Specific instructions were  given to the guests, particularly the
politicians, not to turn the party into a political forum. But when the karaoke
session started, some guests went on stage to sing the DAP elections theme
song, Must Fight to Win, a popular Taiwanese Hokkein song then.

There were thunderous applause from the ground and, by the time the party
ended, some guests had to be carried out because they were drunk, while some
Barisan politicians left fuming.

Lim was the darling of Penangites. He was the fearless hero in a state, known
for its independent-minded voters, and they voted strongly for him – knocking
off Chief Minister Dr Lim Chong Eu in Padang Kota, in what was known as Tanjung
Two, by 706 votes. He also retained his Tanjung parliamentary seat by a
majority of 17,469 votes.

Caught up in the euphoria in Penang and the political turbulence of the times,
I, too, felt the government deserved a kick on the chin by the DAP.

That was not all. The DAP won 14 state seats, denying the Barisan of its
two-thirds majority and nearly formed a new state government by a whisker. It
was just three state seats short.

Lim had made his move to Penang in 1986, in what was dubbed the Tanjung One battle,
when he wrested the Tanjung parliamentary seat from the Barisan, beating Dr Koh
Tsu Koon by 4,690 votes. Besides winning the Kampong Kolam state seat, he also
helped his party win nine other state seats.

By 1995, the DAP was convinced it was ready for power. Taking a swipe at Chief
Minister Tan Sri Dr Koh Tsu Koon for being "submissive" to Umno, the people of
Penang was asked to vote in a Chief Minister With Power – the theme of the DAP
campaign.

Caricatures of Robocop, a popular movie then of a robotic character, was put up
all over the state to project Lim as the protector of the weak. But the Barisan
hit back, saying Robocop was also a killing machine.

The DAP's Try Five Years slogan to Penangites met with Barisan's Die Five
Years. In the end, Dr Koh easily defeated Lim in Tanjung Bungah by 7,487
votes.

The DAP campaign strategy was a flop. It won only one state seat against
Barisan's 32 and fingers were pointed at Penang party chief, lawyer Gooi Hock
Seng.

A fallout in the DAP soon started. Attempts were made to topple Lim, in what
was known as the Knockout Kit Siang (KOKS) campaign and soon one DAP leader
after another left the party.

The internal squabbling took its toll on the DAP and when the reformasi
movement started, the DAP thought a windfall had dropped on their laps. Through
the influence of some young turks in the party, Lim was convinced working with
PAS was the best option.

They had him believed the Chinese community supported the opposition front of
PAS, DAP, Keadilan and Parti Rakyat Malaysia. But they were wrong. The DAP was
punished by the Chinese voters in the last general election.

In a commentary, I questioned the wisdom of the DAP-PAS pact. Lim, upset with
my criticism, issued a press statement and 
telephoned me to express his feelings.

In the end, I was proven right. The DAP retained only one state seat in
Penang.

And now, in 2004, Lim is pleading with the voters of Ipoh Timor to give him a
last chance.

He has travelled to Penang and Selangor telling the Chinese voters if they
reject the DAP candidates  again, as they
did in 1999, the party would have to close shop and they would never be able to
hear them again.

The Islamic state issue, which worked against the DAP in 1999 because of its
pact with PAS, has been ironically repackaged to suit the times – vote DAP to
stop the setting up of an Islamic state ala PAS or Umno.

Parliament, the DAP leaders are saying, is filled with PAS Members of
Parliament with beards and serbans, who only extol religious virtues although Barisan
candidates are reminding their listeners the PAS MPs are there because of DAP
support.

Feedback shows the tactics have worked to some extent. Barisan campaigners have
expressed their worries that the kesian-the-DAP strategy may snowball and cause
the Barisan, especially the MCA and Gerakan, some votes.

The biggest headache for the DAP is Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi who is the
Barisan's biggest draw. When MCA and Gerakan candidates go on their walkabouts,
they are often asked by the people whether they will get to see the Prime
Minister.

Pak Lah, remains the Barisan's trump card, and his call for a strong mandate to
continue his fight against corruption and to instil integrity, accountability
and credibility has left the opposition in the corner.

No doubt, there is still plenty of fire inside Lim and DAP deputy chairman
Karpal Singh. Their ability to articulate their views on numerous issues has
put to shame many of the younger DAP leaders.

But much has changed since. The man they criticised for overstaying as Prime
Minister – Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad – has left after 22 years in office but  Lim and Karpal, both 63, are still around,
reluctant to retire.

