On The Beat

By WONG CHUN WAI

IF is there is one thing true sportsmen learn from day one is that you shake the hands of your rivals after a game.  

You congratulate them, sulk all you want in the changing room and then go back to the training ground to gear yourself up for the next match.  

The winner, on the other hand, should not gloat over his win and be unnecessarily arrogant.  

And of course, the last thing you want is to have your fans, whether of the winners or losers, to go to the streets to cause mischief.  

The politicians in Penang should take a leaf from true sportsmen. Not the sort one watches on the English Premier League, where arrogant footballers abuse the referee and throw tantrums, even when they wear the captain’s armband.  

The impression one gets after the protest by Umno leaders at Komtar on Friday is that they are bad losers.  

The reality is that the DAP, with the support of PKR and PAS, has formed the Penang state government and DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng is now the Chief Minister.  

It is hard for the Barisan Nasional, especially Umno, to accept the fact that they are in opposition but the people have decided. For the next five years, the DAP will be running the state and the Barisan must learn to live with that.  

Tan Sri Dr Koh Tsu Koon, who was knocked out in the elections, graciously accepted the loss like a true gentleman. He called up the Penang DAP chief Chow Kon Yeow to congratulate him and promised a smooth handing over of power.  

He turned up at the swearing-in ceremony of Lim, difficult as it may have been; he has earned the respect of most Penangites, even those who had been highly critical of him when he was Chief Minister.  

He has also called on the federal government to continue with projects such as the Second Penang Bridge, Penang Outer Ring Road, monorail and the public transport system despite the calls from Penang Umno to scrap it.  

Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, too, conceded defeat in the states even before the official announcements were made.  

Despite the allegations of massive rigging and cheating, the opposition won five states. That means democracy is alive in Malaysia and just as the Elections Commission has been bashed, it now deserves to be commended for carrying out a fair election.  

The police, too, came under criticism but they displayed their professionalism in carrying out their responsibilities, like good referees do. Inspector General of Police Tan Sri Musa Hassan has our salute.  

But it is something else for the Penang Umno leaders. Having criticised the opposition for street gatherings previously, they should not stoop to that level; the communal slant is certainly regrettable.  

They disrupted the traffic at Komtar and the shopkeepers had to shut down their businesses, which was no different from the Bersih and Hindraf street protests in Kuala Lumpur which we condemned.  

There should be no place for political grandstanding or emotive outbursts, as lawyer Zaid Ibrahim correctly said on a news website, as the winners and losers grapple with the results. For sure, there should be no fanning of communal sentiments.  

At the same time, Lim cannot be simply left off the hook. Call it political inexperience if you want, but it was wrong for him to announce that he would end the affirmative actions of the New Economic Policy from day one. That gave his opponents plenty of fire to shoot him and certainly he doesn’t need it as he tries to run a state government, which won’t be easy for him. He needs to realise that his government machinery is predominantly Malay and many Malays also voted for the DAP.  

There is nothing wrong with the NEP, only its implementation. Lim has to ensure that the NEP benefits the poor and not the rich with political connections. No one would fault him for that.  

These are early days for all sides. Opposition parties can no longer be called opposition at state levels and they are struggling to keep the governments running, realising the complexities of it now.  

The Barisan component parties, with internal polls for Umno and MCA ahead, have gone on to the blame game. It will certainly not help them redeem their dented image and may cause a further slide.  

Their priority is to reassess themselves and to ask how radical the changes they need to make to remain relevant – or will they stick to the old mould?  

The Barisan is still in charge at federal level and they have many chances to make populist decisions if they want to.  

We have to face the fact that the political landscape in Malaysia has changed. The New Politics has emerged with cross-ethnicity voting taking place and no one party dares say it is fully entrenched. 

COMMENT
By WONG CHUN WAI

THE SMS has got to be the most effective weapon in helping the Opposition knock out the Barisan Nasional. With over 22 million mobile subscribers, the SMS link connected urban and rural Malaysia such that news in one part of the country reached another part in mere seconds.

Three hours before polling closed, Malaysians were flooded with messages alleging electoral fraud in several constituencies contested by key Barisan leaders. That was enough to further raise the political temperatures of many Malaysians, who had already made up their mind to vote against the coalition.

