It reminded us a lot of the TV series, Impian Illyana, which is also produced by a multi-racial group.

The series, shown as 10-minute episodes on NTV7 from Monday to Friday, is about how a 17-year-old girl copes with her studies and relationships. Like all real-life situations, she uses both Bahasa Malaysia and English, which officials frown upon as bahasa rojak.

I believe these two shows appeal to young Malaysians because they can relate to them. They see themselves in there, and the positive messages are subtle and not preachy.

The movie and TV series have another pleasant thing in common – non-Malays played the role of Malays. It's a slow start but the first step has been taken with the removal of the stereotyped physical face of a race.

Just a few months ago, we saw how Malaysians raved over Sepet, about a relationship between a romantic Chinese VCD peddler and a feisty Malay girl in Ipoh.

The brilliant movie, with its many multi-cultural nuances, went on to win many prizes although some mainstream local producers felt threatened by newcomer Yasmin Ahmad.

Yasmin, who is married to a Chinese, is well known for her commercials during Malaysian festivals, bringing us joy, laughter and even sadness sometimes, as we watched them.

Recently, I caught a soft drink commercial where a Chinese teenager tried to win the attention of a pretty Malay girl. It may not be an original concept, reminding us much of Sepet, but at the same time, it is surely uplifting.

These filmmakers have certainly done  more for us than many of our politicians. These young talents have boldly broken new ground, smashing taboos and racial prejudices.

Instead of making empty rhetorical speeches, which smack of communalism, to please their listeners, these young Malaysians have decided to talk about the commonalities of Malaysians, rather than their differences.

It is those politicians who have made young Malaysians sceptical and cynical of mainstream politics. Fresh approaches and ideas seem to be lacking with many falling back on the communal way of rising up the political hierarchy.

Young Malaysians who make up the majority in this country no longer want the same message pushed down their throats. Exposed to  information on the Internet and daily interactions, the old formula of doing things is no longer applicable.

The first time I actually paid to watch a Malay movie, Adik Manja, was in 1979. The plot was realistic, the dialogue clever and the cast  multi-racial. The movie, set in Universiti Sains Malaysia, proved the point that non-Malays would watch a Malay movie if they feel they are part of it. Think Sheila Majid, who has a huge following among non-Malays.

Last year, it was a delight to watch two non-Malay actresses in two Malay movies – Pontianak Harum Sundal Malam and Puteri Gunung Ledang. The first had Kavita Kaur playing a major role while the other starred Tiara Jacquelina.

National Day should be a time for reflection. It should not just be an exercise to merely fly the Jalur Gemilang, hold parades and fireworks displays, but a time to ask ourselves how far we have come and where we should go from here.

Some of these questions may seem out of place and a little uncomfortable, but we must be honest with ourselves. After 48 years of independence, we have to ask ourselves whether we still want to waste time debating the same political, economic and education issues.

Many young Malaysians who do not carry the baggage of history want to move on and not be stuck with the same political manuscript. Worse, sometimes we get the same political actors.

We have spent too much time debating issues, some dating back to the 1960s which, by right, ought to have been settled but which continue to rear their ugly heads occasionally through some politician or newspaper editor.

When I reflect a bit further, it was my 80-year-old father, who was born in Langkawi, who introduced me to the world of that very Malaysian icon P. Ramlee. Dad, who came to Penang to work as a shop assistant when he was only 15 years old, speaks fluent Malay with a strong Kedah dialect.

Now, it is my turn as a 44-year-old father, who minored in Malay literature in Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, to bring Malay movies to my daughter.

Watching old P. Ramlee movies with my daughter on TV, she asked why it was so easy to understand the Bahasa Malaysia used by the movie legend. I told her that was the way real people talk.

Last week, as the two of us watched Gol & Gincu, we agreed that the dialogue was real because every Malaysian, irrespective of their race, speaks bahasa rojak – it's either Malay, Chinese or Indian rojak. That is how real people talk and we shouldn't frown on it.

Bahasa baku failed miserably because a certain politician wanted us to speak in a contrived way. Then, we were told that we should speak bahasa the so-called proper way, much like stage actors, but the only problem was it could not be enforced.

