He will not nominate himself for a Cabinet post or any government post. It’s a gracious move and he has demonstrated that leaders should always be prepared to take the rap.

Ong, who was elected as the Kulai MP, has also said this would be his last general election, a pledge that he made when he became the party president where he limited the term of a party president to nine years.

He has also come out clean – the Malaysian Voice has spoken loud and clear.

It did not just come from the Chinese or Indian voters but the Malays as well.

The reasons for the big losses by the Barisan are clear and Ong has rightly made his move by focusing on rebuilding the party and to make it stay relevant.

It is understood that four names would be submitted to Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi for him to consider for Cabinet positions – vice-president Datuk Ong Tee Keat, secretary-general Datuk Ong Ka Chuan, Wanita chief Datuk Dr Ng Yen Yen and Youth chief Datuk Liow Tiong Lai.

Ka Chuan, who was elected as the MP for Tanjung Malim, has served for four terms as a state executive councillor in Perak, is reportedly tipped to be the Housing and Local Government Minister.

Tee Keat, who was the Deputy Higher Education Minister, is said to be proposed as the Transport Minister, the former post of deputy president Datuk Seri Chan Kong Choy.

For the first time in MCA history, both the president and deputy president are not holding Cabinet posts. In fact, Chan did not contest the general election.

Another vice-president Datuk Seri Dr Fong Chan Onn, who was re-elected, is said to be staying out of the Cabinet to allow the rejuvenation process.

The talk is that Dr Ng would be Health Minister. Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek, who was Health Minister, quit his party and government positions early this year. He was a party vice-president.

Liow, certainly a rising star in the MCA, could possibly be the Human Resources Minister.

It is a ministry that he is familiar with as he served as a political secretary under Tan Sri Lim Ah Lek, who then held the minister’s post.

With the party required to hold its elections within three months, the MCA would now go through a difficult time.

The blame game has already started.

The salvoes have already been fired with former party secretary-general Tan Sri Ting Chew Peh and veteran Datuk Yap Pian Hon reportedly blaming the party’s rejuvenation strategy for the party’s dismal showing.

But Dr Chua has rejected such argument, saying the Opposition had many new candidates and yet made a big sweep of seats, saying it was the “lack of addressing fresh issues that caused the debacle.”

The next three months would be crucial for the MCA leadership.

Ka Ting and others would have to make efforts to boost the morale of the members, who would still be in the process of healing from the wounds of the election defeats and at the same time, attempt to ensure the contest for party polls would not get out of hand.

It would be a trying time. Caught up in the euphoria of the anti-establishment sentiments, the Chinese voters were not convinced by the good work of the MCA in education. It was not good enough as they sought to punish the Barisan.

A fight in the MCA would be the last thing the party needs to win over the Chinese voters, particularly when communal politics would now be seen differently.

It would be more important for members to stabilise the party, examine its approaches at a time when political parties chose the path of multi-racialism to win the young voters.

And as one academician puts it, do leaders of “BC” – before computers – have a place in politics in comparison to younger leaders of “AD”- audio-digital who see issues from a different perspective.

Changing leaders is one thing but changing the politics of the MCA may be more urgent in the coming years.

ANALYSIS BY WONG CHUN WAI 

LET’S get used to some things. The likelihood is that the DAP secretary-general will soon be known as Yang Amat Berhormat Lim Guan Eng and in Selangor, possibly his Parti Keadilan Rakyat counterpart will be known as Yang Amat Berhormat Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim.  

In Selangor, Perak and Kedah, the former state government heads – Datuk Seri Dr Mohd Khir Toyo, Datuk Seri Tajol Rosli Ghazali and Datuk Seri Mahdzir Khalid – will be opposition leaders in the state legislative assemblies.  

That needs a lot of getting used to for the political establishment but it is the result of the political tsunami that hit Malaysia on Saturday.  

And 24 hours later, as Malaysians still recover from the shock, the players are still trying to make sense of the results.  

Still coming to terms with the worst electoral results for the Barisan Nasional, the top leaders huddled at the 39th floor of the Putra World Trade Centre in the early hours yesterday and appeared briefly for a press conference.  

There was really not much to talk about for Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and his deputy, Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak.  