There were more blows to come. Umno Youth deputy leader Khairy Jamaluddin was accused of being in a sex video. Those who took the trouble to check the blog found it didn't even resemble him, but the question remains – how many people were duped into believing this rumour or took the trouble to check?

Some of these messages were serious and direct but most poked fun at the Barisan. And certainly they worked effectively in this general election.

The bloggers and alternative media also inflicted serious wounds onto the Barisan but the impact may not be as strong as it has been made out to be. Admittedly, Urban Malaysia preferred these channels of information to the mainstream media, which certainly was part of the debacle of the Barisan defeat.

But it was the mammoth-sized ceramah, especially in Penang, that translated into votes, especially in the western states of Penang, Perak, Selangor and Kedah.

New Media analyst Oon Yeoh correctly commented in an article that the Internet was mainly for city folk. Many rural folk do not have access to the Internet and so did not benefit from information sent via online media, blogs or e-mail, he said.

During his visit to Jelutong, where blogger Jeff Ooi contested, Oon found out that most voters had barely heard of Jeff's blog and even fewer had visited it. It was the Chinese dailies, according to Ooi, who helped make him a known face to Penangites.

Oon wrote that one of the volunteers, a 42-year-old salesman who wanted to only be known as William, confessed he had never heard of Ooi before nomination day, much less visited his blog.

Ooi himself stopped blogging midway during the campaign period, preferring to give press conferences to the print media, speak at ceramah and meet his voters directly.

It was the traditional method of campaigning that played the major role. Certainly, it was the Rocket symbol, rather than Jeff Ooi the blogger, riding on the anti-establishment mood that led to his strong victory.

Some Barisan candidates also turned to blogging, hoping to connect with the young, but they gave up because the number of visitors was just too low.

Another development was that the Internet helped raise over RM100,000 in online donations, primarily for the Opposition candidates, with a large portion coming from overseas. It is probably the first time in Malaysian political history that political donations were raised this way.

Two news websites emerged during the elections, MalaysiaVotes.com and MalaysianInsider.com, but being newcomers, it was difficult for them to compete with the more established Malaysiakini.

The websites of mainstream newspapers had an even tougher time, being overly cautious on accuracy, particularly on results, and not wanting to rely too much on unconfirmed news.

In the end, the alternative media scored better as it did not have to worry too much about accuracy. An example was the newsflash on the purported 14 unopened ballot boxes in Lembah Pantai, implying there would be rigging. The report turned out to be false.

But this election was a wake-up call to the nation, not just to the leadership, but also the media. A serious and honest soul searching is required to truly feel the pulse of Malaysians. The mainstream newspapers have to learn, quickly, or face being abandoned by their readers.

As Bernama general manager Datuk Azman Ujang rightly said, Malaysians have spoken loud and clear, “not only on what kind of government they want but also the kind of media they prefer”.

Despite the mainstream media bashing, newspapers have sold well over the past two weeks, with the Singapore Straits Times quoting a media consultant G. Manimaran as saying that “for the first time in 20 years of journalism, I am seeing people queuing up to buy newspapers”.

With opposition parties now in control of five state governments, the media, including government-run TV stations, must be prepared to relook its editorial policies. Some vernacular newspapers, too, must end their communal slant as they should take into account that the votes for the Opposition came from all races.

The winds of change have swept through Malaysia and the fact is everyone, especially the media, has to wake up to that reality. It should be accepted, not resisted. The denial syndrome has to stop.

He will not nominate himself for a Cabinet post or any government post. It’s a gracious move and he has demonstrated that leaders should always be prepared to take the rap.

Ong, who was elected as the Kulai MP, has also said this would be his last general election, a pledge that he made when he became the party president where he limited the term of a party president to nine years.

He has also come out clean – the Malaysian Voice has spoken loud and clear.

It did not just come from the Chinese or Indian voters but the Malays as well.

The reasons for the big losses by the Barisan are clear and Ong has rightly made his move by focusing on rebuilding the party and to make it stay relevant.

It is understood that four names would be submitted to Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi for him to consider for Cabinet positions – vice-president Datuk Ong Tee Keat, secretary-general Datuk Ong Ka Chuan, Wanita chief Datuk Dr Ng Yen Yen and Youth chief Datuk Liow Tiong Lai.

Ka Chuan, who was elected as the MP for Tanjung Malim, has served for four terms as a state executive councillor in Perak, is reportedly tipped to be the Housing and Local Government Minister.