Their political rivals have also changed with Abdullah leading the Barisan
Nasional into a general election for the first time. One of their favourite
targets, MCA's Datuk Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik has stepped down and taken over by
Datuk Seri Ong Ka Ting, who is also, for the first time, heading his party
election machinery.

PAS president Datuk Fadzil Nor has passed away and replaced by firebrand Datuk
Seri Abdul Hadi Awang, who seems bent on turning Malaysia into another
Afghanistan.

Lim and Karpal Singh earned their reputation fighting against corruption. That
thunder has been stolen from them by Abdullah, who is also fighting the same
issue this time. In Karpal Singh's own words, there are no big national issues
now.

Even the architects of the early successful DAP campaigns are gone. They are
now in different parties such as Penang's Gooi Hock Seng and Teoh Teik Huat,
who are in Keadilan or Datuk Lee Yuen Fong @ Tiger Lee of Negri Sembilan who
had joined the MCA.

A new generation, who are more concerned with the video clips on MTV, have
grown up and they know little about Lim or Karpal Singh.

As Lim walked away from us to board the plane at the airport, my daughter
enquired about Uncle Kit.

I told her that he was a brave man who dared to speak out, especially against
the corrupt, and willing to fight against the government.

But she then asked: "Isn't that being done by the Prime Minister and why would
anyone want to fight a nice man like Pak Lah?"

For the voters of Bukit Glugor and Ipoh Timor, that would be the dilemma as
they turn up on Sunday to cast their votes. Do they want to return the DAP
veterans and say no to Abdullah's agenda at the same time?

Kicking off his campaign to about 800 people, an
unusually small audience to Lim, who had spoken to crowds of at least 10,000
people in his Penang campaign, reminded the people of Perak to bring back ''the
glory of Ipoh of the 1950s and 1980s.''

In the 50s, the Seenivasagam brothers, both lawyers, were firebrands from the
People's Progressive Party while in the 1980s, the DAP through big names like
P. Patto and Lau Dak Kee spearheaded the opposition.

But for many young voters, the names mean little. PPP,  headed by Datuk M. Kayveas, is in the Barisan
Nasional now and Malaysians don't know much about the party.

The past week had been tough for the DAP. 
PAS president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang described Lim and Karpal Singh
as ''outdated            medicine whose
shelf life has expired'' while the Barisan has dismissed Lim's style of
confrontational politics, saying it was no longer  relevant.

As Lim walked the streets of Ipoh, he has been telling his listeners he has his
roots in Perak, reminding them of his stay at Kamunting in Taiping when he was
detained under the Internal Security Act.

Barisan Nasional's incumbent Ipoh Timor MP Thong Fah Chong has kept hammering
home the point that he is a local boy, born and bred in the state while Lim is
from Malacca.

The Barisan camp pointed out that Lim had contested in Malacca, Selangor,
Penang, and now Perak, with the DAP splinter group-Malaysian Democratic
Party-describing him as a ''political fly'' but Lim rebutted this, saying he is
fighting for the democracy of the nation.

There is another issue of concern for Lim. Last Saturday, as he attacked the
Barisan, he also had plenty of rockets aimed at PAS' leaders Hadi Awang and Nik
Aziz as well as Parti Keadilan Nasional.

There is good reason for it. The DAP, which lost badly in the 1999 polls
because of its pact with PAS, is taking great pains to dissociate itself from
the Islamist party.

Hadi, the Terengganu Mentri Besar, did Lim a great favour when he openly attacked
Lim.  That has put a spanner into the
strategy of the Barisan, especially the MCA and Gerakan, which wants to remind
the Chinese voters of the ''unholy alliance.''

The reminders include press cuttings showing DAP leaders from Terengganu who
said they had continued working for Hadi even after the DAP left the pact in
1999 and Selangor DAP leader Teng Chang Kim saying the DAP and PAS were still
cooperating.

MCA leaders are pointing out that the open bickering in the press between DAP,
Keadilan and PAS is nothing more than a sandiwara because the statistics showed
otherwise.

The Barisan has taken out advertisements in Chinese newspapers stating that the
DAP had continued to hold hands with PAS despite announcing that it had severed
ties with PAS after 1999.

The Utusan Malaysia reported on Sunday that at least 95% of the fights in this
general election are straight fights between the Barisan and the
opposition.

The allocation of seats have been nicely carved out with PAS contesting 86
seats, DAP 44 and Keadilan 58 at parliamentary level while for state seats, PAS
has 262, Keadilan 118 and DAP 106.