Malaysia is richly diverse in cultures, religions and languages and we should promote them instead of being apologetic about them. In ordinary cases, movies are fantasies but in our case, some movies are more real than what our politicians expect us to be.

***In my column last week, I inadvertently mentioned Tunku Abdul Rahman's secretary as the late Mrs Bernadette Lee. It has been brought to my knowledge, via e-mail, that she is still alive. My apologies for the error.

But he was a larger-than-life figure to me. I held him in awe and even reverence whenever I visited him at his house and, as a veteran politician, he must have noticed that.

The Tunku was no longer newsworthy but as the former premier and chairman of our company, he insisted that the newspaper ensured that he would be in the news. He also wanted to be referred to as the first prime minister.

The coverage was limited to courtesy calls from various organisations and old friends of his. It was a lonely job because The Star reporter would be the only one there and the job often fell on me, being the most junior reporter in the Penang bureau.

But it allowed me to be up close and personal with the Tunku. I spent hours talking to him in his study filled with books and papers. Sometimes he would just ask me to sit outside, when he wanted privacy, as he read his column using a magnifying glass.

It was not easy as many times we had difficulty trying to converse, what more understand each other. He could no longer remember names, let alone dates, of personalities involved in major events. His critics had by then called him senile.

But when his mood allowed, he would give me a history lesson and I felt privileged as this was the man who lived through it. I did not realise the importance of it all until years later.

He was a kind man, always making sure that I was properly treated as his guest but what struck me most was his constant reminder that Malaysians must tolerate each other in a multiracial society.

Pragmatic and easygoing, he enjoyed his poker and horse racing.

The Tunku's staff was almost entirely made up of non-Malays. There was his ADC Owen Chung, his secretary the late Mrs Bernadette Lee, clerk Hassan Abdullah and his driver, whom I remember as Muthu.

There was also a female Chinese cook who took care of his meals while Muthu's son, Appu, served drinks and snacks to guests  and attended to the needs of the Tunku.

The message he continuously drove into me and my colleagues was that he was the happiest prime minister and that moderation must be defended at all costs and that religious extremism had no place in our country.

Fast forward to 2005. Last week, I had the opportunity of sitting down with Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad for dinner, together with a group of editors. I had covered him as a political reporter, lost my job for five months when he revoked The Star's permit in 1987, travelled with him overseas, talked to him privately about Anwar Ibrahim hours after the then deputy premier was sacked, and interviewed him in his final days as prime minister.

The dinner was special because it was our first meeting after I wrote an article in May questioning him on his handling of corruption during his 22 years as prime minister.

He was upset and had called a press conference to rebut my article. In that same press conference, he also talked about the allocation of approved permits, which is still unfinished business.

I apologised if my piece had offended him but Dr Mahathir laughed and patted me on my shoulder, preferring not to dwell on the past. He turned 80 years old recently while I am now 44 years old.

As the conversation flowed through dinner, we found the man to be still as we knew him as journalists – witty, sarcastic, meticulous, and sharp. He remembered figures, dates, events and decisions he had made.

He was in his element and answered our questions frankly and filled many gaps in history, which we promised we would jot down in our diaries. But like the Tunku, he too spoke passionately about moderation.

He was perceived as an ultra nationalist when he became Prime Minister in 1981 but by the time he retired, he was well regarded by the non-Malays, especially the Chinese. He told us that made him happy and appreciated, which he described as one of the satisfying  milestones of his career.

Those of us who know Malaysian history would be aware that the Tunku and Dr Mahathir were never close buddies. Dr Mahathir's criticism of the Tunku got him expelled from Umno in 1969 while the Tunku openly spoke at Semangat 46's ceramah against Dr Mahathir.

But like the Tunku, Dr Mahathir is practical and has no time for religious extremism. He makes no bones about his disdain of Muslims who are more concerned with ritual, appearances and form than the principles of Islam.

As Malaysians celebrate National Day, we must remind our young, as well as our politicians, that this country is founded on the blood, sweat and toil of our forefathers from all ethnic groups.

It was the moderation of the Umno, MCA and MIC leaders who understood the importance of sharing political power. It was the  Malay padi farmers and fishermen, the Chinese mining workers and Indian rubber tappers of the early days who brought Malaysia to what it is today.