In a rather ironic situation, the media asked Pak Lah to pose for photographs by raising Najib’s hand when Barisan achieved a simple majority to form the federal government. But there was nothing to celebrate.  

It was a close call and, until the winds of change stopped blowing, no one dared to even predict the final outcome.  

Yesterday, there was unusual silence on the political front. The opposition victors wisely stayed away from any celebrations, so as not to create unnecessary misunderstanding.  

Clearly, even the opposition politicians could not believe that they had landed the two jewels of Malaysia – Penang and Selangor – while winning Perak and Kedah and retaining Kelantan.  

Winning elections is one thing but now comes the more difficult part – running a government, with the Barisan still holding on to the federal government.  

There is the complexity of the government structure, from the state secretariat to state-owned agencies and government-linked companies to the many city and district councils.  

Many of these people involved in the machineries are Barisan personalities, or more precisely, Umno members. 

No doubt, it would be a challenge to make the new state governments function smoothly. 

That’s not all. The business community, long used to dealing with the mentris besar or chief ministers, would have to start all over again. The judgment will be at the Bursa Malaysia.  

With Penang and Selangor as the most industrialised states, the economic implications will be enormous, especially with the Trade and Industry Ministry is still under the Barisan federal government.  

There are more implications in the tsunami’s aftermath. Clearly, all eyes will now be on Abdullah and his next step. 

The Barisan now has to take a serious review of itself. The Old Politics is over, that is a fact.  

The Opposition, especially PKR, has managed to offer a more multi-racial outlook, with younger candidates. As a product, it worked, and its appeal seemed to reach across to all races.  

Even with Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim openly saying that he would do away with affirmative action for bumiputras, the party continued to get the Malay votes. Issues on economic opportunities and education have always been sore points with non-bumiputras and it needs to be addressed. 

A new Barisan Nasional, possibly even a one-party multi-racial organisation, is an option for the leadership to consider. 

Old parties, all over the world, have always faced such identity problems, and Umno, the MCA and the MIC will be no exceptions.  

In the years to come, convincing younger voters to support a party purely on communal grounds will become tougher, even as Barisan has advocated multi-racialism as a coalition.  

In the age of Barack Obama, who is only 47, the Barisan component parties need fresh faces to appeal to the young voters of the coming years.  

Barisan needs to reinvent, rebrand and re-examine itself to stay relevant. It has to be bold enough to admit its mistakes if it wishes to be accepted by the people.  

The next round will be even tougher for Barisan.  

The opposition parties, with Penang and Selangor under their control, will have stronger financial muscles for the next fight. 

A two-party system seems likely to evolve from the outcome of this general election. The first page of the new Malaysian political era opens today. Certainly, the elections may have ended but the drama has only just started. Stay tuned.

The Women, Family and Community Development Minister said she had tried her best but gave an assurance that she was calm. 

From Penang, my colleagues sent messages that Gerakan acting president Tan Sri Dr Koh Tsu Koon was trailing newcomer Dr P. Ramasamy in the Batu Kawan parliamentary seat.  

The Gerakan, MCA and MIC were all wiped out, they said. 

It became clear by 9pm that the Opposition had snatched the state from the Barisan, sending shockwaves throughout the country as Malaysians braced for more shocks. 

In Sungai Siput, MIC president Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu put on a brave front as feedback came from his supporters that he had lost his parliamentary seat.  

He told them he was going home for a bath and did not return. 

In the words of many politicians, it was a political tsunami.  

There was more, Kedah also fell to the Opposition, then Selangor and Perak. 

The wounds inflicted by the Opposition were easily the worst for the Barisan.  

Even in 1969, the then Alliance only lost Penang and Kelantan.  

In Penang, the then opposition Gerakan, together with DAP and Parti Rakyat, won 20 seats against the Alliance’s four.  

In Kelantan, PAS had 19 and the Alliance 19. 

The People’s Progressive Party could have formed the state government if it had decided to forge a coalition with Gerakan, PAS and the DAP but the PPP refused. 

The PPP was just two seats short of forming the government but it refused to work with Gerakan, DAP and PAS.  

Even in that onslaught, Kedah remained safely in the hands of the Alliance with 14 seats against PAS’ eight and Gerakan’s two. 

Last night’s results stunned Barisan leaders and the media.  