The only problem for the DAP and Keadilan is that they are fighting each other
in constituencies with a Chinese majority.

While Keadilan Malay leaders have found it easier to get their seats,
especially in states where PAS is not strong, it is the other way round for the
non-Malay leaders from Keadilan.

They have been left to fend for themselves, having to square off with the DAP.
In short, it's a fight for the crumbs for these Chinese and Indian
leaders.

Over the next few days, as the political temperature soar, Lim is expected to
emphasise that he will speak up for the people in Parliament but Thong is
likely to counter that he is there for them always.

Thong is also banking on his track record, pointing out that he obtained a
RM6.2mil allocation during his tenure, with 40% going to schools and 30% to
public amenities.

Realising the importance of education, his leaflet also said that through his
work, five premier schools-the Methodist Girls School, the Main Convent, Chong
Tack, Chung Shan and La Salle- which were downgraded from Grade A to Grade B
were restored their original status.

Thong, a full-time politician with five service centres in the constituency,
has also pointed out his 100% attendance in Parliament.

MCA campaigners are also stressing that Lim is probably the country's longest
serving party leader and has refused to make way for younger leaders in the
DAP, despite professing to care about the aspirations of the young voters.  Lim is 63 while Thong is 47.

Lim, on the other hand, is banking on his past reputation as an opposition
politician. His ISA detention is his credential and he is banking on sympathy
votes for support.

There are also voters who feel that Lim would be able to perform the opposition
role better than PAS MPs, who are more concerned with heaven and hell issues
than to check the excessiveness of the government.

But those who back the Barisan feel that Lim is no longer relevant and that his
time is over. His refusal to give way to younger DAP leaders has dented his
image of wanting to voice the aspirations of young people.

The 73,325 voters of Ipoh Timor have a difficult choice. They have to choose a
youthful politician from  the Barisan,
who has served them well and enjoys direct support of the national leadership,
or respond to a call to return Lim to Parlia- ment.

The tourists' offence: eating when Muslims were
performing their prayers.

The customers scurried off, leaving their half-eaten food, and the terrified
hawkers hid behind their stalls.

That was the first impression, and probably a lasting one, for Salim, a
seasoned journalist.

Since PAS took over Kelantan and Terengganu, it has banned unisex hair salons,
segregated men and women at supermarket checkout counters and even banned women
from performing in cultural performances for non-Muslims.

But PAS is not bothered with what Muslims in Kuala Lumpur, Penang or Johor
think about them.

Two weeks ago, PAS spiritual leader Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat objected to Parti
Rakyat Malaysia president Dr Syed Husin Ali contesting a seat in Kota
Baru.

The reason was simply because Dr Syed Husin was not Muslim enough. He said PAS
could not accept the former Universiti Malaya lecturer because of his socialist
background.

Socialism, the Kelantan Mentri Besar argued, was related to communism.

In Nik Aziz's own words: "Adik kepada komunis".

Predictably, Dr Syed Husin said he was shocked and hurt by Nik Aziz's remarks
but he did not want to clash with Nik Aziz.

Dr Syed Husin, who has never backed out of a fight with the Government, decided
to pull out of the race altogether, which could have possibly been his last
general election.

He has fought in four elections and never won any. In the 1999 elections, he
lost to Barisan Nasional's Datuk Donald Lim in Petaling Jaya Selatan, who won
with a 3,912-vote majority.

Next came the stunner from PAS president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang who vowed
that should PAS come to power, it would amend the Federal Constitution to allow
only a Muslim to become the prime minister.

It is an accepted convention among all the races in Malaysia that only a Malay
would become the prime minister. That is the political reality as Malays make
up the majority ethnic group.

The suggestion by PAS, aimed at whipping up religious sentiment, is dangerous
and would have far reaching consequences in our multi-religious, multi-ethnic and
multi-cultural society.

If only a non-Muslim can become prime minister, then it would not be possible
for Tan Sri Dr Koh Tsu Koon or Datuk Joseph Pairin Kitingan to become chief
minister of their state. It would only be reserved for PAS' mullahs.

But no one can fault PAS for being inconsistent – it has said it over and over
again that it wants to set up a theocratic country. Only Muslims would have a
role in governing the kind of Islamic country envisaged by the likes of Hadi
and Nik Aziz. Non-Muslims would be appointed to minor positions but would have
no executive role in policy making.

Seduced by the possibility of forming the federal government, the DAP readily
embraced PAS in 1990 and paid dearly for the relationship.