Tee Keat, who was the Deputy Higher Education Minister, is said to be proposed as the Transport Minister, the former post of deputy president Datuk Seri Chan Kong Choy.

For the first time in MCA history, both the president and deputy president are not holding Cabinet posts. In fact, Chan did not contest the general election.

Another vice-president Datuk Seri Dr Fong Chan Onn, who was re-elected, is said to be staying out of the Cabinet to allow the rejuvenation process.

The talk is that Dr Ng would be Health Minister. Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek, who was Health Minister, quit his party and government positions early this year. He was a party vice-president.

Liow, certainly a rising star in the MCA, could possibly be the Human Resources Minister.

It is a ministry that he is familiar with as he served as a political secretary under Tan Sri Lim Ah Lek, who then held the minister’s post.

With the party required to hold its elections within three months, the MCA would now go through a difficult time.

The blame game has already started.

The salvoes have already been fired with former party secretary-general Tan Sri Ting Chew Peh and veteran Datuk Yap Pian Hon reportedly blaming the party’s rejuvenation strategy for the party’s dismal showing.

But Dr Chua has rejected such argument, saying the Opposition had many new candidates and yet made a big sweep of seats, saying it was the “lack of addressing fresh issues that caused the debacle.”

The next three months would be crucial for the MCA leadership.

Ka Ting and others would have to make efforts to boost the morale of the members, who would still be in the process of healing from the wounds of the election defeats and at the same time, attempt to ensure the contest for party polls would not get out of hand.

It would be a trying time. Caught up in the euphoria of the anti-establishment sentiments, the Chinese voters were not convinced by the good work of the MCA in education. It was not good enough as they sought to punish the Barisan.

A fight in the MCA would be the last thing the party needs to win over the Chinese voters, particularly when communal politics would now be seen differently.

It would be more important for members to stabilise the party, examine its approaches at a time when political parties chose the path of multi-racialism to win the young voters.

And as one academician puts it, do leaders of “BC” – before computers – have a place in politics in comparison to younger leaders of “AD”- audio-digital who see issues from a different perspective.

Changing leaders is one thing but changing the politics of the MCA may be more urgent in the coming years.

ANALYSIS BY WONG CHUN WAI 

LET’S get used to some things. The likelihood is that the DAP secretary-general will soon be known as Yang Amat Berhormat Lim Guan Eng and in Selangor, possibly his Parti Keadilan Rakyat counterpart will be known as Yang Amat Berhormat Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim.  

In Selangor, Perak and Kedah, the former state government heads – Datuk Seri Dr Mohd Khir Toyo, Datuk Seri Tajol Rosli Ghazali and Datuk Seri Mahdzir Khalid – will be opposition leaders in the state legislative assemblies.  

That needs a lot of getting used to for the political establishment but it is the result of the political tsunami that hit Malaysia on Saturday.  

And 24 hours later, as Malaysians still recover from the shock, the players are still trying to make sense of the results.  

Still coming to terms with the worst electoral results for the Barisan Nasional, the top leaders huddled at the 39th floor of the Putra World Trade Centre in the early hours yesterday and appeared briefly for a press conference.  

There was really not much to talk about for Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and his deputy, Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak.  

In a rather ironic situation, the media asked Pak Lah to pose for photographs by raising Najib’s hand when Barisan achieved a simple majority to form the federal government. But there was nothing to celebrate.  

It was a close call and, until the winds of change stopped blowing, no one dared to even predict the final outcome.  

Yesterday, there was unusual silence on the political front. The opposition victors wisely stayed away from any celebrations, so as not to create unnecessary misunderstanding.  

Clearly, even the opposition politicians could not believe that they had landed the two jewels of Malaysia – Penang and Selangor – while winning Perak and Kedah and retaining Kelantan.  

Winning elections is one thing but now comes the more difficult part – running a government, with the Barisan still holding on to the federal government.  

There is the complexity of the government structure, from the state secretariat to state-owned agencies and government-linked companies to the many city and district councils.  

Many of these people involved in the machineries are Barisan personalities, or more precisely, Umno members. 

No doubt, it would be a challenge to make the new state governments function smoothly. 

That’s not all. The business community, long used to dealing with the mentris besar or chief ministers, would have to start all over again. The judgment will be at the Bursa Malaysia.  