That racial distinction is gone today in corporate Malaysia and more than ever, Ali, Ah Chong and Muthu are working together in business. There is no shame in combining our resources.

For the Tunku and Dr Mahathir, their only concern was who could do the job, whether political or economic, and not their ethnic background. It was national interest first. That same belief has been continued by Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.

We have always been partners and we should be partners as fellow Malaysians if we want to compete on the global stage effectively. The more we remind ourselves that as Malaysians we should not dwell on our racial background, the better we would be.

After 48 years of independence, most of us have grown tired of listening to worn-out communal and religious arguments from politicians. This is 2005; let's get our act together to march on as Rakyat Malaysia.

Indonesia has fingered 10 Malaysian-owned plantations as
being responsible for the starting the fires. If that is the case, it should
name the culprits. The owners should not only be prosecuted but if found guilty
should be severely punished and even jailed if this is provided for under the
law.

These people should also be made to pay compensation, for they have profited at
the expense of others. They should not be let off so easily.

That aside, the forest fires are also the work of farmers in Sumatra who slash
and burn these forests to clear their land. It is as simple as that. We have
all along known the source of the problem since 1990 when Asean leaders met to
talk about these hotspots.

But 15 years later, the talk has not moved beyond anything else.  To put it bluntly, it has been all talk and
nothing else. For the last few years, we have had to send our fire fighters and
ministers to Indonesia to seek their cooperation.

We have heard the apologies from Indonesia before but maybe it's time we
invited the Indonesian officials to come over and see the problem for
themselves. Jakarta doesn't have a smog problem, Kuala Lumpur does.

The Indonesians will able to understand our frustration, and even anger, better
if they can spend a few days walking the streets of Kuala Lumpur and Port Klang
and Kuala Selangor, the last two having been declared emergency areas.

Work has been disrupted and obviously money and productivity lost as a result
of such yearly burning in Indonesia. More important, our health has been
affected because of the foul air and that is worrying.

Malaysians do not care if the haze is confined to Indonesia as a result of the
indiscriminate burning but, unfortunately, it has affected us. Tomorrow, the
wind may just blow to Singapore.

Yesterday, haze reduced visibility in the Straits of Malacca to less than 1km,
posing risks to ships while vessels at Port Klang have been beached.

The question is what guarantee can Indonesia give us that Malaysians will not
have to go through this again this time next year? Do we have to put with more
joint committees and sub-committees to come up with more meaningless
reports?

Or are Malaysians supposed to adopt a positive attitude in the face of the smog
in the spirit of good neighbourliness as the farmers and greedy plantation
owners get back to their irresponsible action next week?

At our end, the government too has set up committees in the past with promises
of early warning systems but, obviously, we are defenceless when such a problem
hits us.

But for the moment, we have no choice but to offer to send to our fire fighters
there to help put out the fires. We are, of course, supposed to be thankful
that the offer has been accepted.

Malaysians, however, must appreciate the decision of Prime Minister Datuk Seri
Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to release the air pollutant indices for the first time
after six years.

Until now, for some strange reason, these figures have been regarded as a state
secret for fear of scaring away tourists. Common sense has finally prevailed
because the health of Malaysians is far more important than tourist
dollars.

Indonesia has to wake up to the fact that the forest fires have become an Asean
problem, full stop. Let's end this annual ritual once and for all with serious
enforcement.

Bisa diatur, as our neighbour would say. ("Can be arranged" in Bahasa
Indonesia).

The few who continue to play the race card have been sidelined by their party bosses because they have become an embarrassment, while one or two have survived narrowly in the general election after their opponents reminded voters of their past actions.

But even moderate leaders have found it difficult to ride against the sentiments of their respective communities as they fight against their opponents who stoked the racial fire.

Umno founder Datuk Onn Jaafar wanted to open the membership of the party to all races and ended up leaving the party instead. He was certainly a visionary but he was ahead of his time.

Then, there is our first Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman who was prepared to share power with the Chinese and Indians. A true patriot, we will remember him for his moderation and open-mindedness.

No Malaysian leader, many of us would agree, can measure up to him. He had his flaws, as with all human beings, but our Bapa Malaysia will be fondly remembered by us.