They expected the winds of change to come to Penang and Kedah but they missed out on Selangor, certainly the jewel in the crown for the Opposition this time around. 

Barisan had focused its attention on the anti-establishment sentiments of the non-Malays but overlooked the mood of the Malay voters in some states.  

There was even a sense of denial in some ways. 

For Barisan, they had expected some dents in the predominantly Chinese areas and a serious challenge from PAS in the east coast states but certainly not in Selangor and Perak.  

While the non-Malays had their share of unhappiness, there were issues that cut across all races such as the cost of living, corruption, mismanagement and security. 

At the grassroots level, there were perceptions that Barisan, following the massive win in the 2004 polls, had become too strong and that there was a need for a strong check and balance.  

In 2004, the Barisan had 198 seats against 21 for the Opposition. 

The voters, especially those in the urban areas, obviously wanted to send a strong message to the leadership.  

They wanted their MPs to be more humble and certainly more careful with their choice of words, whether at their party assemblies or in Parliament. 

But there is a big mess to be cleared – new state governments will be formed in Penang, Selangor, Kedah and Perak.  

As at press time, PKR secretary-general Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim is expected to be made the new Selangor Mentri Besar and almost likely, his predecessor Datuk Seri Dr Mohd Khir Toyo, the opposition leader.  

In Penang, DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng will likely be the new Chief Minister.  

But federal-state relations will never be the same again.  

With the Barisan still in control of the Federal Government, it may even review its numerous projects in states lost to the Opposition.  

As the most industrialised state in Malaysia, Selangor will be affected in many ways. 

At local government level, there will be massive changes as politically-appointed councillors will have to make way. 

At 12.30am, the Barisan had secured a simple majority to form the government although there were neck-and-neck races in many seats.  

At the end of the day, however, the clear winner was the democratic system in Malaysia.  

Despite claims to the contrary, the 12th general election proved that democracy was very much alive in the country.  

ON THE BEAT WITH WONG CHUN WAI

WE have now entered the second half of the fight. The general election is exactly seven days from now and Malaysians can expect the battle for the hearts and minds by our politicians to be tougher, if not, dirtier. 

The battlegrounds are in Penang, Terengganu and Kelantan, where the hardest campaigns are being fought. 

There is no place for slip-ups as the contest in the 2008 general election enters into the most crucial period. 

In Penang, the Barisan Nasional, especially the MCA and Gerakan, is taking on one of its fiercest fights against the opposition led by the DAP.  

The DAP is on the offensive by fielding its top guns in the state. Riding on the anti-establishment sentiments of the predominantly Chinese areas, the DAP has attracted large crowds to their ceramah but whether this would be translated into votes would be another thing. 

DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng, with much help from de facto opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, is heading the battle here. 

But Barisan top guns, including Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and Gerakan president Tan Sri Dr Koh Tsu Koon, are also taking them head-on, well aware of the stakes at hand. 

MCA deputy president Datuk Seri Chan Kong Choy, who is not seeking re-election, will spend the next few days entirely on the Penang campaign. 

While no one expects the state to fall into opposition, the Barisan also does not want to lose its two-thirds majority. 

Learning from the past when Penangites rejected the DAP for attempting to wrest the state from the Barisan, the opposition has stopped talking of coming into power but they certainly hope that Penangites would go overboard by tilting the power structure. 

The DAP has cleverly played to the emotions of Penang voters by hammering away at Umno and even ignoring traditionally hot issues like Chinese schools because the federal government has announced huge pre-polls allocations, which is the effort of the MCA. 

Still harping on the keris issue, they hope to sway the Chinese voters. But any political adventure by the Chinese voters could end up with the Chinese power within the system eroded.  

The Malay votes, on the other hand, are likely to be solidly behind Umno. 

So, instead of wanting to punish Umno for the statements by one or two leaders, the community could end up punishing political parties representing their interests in government. 

The same predicament is faced by the MCA and Gerakan in Perak, Selangor and Kuala Lumpur, where the same fights are being fought. 

Like the Indian population, which stands at 1.6 million, the Chinese community is also shrinking and it now stands at around six million of the 25 million population in Malaysia.  

In Kelantan, the state is another battleground, where PAS has found its power being chipped away strongly by Umno. Although the Islamist party still has its grip on the state, reports says that the Barisan is not far behind in the race. 