With Penang and Selangor as the most industrialised states, the economic implications will be enormous, especially with the Trade and Industry Ministry is still under the Barisan federal government.  

There are more implications in the tsunami’s aftermath. Clearly, all eyes will now be on Abdullah and his next step. 

The Barisan now has to take a serious review of itself. The Old Politics is over, that is a fact.  

The Opposition, especially PKR, has managed to offer a more multi-racial outlook, with younger candidates. As a product, it worked, and its appeal seemed to reach across to all races.  

Even with Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim openly saying that he would do away with affirmative action for bumiputras, the party continued to get the Malay votes. Issues on economic opportunities and education have always been sore points with non-bumiputras and it needs to be addressed. 

A new Barisan Nasional, possibly even a one-party multi-racial organisation, is an option for the leadership to consider. 

Old parties, all over the world, have always faced such identity problems, and Umno, the MCA and the MIC will be no exceptions.  

In the years to come, convincing younger voters to support a party purely on communal grounds will become tougher, even as Barisan has advocated multi-racialism as a coalition.  

In the age of Barack Obama, who is only 47, the Barisan component parties need fresh faces to appeal to the young voters of the coming years.  

Barisan needs to reinvent, rebrand and re-examine itself to stay relevant. It has to be bold enough to admit its mistakes if it wishes to be accepted by the people.  

The next round will be even tougher for Barisan.  

The opposition parties, with Penang and Selangor under their control, will have stronger financial muscles for the next fight. 

A two-party system seems likely to evolve from the outcome of this general election. The first page of the new Malaysian political era opens today. Certainly, the elections may have ended but the drama has only just started. Stay tuned.

The Women, Family and Community Development Minister said she had tried her best but gave an assurance that she was calm. 

From Penang, my colleagues sent messages that Gerakan acting president Tan Sri Dr Koh Tsu Koon was trailing newcomer Dr P. Ramasamy in the Batu Kawan parliamentary seat.  

The Gerakan, MCA and MIC were all wiped out, they said. 

It became clear by 9pm that the Opposition had snatched the state from the Barisan, sending shockwaves throughout the country as Malaysians braced for more shocks. 

In Sungai Siput, MIC president Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu put on a brave front as feedback came from his supporters that he had lost his parliamentary seat.  

He told them he was going home for a bath and did not return. 

In the words of many politicians, it was a political tsunami.  

There was more, Kedah also fell to the Opposition, then Selangor and Perak. 

The wounds inflicted by the Opposition were easily the worst for the Barisan.  

Even in 1969, the then Alliance only lost Penang and Kelantan.  

In Penang, the then opposition Gerakan, together with DAP and Parti Rakyat, won 20 seats against the Alliance’s four.  

In Kelantan, PAS had 19 and the Alliance 19. 

The People’s Progressive Party could have formed the state government if it had decided to forge a coalition with Gerakan, PAS and the DAP but the PPP refused. 

The PPP was just two seats short of forming the government but it refused to work with Gerakan, DAP and PAS.  

Even in that onslaught, Kedah remained safely in the hands of the Alliance with 14 seats against PAS’ eight and Gerakan’s two. 

Last night’s results stunned Barisan leaders and the media.  

They expected the winds of change to come to Penang and Kedah but they missed out on Selangor, certainly the jewel in the crown for the Opposition this time around. 

Barisan had focused its attention on the anti-establishment sentiments of the non-Malays but overlooked the mood of the Malay voters in some states.  

There was even a sense of denial in some ways. 

For Barisan, they had expected some dents in the predominantly Chinese areas and a serious challenge from PAS in the east coast states but certainly not in Selangor and Perak.  

While the non-Malays had their share of unhappiness, there were issues that cut across all races such as the cost of living, corruption, mismanagement and security. 

At the grassroots level, there were perceptions that Barisan, following the massive win in the 2004 polls, had become too strong and that there was a need for a strong check and balance.  

In 2004, the Barisan had 198 seats against 21 for the Opposition. 

The voters, especially those in the urban areas, obviously wanted to send a strong message to the leadership.  

They wanted their MPs to be more humble and certainly more careful with their choice of words, whether at their party assemblies or in Parliament. 

But there is a big mess to be cleared – new state governments will be formed in Penang, Selangor, Kedah and Perak.  