Then there are existing leaders, like Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad and Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who are prepared to point out the weaknesses of their community. It is not easy but they have done so, not once but many times.

Another leader whom many of my journalist friends agree deserves mention is Tun Ghafar Baba.

Throughout his long involvement in politics, he has never been known to have uttered any hurtful remarks against the other races.

The same can surely be said about Pak Lah, whose moderation is also exemplary. Young Malaysian politicians should learn from him if they wish to be respected by all Malaysians.

MCA leaders such as Tun Tan Cheng Lock, Tun Tan Siew Sin and Tan Sri Wong Pow Nee were branded as running dogs in the past by Labour Party leaders because they worked with Umno. In present times, PAS and DAP have continued to criticise such relations, dismissing the MCA and Gerakan as weak.

But the coalition of political parties representing the interest of various races has also been emulated by the opposition in the form of Barisan Alternatif as it has been proven to be effective.

The politics of consensus and moderation is the only way forward for Malaysia. Extremism, whether in the form of religion or communalism, by politicians, religious leaders or journalists, must never be tolerated.

The older ones among us have seen the success of the affirmative actions through the New Economic Policy, even if there were flaws in its implementation. But generally, the policy has produced a large successful Malay middle class.

No Malaysian in his right mind should question efforts to eradicate poverty and to restructure society but it should not be abused to help the rich get richer at the expense of the poor, especially those in rural areas.

In the past, residential areas were identified by racial groupings such as Malays in Kampung Baru, Chinese in Kepong and Indians in Sentul, but today there are many examples of racially-mixed housing estates.

The demographic changes and economic strength of the Malays have led many Chinese restaurant owners to switch to non-pork food to cater to a larger customer base. It is simple practical economics.

Many Chinese companies now hire Malay staff because they realise they cannot ignore the many Malay customers with their strong purchasing power. Even international corporations have begun advertising in the Bahasa Malaysia newspapers.

Likewise, Malay businessmen who have to do business in China have no choice but to hire staff who speak Mandarin. Even a Malaysian Chinese who can't speak Mandarin or write Chinese will be disqualified.

The changes of the past three decades, since the implementation of the NEP in 1970, have been tremendous. It may not have totally achieved its desired results but its overall impact has been positive.

It is impossible to make every race in Malaysia happy but that is precisely the point as no one race should be totally happy at the expense of others.

As Abdullah clearly assured all Malaysians, the Government will be fair to all Malaysians. I am sure the non-Malays who followed the proceedings of the Umno general assembly welcome that assurance.

The leadership has been a practical one and most Malaysians have faith in Abdullah's promise. He is fully aware that Malaysia needs to be competitive and, in private discussions, he has raised this matter many times.

Malaysians should see each other as partners and not as rivals. Globalisation has made protectionist rules irrelevant and, unless we combine our resources and talents, we will be left behind. There is little point arguing about the size of our slice of cake if there is no cake.

We should also not go overboard in dismissing any joint venture between a Malay and Chinese as Ali Baba with its negative connotation.

I have heard complaints that some Malay businessmen had to pick a Singaporean or even a Hong Kong partner because they feared being regarded as an Ali Baba concern. The losers, unfortunately, happen to be their fellow Malaysian Chinese.

Moderation, in the way we approach things, is important and many of us hope that the strong remarks made at political events by younger leaders are merely rhetoric. But sending the wrong signals can be just as confusing.

It is good to see the Barisan leaders, at national and youth level, listen to each other's viewpoints and concerns in our musyawarah style. More important, we have proven we can sit down and try to appreciate the perspective of every race, and not just our own.

As in all democracies, it is all right to disagree but we must also find ways to reach an agreement finally.

Datuk Seri Abdullah has to find a replacement for the post, which is regarded as an important portfolio. Deputy Minister Datuk Zulhassan Rafique, the MP for Setiawangsa, is currently holding the fort.

When Isa took charge of the ministry, it was not always smooth sailing, with City Hall officials insisting that politicians should stay away from the running of the city. Feathers in Umno were ruffled and relations have been bad since.

Abdullah surely wants the new appointee to sort out their differences to avoid complications that would not benefit the city folks.