The Barisan is turning its guns to 14 PAS state seats that were won by a majority of less than 10% in 2004 while it is confident of retaining its 13 seats. 

Both sides are racing against time to woo Kelantanese voters who work in other states to return home to vote on March 8. 

The Barisan has even named a Mentri Besar designate, Datuk Awang Adek Husin, to show its seriousness. 

In Terengganu, the fight between PAS and Umno has continued with PAS hoping to end the five-year rule by Barisan. 

But after having tasted the development brought by Barisan, the voters may not want the state to return to the opposition which ruled it for 18 years. 

The Barisan has transformed the once sleepy fishing state into an international arena, where world-class events are being held. 

The state is now led by a more dynamic leadership under Datuk Seri Idris Jusoh, a former corporate figure, who is being challenged by the turbaned Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang, who is known for his religious ultra-conservatism. 

Over the next one week, it could well be the longest period for these contenders. In past elections, the campaigning period would have ended by now but this time around, we are just entering the second half. 

Friday February 29, 2008

COMMENT BY WONG CHUN WAI

IT has gripped the attention of the nation. So much dirty linen has been washed, so much mud thrown and so many amazing tales told that Malaysians must be wondering who to believe.  

Now that the Royal Commission has completed its investigations into the Lingam video clip affair, let’s take a step back and assess what the mass of evidence, allegations and disclosures really mean for us, Malaysians.  

Was it necessary for the dirty linen to be washed in public over 17 days? How much of it was the truth?  

Was it necessary for some sorry episodes in the history of the judiciary – former Chief Justice Tun Eusoff Chin’s holiday in New Zealand with lawyer Datuk V.K. Lingam certainly falls into that category – to be dredged up and dissected?  

What was the point in reproducing old pictures, where family members who have no part in the controversy, found themselves named and their photographs published?  

Was it necessary to embarrass the august institution of the judiciary with allegations of case-fixing and other improper behaviour?  

Was it necessary for the Government to push for a commission hearing that seemed, at times, to cast a shadow of shame over the whole country?  

Yes. Yes. Yes. Yes.  

Despite the misgivings of some Malaysians, the inquiry has given us a chance to come clean about an institution that has been manhandled over the past two decades.  

How can we even begin to rehabilitate this so important body if we do not understand the battery of illnesses that affects it?  

The whispering campaign about judge-shopping and other allegations of wrongdoing has been building up over the years to the point that it has prompted some foreign companies to insist that their legal disputes be settled through arbitration outside the country.  

This trend is more shameful than any mud that was flung during the commission hearing.  

It would have been easy for the administration to pay lip service to concerns about the Lingam video clip.  

It could have made the right noises and switched the channel after a week or so. We have to admit that it is the news cycle, which often dictates our attention span on an issue.  

Also, by and large, Malaysians are more interested in bread-and-butter issues.  

But the video clip issue did not disappear because Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi knows that a Malaysia without strong institutions will be a country without a soul.  

After all, the courts provide the public with their only chance of seeking justice. It is their last refuge in the face of oppression and when wronged.  

Abdullah has tried to protect the institutions by appointing straight shooters like the late Tan Sri Abdul Malek Ahmad as the Court of Appeal President.  

Datuk K.C. Vohrah, a retired Court of Appeal judge, noted recently that Abdul Malek should have been made Chief Justice for his principles and steadfast adherence to fair play and justice.  

“The late Malek was an uncommon Malaysian, whose most important characteristic was his natural and tremendous sense of fair play and his unquestioned integrity.  

“He was the Chief Justice that this fair country should have had but never did,” he said at a remembrance event organised by Universiti Malaya and the Malaysian Inner Temple Alumni Association in memory of the former President of the Court of Appeal who died on May 31 last year.  

Similarly when Abdullah appointed Datuk Abdul Hamid Mohamad as the Chief Justice late last year, it was evident that he was interested in restoring order and credibility to the judiciary.  

Only if good people are put at the top of an institution, will it flourish and give confidence to Malaysians and investors. 

Don’t take my word for it. Let’s just turn back the pages of history and recall some of the illustrious names who led the Malaysian judiciary during its days of glory – the late Tun Mohamed Suffian Hashim and Sultan Azlan Shah to name a couple.  