Power sharing has been the hallmark of the Barisan Nasional since the days of
the Alliance under the leadership of Tunku Abdul Rahman and, now, the Barisan
Nasional under Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.

Even a minor party like People's Progressive Party gets its share of the leadership
although the dominant parties like Umno, MCA and MIC could have total control.
Despite the creation of 26 new parliamentary seats, Umno asked for only 10
seats with the rest distributed among its partners.

PAS has promised that under its rule, all Malaysians would be treated equally
and there would no racial discrimination.

It may sound pleasant to many non-bumiputras except that non-Muslims would be
treated under different laws.

In fact, PAS has made it clear that affirmative action, race and religious
classification would remain. Syariah would be the supreme law of the land,
replacing the Federal Constitution.

But equally disturbing is the failure of Parti Keadilan Nasional and Parti
Rakyat Malaysia leaders to respond to Hadi's stand. The leaders of Keadilan
extol the virtues of openness but have kept their silence on these issues. The
party offers no principled position.

In 1999, a large segment of Malaysians supported the opposition because they
were fed up with the opportunistic policies of the government but now, the
opposition leaders are displaying the same opportunistic policies for political
expediency.

Despite their talk of social justice, Keadilan candidates like Tian Chua and
R.Sivarasaare too timid to criticise PAS because of realpolitik. They are more
concerned with securing votes from PAS supporters than principles.

Nik Aziz's talk of promising a passage to heaven for voting PAS can hardly
inspire confidence among non-Muslims.

It is fine for opposition candidates to talk about wanting to "make noise" in
Parliament but until now neither Keadilan nor PRM have come out with a clear
public position on numerous issues.

In a plural society, it is a tough act trying to hold the nation together. Very
few nations have the kind of track record Barisan has.

When Malaysians go to the polls on Sunday, it is not just a question whether
they want a politician who can make noise in Parliament or one who can bring
development to them.

It goes beyond. In their hands is the future of Malaysia – a progressive and
modern Malaysia or a theocratic government that runs contrary to beliefs and
culture.

This is perhaps because Malaysians comprise many
different racial, religious and social groups at various stages of development
and we tend to view issues from different perspectives, coloured by our ethnic
or religious backgrounds.

Malaysia is a lucky country in many respects.

Located like an arc across South-East Asia, away from catastrophic typhoons,
volcanoes and earthquakes and endowed with a broad range of natural resources
including oil and gas, and populated by hardworking and talented people, the
country has been fortunate to be ruled by moderate, pragmatic governments which
practise power-sharing.

Malaysia is lucky too because violence is not part of its political
culture.

True, once in a while, a fanatical, religious sect will emerge to create some
havoc and fear. But in almost all cases, their members are small in numbers,
their ideology borders on the absurd and bizarre and their activities are
quickly nipped in the bud.

Compromise and social justice are the hallmarks of the Malaysian way of life.
There is really no other choice, unless we want to risk situations like in
Northern Ireland, Nigeria, Rwanda, Chechnya or Chile under the Allende or
Pinochet regimes.

Under the Malaysian political and economic systems, every community has a voice
in decision-making and a stake in the outcome. No community can ride roughshod
over the others and no community emerges fully satisfied or empty-handed.

On certain occasions, one group may seem to be getting disproportionate
benefits from a government policy or action but most of the time, other groups
are compensated in other forms and in other situations.

Negotiations are never confrontational or held in public under the glare of the
media but always behind closed doors, where debate can be vigorous, even
bruising, but in the end everyone is conscious not to push too far as to tear
the fabric of compromise.

But despite our success and progress, Malaysians must never forget that it is
all too easy to ruin all that our founding fathers have achieved.

We are still very much a multi-racial, multi-religious society and our
political, social and economic progress is still fragile.

It would not not take much to undo our progress, substantial though it may
be.

The racial riots of May 13, 1969 are a reminder of how the irresponsible
actions of a few hotheads against the backdrop of a tense political situation
can trigger a national disaster.

That is why it's crucial for us to reject all forms of extremism, be they
racial, religious or cultural.

Extremism on one end of the scale begets extremism on the other end.

Disputes and misunderstandings, which can easily be resolved through compromise
where the parties will be able to walk away with something including their
honour, will degenerate into recriminations and hate when exploited by
extremists.

Malaysians, when casting their votes on March 21, must choose wisely. It's
their own future they are deciding on.

"I will be issuing a statement and I will leave it to the
Election Commission to decide on the nomination and polling dates," he said,
sensing the air of relief in the room.