The spotlight is also on two other ministries – Higher Education and Information – held by Datuk Paduka Kadir Sheikh Fadzir and Datuk Dr Shafie Mohd Salleh respectively.

The two ministers had to sit among the rest of the Umno delegates instead of on the stage during the recent general assembly as they are not on the supreme council.

Their failure to win a council seat in last year's assembly had caused much speculation as to how long they would remain in the Cabinet.

But holding top Umno positions does not guarantee one a Cabinet position. There has been a precedent as Datuk Zahid Hamidi did not get any government post under the Mahathir Administration despite being elected the Umno Youth chairman.

The popular Perak politician, who has been elected into the supreme council, is now a Deputy Tourism Minister.

But the sentiments of the grassroots cannot be ignored and those elected into high positions would surely clamour for these two Cabinet positions, which Abdullah may have to take heed.

Following the AP issue, a big question mark has appeared over Datuk Seri Rafidah Aziz, the longest-serving International Trade and Industries Minister.

She has been efficient in her ministerial duties. But the question now is whether the unhappiness of the Umno delegates over the allocation of APs would have an impact on her political future.

Then, there is the position of Datuk Mahadzir Mohd Khir, the Deputy Education Minister. The academician-turned-politician has not been well and it would not be a surprise if he is eventually replaced on health grounds.

The changes, according to speculation, are likely to happen in September as the MCA and Gerakan would have finished their party elections by then. The MCA is holding its polls on Aug 20 while Gerakan will be holding them on Aug 27.

Deputy International Trade and Industries Minister Datuk Kerk Choo Ting, who is Gerakan deputy president, will be challenged by vice-president Tan Sri Dr Koh Tsu Koon.

The popular perception is that Kerk would have an uphill task holding on to his position.  His party boss Datuk Seri Dr Lim Keng Yaik has openly said his relationship with Kerk is strained. Should Kerk lose his party post, the likelihood is that he, too, would lose his deputy minister's post.

The MCA election is also being closely watched as president Datuk Seri Ong Ka Ting and his deputy Datuk Seri Chan Kong Choy are being challenged by vice-president Datuk Chua Jui Meng and secretary-general Tan Sri Dr Ting Chew Peh respectively.

There are also nine contenders for the four vice-president posts. The incumbents are Health Minister Datuk Dr Chua Soi Lek, Human Resources Minister Datuk Dr Fong Chan Onn, Deputy Higher Education Minister Datuk Fu Ah Kiow and Jui Meng.

The hopefuls are Deputy Youth and Sports Minister Datuk Ong Tee Keat, Deputy Federal Territories Minister Datuk Tan Chai Ho, Deputy Information Minister Datuk Donald Lim, Alor Star MP Datuk Chor Chee Heung, Serdang MP Datuk Yap Pian Hon and Sabah politician Chau Tet Onn.

The defeat of any of these MCA heavyweights could cost them their job as there are other Members of Parliament who would also be contesting other party posts.

For example, Datuk Liow Tiong Lai, who is contesting the Youth post, is likely to be groomed for higher office and the reward of a government position would come as no surprise.

As in any changes, the Prime Minister alone makes the decision but as the head of the Barisan Nasional, he would certainly take into account the recommendations of the party bosses.

Some have predicted that the changes would take place early next year, pointing out that Abdullah needs to focus his attention on tabling the Ninth Malaysia Plan in November first.

The changes in the Cabinet will surely come. The only question is when.

Even the woman in the spotlight, Datuk Seri Rafidah Aziz, had a hard time responding to the issue during her summing-up speech yesterday. At certain points, the delegates even heckled and jeered at her.

Now that the Umno general assembly is over, the leadership has to put into place a system that ensures that only genuine car importers are given APs.

The practice of selling APs to others has to stop as it is sheer abuse. And it will be sad if no action is taken after all the hue and cry. Malaysians should not be allowed to have the impression that everything is back to normal after the assembly.

The criteria of distributing the APs obviously need to be reviewed as a cursory look at the list of names has revealed plenty of flaws, not to mention things that have been detrimental to national interest. For example,  who monitors the recipients of APs once these are issued?