It is not only the judiciary that will benefit from having good men and women at the helm. Even the reforms in the police force and the civil service have a better chance of succeeding because Tan Sri Musa Hassan is the Inspector-General of Police and Tan Sri Mohd Sidek Hassan is the Chief Secretary to the Government. 

There is much truth in the saying that the fish starts rotting from the head.  

For the Royal Commission members, the hearing is over but their work is only beginning. Over the next few weeks, they will receive written submissions from various parties, deliberate over the information given by 21 witnesses and then get down to the serious job of making their findings.  

Anyone following the inquiry can tell you that some individuals were sparing with the truth.  

They huffed and puffed and even made light of the situation. But this was no laughing matter. At the centre of this hearing was the credibility of an institution that all Malaysians have a stake in.  

It is hoped that the panel will not only be clear in their views about the video clip and the main actors but also recommend suggestions on how the selection and promotion of judges can be strengthened.  

Only by doing so can it help an administration that is keen to improve the health of the judiciary and all other institutions here.  

Only by doing so will it prevent a future generation of Malaysians from having to sit through another session of painful revelations years down the road.  

On The Beat

By WONG CHUN WAI

FOR a brief moment, the crowd was clearly stunned. Even the Penang reporters covering the MCA dinner at the Esplanade on Friday night could not believe what Datuk Seri Ong Ka Ting had just said.  

The MCA president had told the crowd that this would be the last time he was contesting in the general election.  

With his youthful appearance, not many people could believe that the 51-year-old politician wanted to limit his political career.  

But Ong had begun his helm in the MCA by limiting the terms of the party president to only nine years or three terms. It was a dramatic move to ensure that a leader would not cling on to power forever.  

A strong advocate of party rejuvenation and giving new talents a chance, Ong wanted to make himself an example.  

Taking a jab at the opposition, he said, “In the opposition, a candidate can keep contesting until he is old” – an apparent reference to DAP veterans approaching their 70s.  

Ong was appointed party president in 2003 and retained his post in 2005. He has been Housing and Local Government Minister since 1999.  

He has also brought into the party’s fold many aides and researchers who are in their 30s and 40s, believing that they will introduce fresh directions and new ways of doing things.  

It is a bold but calculated move to ensure that the MCA remains relevant at a time when the voters have become younger and surely more demanding.  

In the United States, presidential hopeful Barack Obama is 47 years old and for many college-educated voters, he is their man.  

They see in him their call for change and his lack of experience an advantage as they shun the old politics of the establishment.  

His opponent in the Democratic Party is Hillary Clinton, 60, and should Republican John McCain make it to the White House, he would be 72 by then, making him the oldest president.  

Within the Barisan, there are also incumbent MPs, some in their 60s, who still find it difficult to retire.  

Some have been reluctant to announce their readiness to make way for younger candidates, hoping against hope that they would still be given another shot.  

A few seem to imply they are indispensable and that they will only be able to retain the seats for the Barisan Nasional, using anti-establishment sentiments as their argument.  

It is a problem that Barisan chairman Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has to deal with in every general election.  

Worse, he cannot interfere in the running of component parties, where some of their party chiefs, in their 70s, put their names on their lists. And they themselves cannot hear the loud voices from the people that they should go.  

Shockingly and hypocritically, they talk about bringing in “new blood” and of their “unfinished work”. Of course, it is always for the country and the people. Haven’t we heard that before?  

Used to the perks and power that go with the job of an elected representative, many find it hard to let go.  

Using all sorts of tactics, they get their supporters to hold press conferences to announce their support for them, ambush their party bosses at airports, send their wives to meet their bosses’ spouses and some even break down and weep shamelessly.  

But this is part of the melodrama that builds up during every election, where politicians so often put their ambition first before ideals and principles.  

It is the same in the opposition, where statements have been issued against their party leaders and tantrums thrown because they have not been picked to contest the elections.  

And of course, they, too, say that their entry into politics is to fight for justice, against abuses of power and to strive for accountability. Never personal glory, naturally.  

In a survey conducted among young people in the United States, many said they could not recall then presidential-hopeful Bill Clinton appearing in a talk show, wearing dark shades, playing Heartbreak Hotel on his saxophone.  

