by an ailing Pandithan and the other by the former secretary-general K. Panjamurai. The latter now leads the newly formed IPF Bersatu.  

Panjamurai said his group would support the Barisan in the coming elections and would back Subramaniam and Kayveas.  

Then, there are the Hindraf leaders who have proven their ability in organising the community and getting thousands of Indians into the streets to protest.  

Their methods may be questioned – and the cost has been high as they are now in Kamunting – but no one should scoff at their ability to rally the Indians.  

But the story doesn’t end here. Businessman Datuk K.S. Nallakarupan, once an ally of Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, has formed Democratic Indian United Party. He’s out to face off with Parti Keadilan Rakyat.  

Then, there are Indian leaders in the PKR and the DAP. It is no secret that they, too, are counting the number of Indian candidates to be fielded and there is already grumbling ahead of the polls. It is a time bomb.  

But the bottom line is that there are no Indian majority seats in this country. Any Indian party depends on the Malay or Chinese votes to win and that’s the reality.  

The MIC has nine parliamentary seats and 19 state seats. They hold positions because the leadership is committed to power sharing among the various ethnic groups.  

But the Hindraf issue, which has gone down badly with Malay voters, can determine the voting trend for the MIC seats. If the Indians themselves decide to be anti-establishment by voting against the Barisan, then it could be a self-inflicted wound. Or triple blow, if the Chinese join in as well.  

Some survey findings have revealed that the crucial Malay voters are angered by the street protest and call for the British royalty to intervene, and this sentiment may work against the MIC candidates.  

Unwittingly, the Indians may join in and vote against their own MIC representatives too. The findings also revealed that the Malay votes, except in certain PAS areas like Kelantan and Kedah, are safely with Umno.  

In short, the Malay votes for Umno is solid despite what the urban middle class may feel about certain issues.  

That’s the political reality. As for the Indian community, they are at a crossroads, with the elections just weeks ahead. 

Facing external market forces

Following the recent bullish run, helped by oil palm plantation stocks, Malaysians had hoped the run would continue ahead of the general election and possibly a Chinese New Year rally. 

There was talk of second and third liner stocks following the blue chips, where ordinary punters would make money from Umno-linked counters and there being a trickle down effect. 

But as the Dow Jones Industrial Average collapsed, the tumbling effect hit the world. When the United States is hit, no one is spared – that’s the reality. 

The Wall Street Journal reported on Tuesday that even the Bank of China appeared increasingly likely to report a large write-down on its investments in US mortgage securities, the result of the sub-prime crisis where huge loans were made to borrowers with weak credit. 

The Fed move – described by many analysts as an “emergency measure” to stem panic and fear sweeping world markets – came after US President George W. Bush announced a stimulus package of US$150bil (RM490bil) for the US economy which was fast sliding into, if not already in, recession.  

For the small Malaysian investors, the question is what should they do in these uncertain and turbulent times? Should they take advantage of the rebound and sell out? Or should they see the rebound as an opportunity to pick up under-valued stocks? 

All eyes will be on Wall Street again tonight (Malaysian time) when the US markets open for trading. When the Fed announced the 0.75% interest rate cut on Tuesday, Wall Street actually ended the session down 128 points. 

It fell more than 300 points during intra day trading on Wednesday but rebounded strongly to end by nearly 300 points. It was a roller coaster ride no doubt. 

The bulls and the bears are still fighting it out. The bulls argue that the problems of the US sub-prime mortgage crisis have already been factored into the market – that the big US banks have already made provisions for losses from their involvement in the sub-prime debacle; and that under the Bush economic stimulus, the hefty rate cut plus the likelihood of another cut when the Fed meets next week will help the US economy to avoid a recession. 

The bears suspect the Fed emergency rate cut shows that the US economy and stock market are in far worse shape than officially acknowledged; that the US government is running out of bullets to fight the impending recession, and that the market turbulence has still to run its course. 

If you have been watching the CNN Richard Quest coverage of the World Economic Forum in Davos, you would have observed how divided the experts are over the state of the US economy.  

A strong recovery over the next couple of trading sessions on Wall Street would be a great relief to the US Government and the bulls; while further falls in the indices would rattle already battered nerves. 

Given this uncertain climate, caution should be the guiding principle for Malaysian stock market punters. 

For punters who did not take advantage of the local market run-up in early January, it’s too late to take profits. For those who are staring at some losses, it’s probably the wrong time to sell. As the saying goes: “You don’t make a loss if you don’t sell.” 

But stockbrokers are telling investors that there are some buying opportunities on Bursa Malaysia. If you are not worried about the volatility that is likely to be a feature on the Malaysian and world stock markets in 2008, and take a medium-term view of three to five years, there are currently some good buys on the Bursa. 

Another point to note: We must make a distinction between the volatility in the stock market and the broader economy. 

It is important to understand that stock market turbulence is very much the result of external factors, emanating from the United States. The US crisis is largely a banking and financial crisis. 

The Malaysian economy remains strong and its fundamentals are largely intact. The Government’s finances are strong with rising revenue from oil and income taxes. The Government’s commitment towards reducing the budget deficit remains on track. The country’s external reserves are very healthy.  

Also, inflation remains manageable. At 2%, it is much lower than inflation in many countries including China, Hong Kong, Singapore and Australia. 

It is a point which many ordinary Malaysians, some used to a pampered life with subsidies, do not realise. The rising cost of goods, unfortunately, is a global trend due to escalating oil prices and the shortage of raw materials. It is essentially out of the Government’s control. 

As Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak pointed out on Wednesday, 30% of items used to measure inflation were mainly price-controlled goods while the others were heavily subsidised items, like fuel. 

The year 2008 will definitely be a more challenging year than 2007 both for the stock market and the economy.  

What can be said is that the Malaysian economy is in a far better position than most to meet the challenges ahead.