The list of 67,158 APs for 2005, comprising 17,526 open APs and 49,632 franchise APs, was monopolised by a handful of businessmen, now dubbed the Kings of APs. Worse, the figures did not even include the allocations of previous years and it looks like it will remain that way.

Prior to the directive by Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, Malaysians were given the excuse that we will not be able to see the list of names because it has never been the practice of the Cabinet to do so. The AP list was treated like a document with an Official Secrets Act stamp on it.

But last week, the Prime Minister ordered the names to be released. In line with his call for transparency, good governance and credibility, Abdullah should now order that the mess be cleaned up.

There will be powerful political and business forces that would obstruct his drive to make Malaysia clean but he has the support of Malaysians who believe in what he is doing.

What was lacking at the Umno general assembly was input from delegates on how the national car policy, which is expected to come out soon, should take shape.

The delegates were understandably engrossed with the names of recipients but it would have been better if they had done their homework and debated intelligently whether Malaysia will remain a mere assembler of  automobiles instead of manufacturing them.

National cars mean more than just affixing a Proton or Naza emblem on our cars – it involves pioneering research and development which is cost-intensive.

The AP issue is merely part of the car policy. Abdullah also has to look at the question of what constitutes a national car and which company is entitled to the various tax rebates and incentives, which have become a source of discontent between Proton, Perodua, Naza and Inokom.

Enough time has been lost. Proton is already 20 years but we still do not have a national car policy. From reports of declining Proton sales to Korean-made cars passed off as national cars, Malaysians have watched with serious concern the state of our local car industry.

Malaysians do not want the national car to fail as billions have been spent and the government is justified, in the wake of the AP uproar, to examine whether the APs meant to help bumiputra entrepreneurs have ended up hurting Proton and benefiting only a few Malay businessmen.

Proton, on the other hand, needs to find out why it has not been able to take on the aggressive sales tactics of Toyota and Hyundai, among others, which have reduced Proton's domestic market share sharply.

But more important, we need to pool our resources in the automobile industry to consolidate ourselves to face foreign competition with car tariffs coming to an end by 2008 under the Asean Free Trade Agreement instead of bickering among ourselves.

The important thing to remember is that nothing will work, even if there is a comprehensive blueprint or a set of criteria, if there are people in authority who abuse the system and, worse, are allowed to get away with it.

As in all party elections, if there are candidates who offer bribes, there will also be those who accept bribes – in this case, it will be the delegates who had voted in party elections.

For Pak Lah, his concern would not just be Umno leaders who go around with bags of money when campaigning but delegates who speak with a straight face of their disdain for money politics, but quietly pocket the money.

Delegates from the various states are expected to speak up on the issue but are unlikely to point fingers at anyone. Neither are they expected to speak specifically on the six-year suspension of vice-president Tan Sri Mohd Isa Abdul Samad.

The sentiment is that Pak Lah has cracked the whip hard and loud. The prevailing mood is that the leadership is serious about dealing with money politics and that it is best that no one takes it lightly.

There are also pockets of unhappiness among some delegates, questioning why should only one or two Umno leaders be singled out and punished when there were many other errant ones.

There could also be criticism of the disciplinary board and the code of ethics with some state representatives, possibly, proposing clearer guidelines and even changes to the rules.

The meritocracy issue relating to the entrance of bumiputra students into tertiary institutions is almost certain to be a major issue with Johor Umno expected to propose changes to the principle.

The sentiment of the administration, however, is that the meritocracy principle must stay to nurture competition. But it is prepared to review certain parts of it to protect the interest of the community.

There has been uneasiness among some Umno leaders, with one describing meritocracy as a form of discrimination. But it is understood that the administration sees the merits of keeping that principle.

One subject close to the hearts of many grassroots Umno members must be the cut in government jobs for contractors, particularly those handling minor works projects of less than RM200,000 per contract.

These contractors have been criticised for being too dependent on the government and told to re-evaluate themselves. But  their political clout should not be underestimated. Their grievances have been heard and many expect the leadership to offer them some explanations, if not some hope, at the party assembly.

The country's economy, especially concerns of inflationary trends, is certain to be a major issue at the assembly. Rising oil prices and the rising cost of living are expected to be brought up by the delegates.