Clinton’s cool appearance won him support from the young and minority groups, as with Obama now. But that was 16 years ago and now, the young do not even know the show’s host Arsenio Hall, who remarked, “It is good to see a Democrat blow something beside the election.”  

In this age of YouTube and Facebook, Malaysia is not doing justice if we still have to have those from Jurassic Park lead us.  

By the way, it was a blockbuster movie and it was 15 years ago. Never heard of it, our young will tell us.  

In short, political and economic stability will always be the priority of the middle class. The street protests may be about the right to demonstrate, but is also the quickest way to lose votes. 

For Middle Class Malaysia, these protests equate to traffic disruption, loss of business, inconvenience and chaos. 

An opinion poll conducted by the International Islamic University has revealed that the cost of living, social issues, the crime rate and illegal immigrants are issues that worry Malaysian voters the most. 

Despite loud criticism by the opposition against the leadership ahead of the polls, Malaysians are generally satisfied with the leadership. Only 1% of the 2,930 respondents polled in 13 states took issue with it. 

But the food bill issue, however, is not just a Malaysian issue. It has become a global issue. The Singapore Straits Times of Feb 4 front-paged Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong's call to Singaporeans to adjust. 

He said the concerns of Singaporeans had been heard and were being addressed, but Singaporeans needed to work together to tackle the fears. 

The opposition here in Malaysia has promised to lower the prices of essential goods, and even of petrol, if it captures the government. 

But what has driven prices up? The global price of crude oil is at a record high and this has pushed up transportation charges; the drought in Australia and snowstorms in China have affected food production; and farmers have dumped food crops for plants that cater to petrol-substitute ethanol. 

China and India, which have become more affluent, are consuming more, with food producers preferring the two gigantic markets. 

Still, even in China, overall inflation is running at a 10-year high – around 6.9% in November year-on-year with pork, a staple meat, spiking to 60% year-on-year.  

Worldwide, the financial markets are in turbulence, and the United States, the world’s largest consumer market, is heading into a recession, if it is not already in one. 

Companies listed on major stock markets, which rely heavily on the US market, find their prices dropping massively. 

Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has taken early steps to plug the holes. These include the setting up of the National Price Council, which has announced a national stockpile of essential goods, such as rice and cooking oil, to ensure that prices and supply remain stable at all times. 

The council, chaired by the Prime Minister himself, will monitor, advice and oversee the Government’s price policy, competitive market structures and the efficiency of subsidy schemes. 

Not many people shared Pak Lah’s agriculture policy, which he mooted when he took over the leadership, as we are so used to fast-paced industrialisation. 

Now, he has been proven right. “Agflation”, referring specifically to rises in prices of agricultural commodities, has suddenly become a buzzword. 

Last week, he did justice in ending the decades of uncertainty faced by 913 farmers in Perak, giving them 30-year leases to the 2,903ha land they had been toiling on. 

In Kuala Kluang and Kanthan, these farmers produce some 60,000kg of vegetables a day for the folks in the Klang Valley, while in Ladang Bikam and Coldstream New Village, the mangoes, papayas, starfruit and guavas they harvest are exported to Singapore, Hong Kong, Dubai and Europe. 

It is a recognition of these farmers, who make our lives easier and better with these fresh supplies of greens to our markets. 

It may seem a cliché, but Malaysians really are much luckier than many others. The cost of living is certainly almost the lowest, but the standard of living are among the highest, in the region. These two terms are often mistakenly used by many. 

Subsidies are provided for the people, from fuel to flour to education, which now make up RM40bil of the bill, which for Malaysians have become the norm.  

In other countries, including Singapore and Thailand, petrol prices often fluctuate, depending on market prices of crude oil. Again, not many Malaysian motorists are aware of this. 

It must be noted that 30% of the items used to measure inflation are priced-controlled or subsidised. More importantly, the Malaysian economy has remained healthy, helped by revenue from oil, while continuing efforts to reduce the budget deficit are on track, and external reserves remain healthy. 

Crime, as expected, ranked high on the survey. Some of the measures taken by the Government may not take off immediately, but short- and middle-term actions have been taken. 