As at press time, PKR secretary-general Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim is expected to be made the new Selangor Mentri Besar and almost likely, his predecessor Datuk Seri Dr Mohd Khir Toyo, the opposition leader.  

In Penang, DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng will likely be the new Chief Minister.  

But federal-state relations will never be the same again.  

With the Barisan still in control of the Federal Government, it may even review its numerous projects in states lost to the Opposition.  

As the most industrialised state in Malaysia, Selangor will be affected in many ways. 

At local government level, there will be massive changes as politically-appointed councillors will have to make way. 

At 12.30am, the Barisan had secured a simple majority to form the government although there were neck-and-neck races in many seats.  

At the end of the day, however, the clear winner was the democratic system in Malaysia.  

Despite claims to the contrary, the 12th general election proved that democracy was very much alive in the country.  

ON THE BEAT WITH WONG CHUN WAI

WE have now entered the second half of the fight. The general election is exactly seven days from now and Malaysians can expect the battle for the hearts and minds by our politicians to be tougher, if not, dirtier. 

The battlegrounds are in Penang, Terengganu and Kelantan, where the hardest campaigns are being fought. 

There is no place for slip-ups as the contest in the 2008 general election enters into the most crucial period. 

In Penang, the Barisan Nasional, especially the MCA and Gerakan, is taking on one of its fiercest fights against the opposition led by the DAP.  

The DAP is on the offensive by fielding its top guns in the state. Riding on the anti-establishment sentiments of the predominantly Chinese areas, the DAP has attracted large crowds to their ceramah but whether this would be translated into votes would be another thing. 

DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng, with much help from de facto opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, is heading the battle here. 

But Barisan top guns, including Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and Gerakan president Tan Sri Dr Koh Tsu Koon, are also taking them head-on, well aware of the stakes at hand. 

MCA deputy president Datuk Seri Chan Kong Choy, who is not seeking re-election, will spend the next few days entirely on the Penang campaign. 

While no one expects the state to fall into opposition, the Barisan also does not want to lose its two-thirds majority. 

Learning from the past when Penangites rejected the DAP for attempting to wrest the state from the Barisan, the opposition has stopped talking of coming into power but they certainly hope that Penangites would go overboard by tilting the power structure. 

The DAP has cleverly played to the emotions of Penang voters by hammering away at Umno and even ignoring traditionally hot issues like Chinese schools because the federal government has announced huge pre-polls allocations, which is the effort of the MCA. 

Still harping on the keris issue, they hope to sway the Chinese voters. But any political adventure by the Chinese voters could end up with the Chinese power within the system eroded.  

The Malay votes, on the other hand, are likely to be solidly behind Umno. 

So, instead of wanting to punish Umno for the statements by one or two leaders, the community could end up punishing political parties representing their interests in government. 

The same predicament is faced by the MCA and Gerakan in Perak, Selangor and Kuala Lumpur, where the same fights are being fought. 

Like the Indian population, which stands at 1.6 million, the Chinese community is also shrinking and it now stands at around six million of the 25 million population in Malaysia.  

In Kelantan, the state is another battleground, where PAS has found its power being chipped away strongly by Umno. Although the Islamist party still has its grip on the state, reports says that the Barisan is not far behind in the race. 

The Barisan is turning its guns to 14 PAS state seats that were won by a majority of less than 10% in 2004 while it is confident of retaining its 13 seats. 

Both sides are racing against time to woo Kelantanese voters who work in other states to return home to vote on March 8. 

The Barisan has even named a Mentri Besar designate, Datuk Awang Adek Husin, to show its seriousness. 

In Terengganu, the fight between PAS and Umno has continued with PAS hoping to end the five-year rule by Barisan. 

But after having tasted the development brought by Barisan, the voters may not want the state to return to the opposition which ruled it for 18 years. 

The Barisan has transformed the once sleepy fishing state into an international arena, where world-class events are being held. 

The state is now led by a more dynamic leadership under Datuk Seri Idris Jusoh, a former corporate figure, who is being challenged by the turbaned Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang, who is known for his religious ultra-conservatism. 

Over the next one week, it could well be the longest period for these contenders. In past elections, the campaigning period would have ended by now but this time around, we are just entering the second half. 