Uppermost in the minds of many Umno delegates and observers would be how International Trade and Industry Minister Datuk Seri Rafidah Aziz would handle issues like the national car policy and approved permits.

Regarded as hot topics, most analysts expect these issues to be highlighted, even as early as Wednesday, when the youth wing holds its meeting at the Putra World Trade Centre.

It would not be a surprise if the issue of APs continues at the general assembly proper but the robust politicians are expected to take on these issues, even criticisms, head on.

Malaysians can be sure that this week's Umno assembly will be as lively and open as expected. Although this is not an election year for Umno, it will still be an exciting event.

Like many major cities, London has always been vulnerable and an attack was merely a question of when and not so much if.

Sydney, for example, will always be on the radar screen of the terrorists because of Australia's strong support of the US attack in Iraq.

Hours after the blasts in central London, an unknown group calling itself the al-Qaeda of Europe claimed responsibility through a website. Although the details of how the bombings were carried out are still sketchy, it appears to be well-coordinated.

While terrorists can strike any time, anywhere and at anyone, one pattern that has emerged over the years is their preference to strike during summer.

Summer has just started in Europe with the tail end in September, when the weather gets cooler again. Analysts believe that with light clothing, terrorists are able to move and operate easier.

Bulky clothes are often avoided by terrorists as they believe that it would hamper their movement while unpredictable weather, particularly during winter, could hinder their bombing operations.

The sunny weather of summer is regarded as the best time for any covert operations, especially during lunch time when the crowd becomes big, to ensure maximum destruction.

During this holiday season, people often let their guard down and tend to congregate in large numbers, whether at the park or shopping mall. Public transport is also at its peak.

At the Atlanta Olympic Games on July 27, 1996, the explosion of a pipe bomb in a paper bag killed one person and injured over 100 people.

September has also been a popular month for previous terrorist attacks. At least seven high-profile attacks were carried out in recent years in September.

On Sept 5, 1972, 11 Israeli Olympic team members were killed in the Munich Games;

On Sept 4, 2000, a car bomb exploded outside an apartment in Dagestan, Russia, which killed 64 people;

On Sept 8, 2000, another bomb exploded in a nine-storey apartment in Moscow, killing 94 people with 150 injured;

On Sept 13, 2000, a bomb went off in an apartment near the Kremlin, killing 118 with 200 injured;

On Sept 11, 2001, the attack on the World Trade Centre in New York;

On Sept 4, 2004, more than 300 people, mostly children, were killed following a siege by militants who took over a school in Beslan, Russia.

Even in South East Asia, the Jemaah Islamiah terrorists picked Sept 9, 2004, to launch an attack in Jakarta which killed nine people and injured over 100.

September will remain a black month for terrorists in many ways. For older Palestinians, they remember the formation of the Black September terrorist group, so named because it was formed in that month after radicals felt betrayed by Jordan where they had sought refuge from the Israelis.

For ordinary people living in major Western cities, they will have to live with the terror fear every day. They have little choice but to use the same subway and buses, which are soft targets, to commute. The threat of these terrorists striking again will always be there.

When these terrorists attack, they do not care whether their victims are Muslims or Christians, so long as they can inflict the greatest damage.

As politicians in the West renew their commitment to fight terrorism, they cannot ignore the fact that until they seriously re-think their policies in West Asia, including solving the problems in Palestine, no amount of security measures can help them ward off such attacks.

The word is that secretary-general Tan Sri Dr Ting Chew Peh, 62, will take on Datuk Seri Chan Kong Choy for number two.

Should Dr Ting decide to fight it out, he and Chua will have to convince the 2,000-plus delegates that they can do a better job than Ong and Chan. They will also have to explain why they should move upwards.

Chua has every democratic right to contest. And as a candidate, he should be given every chance to present his case to the delegates.

Elections are a vital part of democracy and, if fairly and properly conducted, there is no reason why it should split the party, as claimed by some politicians every time there is a contest.

If a leader clings on too long to his position, it surely does the party no good, and one way of bringing change is through the elections. Grooming successors helps the rejuvenation process and ensures a smooth leadership transition.

It is also healthy for members to offer themselves as candidates in a party election as it shows that there are many talents who are prepared to offer their services to the party.

It is also evident that democracy is alive in the MCA.