On the Government’s part, RM8bil has been allocated to fight crime, which includes the purchase of a high-technology integrated communications system, 3,000 patrol cars and 4,000 motorcycles.  

The Government has also approved the recruitment of 60,000 police personnel over the next five years. 

The fight for the votes in the elections will be about which political party can assure the Malaysian Middle Class that it can deliver the bread and butter. 

On The Beat

By WONG CHUN WAI

IT doesn’t look like it will happen in Malaysia for a long, long time. The world is currently glued to the US presidential elections where the front-runners in the primaries include an African-American and a woman.  

The Americans do not care if their candidate is black, yellow or white as long as he or she is the right person. Their supporters comprise Americans of all races and gender. Throughout the campaign, candidates have so far managed to stay clear from race and gender. 

More important, Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton, both Democrats, have debated in a civil and intelligent manner, focusing on substantial issues.  

Young Malaysians following the race must have surely asked when our politicians would live up to such qualities.  

For a start, those who have overstayed must know when to leave.  

Most of the voters are finding it difficult to swallow the argument put up by these leaders that they still need time to carry out their work.  

Surely, they can’t expect us to believe them after holding on to their posts for decades.  

Used to walking the corridors of power and enjoying the prestige and perks that come with their positions, many find it hard to be like us, ordinary Malaysians, again.  

The thought of not seeing their names and pictures in the newspapers must be difficult to fathom.  

By clinging on to their posts, it is also an insult to their party members because the impression, which they like to create, is that no one else is suitable to take over.  

No one else seems good enough to fill their shoes. You find these politicians on both sides of the political divide; they seem to be there forever. 

Then there are those who have had their chances. They had served in various capacities but had to quit in the most controversial situations.  

Now in their 60s, the age when most Malaysians are thinking of spending time with their grandchildren and watching the sunset with their loved ones, they dream of staging a comeback.  

Some of these figures do not even know how to surf the Internet and have no inkling of what young people are saying about them in cyberspace.  

They probably assume that the new voters, like their grandchildren, have forgotten the trouble they had landed themselves into, or the huge embarrassment they had caused their party.  

Their renewed ambitions must be difficult for the younger leaders in the party, especially those in their 40s and 50s, who have worked faithfully and are waiting in the wings.  

Then there are one or two Mentris Besar or Chief Ministers.  

It’s amazing how some of them seem to assume that their respective states are their personal fiefdoms.  

They show their displeasure at even the slightest suggestion that they ought to contest a parliamentary seat. 

They lobby to remain at their posts but then advise the other state assemblymen that they must abide by what their party bosses tell them to do.  

Also, there are those who still continue to play the race card, in this age and time. 

At their party conferences each year, they play to the gallery by projecting themselves as the communal heroes.  

But during the general election, they shamelessly become the true Malaysian leaders we dream of. 

They greet their voters in Malay, English, Mandarin and Tamil; and if they can speak all these languages fluently, they would do so.  

But for the rest of the five years until the next general election, they would insist only on one language for us.  

Never mind if we all know that they send their children to boarding schools in England or Australia. 

Some, it is said, have homes there, too.  

Of course, they are upset if we do not send our children to national schools, questioning our loyalty to the country.  

Suddenly, all these languages are used in posters, bunting and advertisements, and you wonder why Malaysia cannot be like this every day. 

Why can’t we embrace such Malaysian features and why must multi-culturalism be acceptable only during election campaigns?  

Such an unusual degree of tolerance and flexibility seems almost unbelievable. 

Even PAS is prepared to stop talking about an Islamic state during the elections but throughout the next five years, we can be sure they will tell us how certain principles cannot be compromised on religious grounds.  

Politicians are also busy visiting places of worship and meeting religious leaders, including those of other faiths.  

Yet we know we will continue to grapple with various bureaucratic problems relating to faith issues because these same politicians will struggle to stand up for the rights of all citizens once the election season is over.  

Fortunately, there are many who take their positions as MPs and assemblymen seriously. They work hard, help their constituents and speak with decorum.  

They are a credit to their party and the people who voted them in. 

How we wish we could have elections more regularly instead of just once every four or five years.  

But hey, good things don’t happen every day.  

Let’s enjoy all the attention while we still can. 

It’s good to tell the politicians what we want once every four or five years and do our best to hold them to their promises – every single day.