Friday February 29, 2008

COMMENT BY WONG CHUN WAI

IT has gripped the attention of the nation. So much dirty linen has been washed, so much mud thrown and so many amazing tales told that Malaysians must be wondering who to believe.  

Now that the Royal Commission has completed its investigations into the Lingam video clip affair, let’s take a step back and assess what the mass of evidence, allegations and disclosures really mean for us, Malaysians.  

Was it necessary for the dirty linen to be washed in public over 17 days? How much of it was the truth?  

Was it necessary for some sorry episodes in the history of the judiciary – former Chief Justice Tun Eusoff Chin’s holiday in New Zealand with lawyer Datuk V.K. Lingam certainly falls into that category – to be dredged up and dissected?  

What was the point in reproducing old pictures, where family members who have no part in the controversy, found themselves named and their photographs published?  

Was it necessary to embarrass the august institution of the judiciary with allegations of case-fixing and other improper behaviour?  

Was it necessary for the Government to push for a commission hearing that seemed, at times, to cast a shadow of shame over the whole country?  

Yes. Yes. Yes. Yes.  

Despite the misgivings of some Malaysians, the inquiry has given us a chance to come clean about an institution that has been manhandled over the past two decades.  

How can we even begin to rehabilitate this so important body if we do not understand the battery of illnesses that affects it?  

The whispering campaign about judge-shopping and other allegations of wrongdoing has been building up over the years to the point that it has prompted some foreign companies to insist that their legal disputes be settled through arbitration outside the country.  

This trend is more shameful than any mud that was flung during the commission hearing.  

It would have been easy for the administration to pay lip service to concerns about the Lingam video clip.  

It could have made the right noises and switched the channel after a week or so. We have to admit that it is the news cycle, which often dictates our attention span on an issue.  

Also, by and large, Malaysians are more interested in bread-and-butter issues.  

But the video clip issue did not disappear because Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi knows that a Malaysia without strong institutions will be a country without a soul.  

After all, the courts provide the public with their only chance of seeking justice. It is their last refuge in the face of oppression and when wronged.  

Abdullah has tried to protect the institutions by appointing straight shooters like the late Tan Sri Abdul Malek Ahmad as the Court of Appeal President.  

Datuk K.C. Vohrah, a retired Court of Appeal judge, noted recently that Abdul Malek should have been made Chief Justice for his principles and steadfast adherence to fair play and justice.  

“The late Malek was an uncommon Malaysian, whose most important characteristic was his natural and tremendous sense of fair play and his unquestioned integrity.  

“He was the Chief Justice that this fair country should have had but never did,” he said at a remembrance event organised by Universiti Malaya and the Malaysian Inner Temple Alumni Association in memory of the former President of the Court of Appeal who died on May 31 last year.  

Similarly when Abdullah appointed Datuk Abdul Hamid Mohamad as the Chief Justice late last year, it was evident that he was interested in restoring order and credibility to the judiciary.  

Only if good people are put at the top of an institution, will it flourish and give confidence to Malaysians and investors. 

Don’t take my word for it. Let’s just turn back the pages of history and recall some of the illustrious names who led the Malaysian judiciary during its days of glory – the late Tun Mohamed Suffian Hashim and Sultan Azlan Shah to name a couple.  

It is not only the judiciary that will benefit from having good men and women at the helm. Even the reforms in the police force and the civil service have a better chance of succeeding because Tan Sri Musa Hassan is the Inspector-General of Police and Tan Sri Mohd Sidek Hassan is the Chief Secretary to the Government. 

There is much truth in the saying that the fish starts rotting from the head.  

For the Royal Commission members, the hearing is over but their work is only beginning. Over the next few weeks, they will receive written submissions from various parties, deliberate over the information given by 21 witnesses and then get down to the serious job of making their findings.  

Anyone following the inquiry can tell you that some individuals were sparing with the truth.  

They huffed and puffed and even made light of the situation. But this was no laughing matter. At the centre of this hearing was the credibility of an institution that all Malaysians have a stake in.  

It is hoped that the panel will not only be clear in their views about the video clip and the main actors but also recommend suggestions on how the selection and promotion of judges can be strengthened.  

Only by doing so can it help an administration that is keen to improve the health of the judiciary and all other institutions here.  

Only by doing so will it prevent a future generation of Malaysians from having to sit through another session of painful revelations years down the road.