As in any election, much emotion will be generated as polling approaches but MCA leaders, who claim to contest the polls for the sake of the party and Chinese community, should refrain from mud-slinging.

Open criticisms will not benefit the party, the second largest component party in the Barisan Nasional, and neither will it go down well with the Chinese community.

The present leadership has been effective, strong and united.

There have been many changes since the two young leaders took charge – the most significant being limiting the president's tenure to a maximum of three terms.

Divisions also now find there is no disparity in the number of delegates they can send to the assembly, thus allowing the smaller divisions to be given much clout.

In short, the turbulence of the previous Team A-Team B fight which tore the party apart is now over. This is evident by the fact that Ong, 49, and Chan, 50, are now facing the elections as a team.

There will be pockets of discontentment following the peace plan, which saw Ong and Chan taking over and their predecessors Tun Dr Ling Liong Sik and Tan Sri Lim Ah Lek stepping down, but that is to be expected in a party of one million members.

Politicians, regardless of their level, expect positions and rewards – particularly after a bruising fight – and those who are left out in a compromise would surely be unhappy.

However, the  general membership, understanding the sentiment of the community, wants the leadership to focus their attention on protecting the community's interest and carrying out projects that benefit the people.

There are concerns that the Chinese community would lose its influence as the size of the community continues to shrink. Whether we like it or not, size does matter in the demography of a multi-racial country.

This election is not just about personal glory, winning positions or proving the candidate's popularity; the Chinese community want to know what the leaders can do for them.

The future plans are as important, if not more crucial, than past records.

The party and the community must remember that those who work will sometimes make mistakes but those who do nothing will only point out the mistakes of others.

The word is that secretary-general Tan Sri Dr Ting Chew Peh, 62, will take on Datuk Seri Chan Kong Choy for number two.

Should Dr Ting decide to fight it out, he and Chua will have to convince the 2,000-plus delegates that they can do a better job than Ong and Chan. They will also have to explain why they should move upwards.

Chua has every democratic right to contest. And as a candidate, he should be given every chance to present his case to the delegates.

Elections are a vital part of democracy and, if fairly and properly conducted, there is no reason why it should split the party, as claimed by some politicians every time there is a contest.

If a leader clings on too long to his position, it surely does the party no good, and one way of bringing change is through the elections. Grooming successors helps the rejuvenation process and ensures a smooth leadership transition.

It is also healthy for members to offer themselves as candidates in a party election as it shows that there are many talents who are prepared to offer their services to the party.

It is also evident that democracy is alive in the MCA.

As in any election, much emotion will be generated as polling approaches but MCA leaders, who claim to contest the polls for the sake of the party and Chinese community, should refrain from mud-slinging.

Open criticisms will not benefit the party, the second largest component party in the Barisan Nasional, and neither will it go down well with the Chinese community.

The present leadership has been effective, strong and united.

There have been many changes since the two young leaders took charge – the most significant being limiting the president's tenure to a maximum of three terms.

Divisions also now find there is no disparity in the number of delegates they can send to the assembly, thus allowing the smaller divisions to be given much clout.

In short, the turbulence of the previous Team A-Team B fight which tore the party apart is now over. This is evident by the fact that Ong, 49, and Chan, 50, are now facing the elections as a team.

There will be pockets of discontentment following the peace plan, which saw Ong and Chan taking over and their predecessors Tun Dr Ling Liong Sik and Tan Sri Lim Ah Lek stepping down, but that is to be expected in a party of one million members.

Politicians, regardless of their level, expect positions and rewards – particularly after a bruising fight – and those who are left out in a compromise would surely be unhappy.

However, the  general membership, understanding the sentiment of the community, wants the leadership to focus their attention on protecting the community's interest and carrying out projects that benefit the people.

There are concerns that the Chinese community would lose its influence as the size of the community continues to shrink. Whether we like it or not, size does matter in the demography of a multi-racial country.

This election is not just about personal glory, winning positions or proving the candidate's popularity; the Chinese community want to know what the leaders can do for them.

The future plans are as important, if not more crucial, than past records.

The party and the community must remember that those who work will sometimes make mistakes but those who do nothing will only point out the mistakes of others.