There would be no press conference, as had been previously done, but he would
instead meet the press today after the Umno and Barisan Nasional supreme
council meetings at the Putra World Trade Centre.

As the Cabinet meeting continued, press aides began informing newspaper offices
of the decision to dissolve Parliament.

Many ministers, when contacted later, said they were relieved that Abdullah had
announced the dissolution, as they had "half-expected" the decision yesterday
with talk that Parliament would be dissolved by this weekend, before Parliament
meets on Monday.

The past few days had been stressful for most of the ministers, who comprise
many Barisan heads, as they met Abdullah separately to discuss the allocation
of seats.

Many had also started campaigning over the past month in anticipation of the
polls but there is nothing like the dissolution of Parliament to put things in
perspective.

Now, the competing parties would wait for the Election Commission to fix the
two important dates as they hurriedly add the final touches to their election
manifestoes and campaign strategies.

However, the parties are only expected to name their candidates very close to
nomination day and in some cases, no announcements would be made.

The Barisan is sending out this message to the voters this time: if you had
voted for the opposition in the 1999 elections because you were angry with the
Government, then you must vote for the Barisan this time if you agree with what
Abdullah is doing.

It has come down to a referendum for Abdullah and his agenda, particularly
against corruption and to ensure accountability, credibility and integrity in
government.

Against the background of a robust economy, bullish stock market and optimism
about the future, voters will be asked whether they approve of the plans of the
new Prime Minister.

A strong mandate is necessary to send the message to critics of Abdullah that
the people are solidly behind him and they want him to continue with his
pledges. In short, he is not alone. We will work with him.

With the young voters, said to make up over half the electorate, in mind, the
drafters of the Barisan manifesto are making sure that it will be catchy. One
theme being considered is Aman, Amanah, Berjaya Bersama. The abbreviation is
AAB – or Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.

On his campaign trail, which will kick off at his Kepala Batas home, Abdullah
is likely to travel around the country emphasising the point that Barisan is a
party for all Malaysians.

One point being used by campaigners is that although there are 26 new
parliamentary seats, Umno has only taken 10. Many areas with a high number of
Malay voters have been given to component parties in the spirit of
power-sharing.

Despite the positive factors, it won't be an easy ride for the Barisan. Unable
to find fault with Abdullah, PAS has served notice that it will target his son,
Kamaluddin, for being a shareholder of Scomi Precision Engineering Sdn Bhd in
the alleged production of components for Libya's uranium enrichment programme.
The police have cleared the company of any wrongdoing.

The stakes are high, especially in the Malay heartland, with the Islamist party
saying it wants to capture Kedah now, after having secured Kelantan and Terengganu.
Its ally, Parti Keadilan Nasional, also wants a share in Kedah.

With Abdullah's impeccable Islamic credentials, PAS will find it harder to
attack him from the religious angle although it will still try to convince its
supporters that Umno is unacceptable as far as religion is concerned.

Without doubt, Abdullah is Barisan's biggest draw card and it won't come as a
surprise if voters see more posters of him than those of the candidates when
the campaigning starts.

As the Cabinet members started leaving when the meeting ended yesterday,
Abdullah stopped them for a simple reminder: "Please forget about protocol and
listen to the people on the ground."

That is classic Abdullah.

One party head, in particular, was concerned whether his
party would get any seat at all, but yesterday's meeting was just the first
round as more meetings have been scheduled in the coming days.

There was another important matter on his table – his travel itinerary to
Kedah, the frontline state of the opposition front, ahead of the general
election.

The visit to the northern state on Monday is part of the Prime Minister's
nationwide whirlwind tour before he decides on the date of the elections,
expected to be called anytime now.

Kedah has been given special emphasis by PAS and Parti Keadilan Nasional
because they believe they will be able to capture the state following the fall
of Kelantan and Terengganu.

Four of the Islamist party stalwarts – secretary-general Nasharuddin Mat Isa,
former Mesjid Negara imam Taib Azamuddeen Mohd Taib, former Youth chief Mahfuz
Omar and fiery orator Mohamed Sabu – are defending their parliamentary seats in
this rural heartland.

Keadilan has also announced that it is fielding vice-president Tian Chua and
supreme council member Irene Fernandez, an outspoken advocate of migrant
workers' rights, in the state.

Umno has also regarded Kedah as a state to be defended passionately as two
former prime ministers, Tunku Abdul Rahman and Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, hail
from the state.

With a battle royale looming, Abdullah, a respected religious scholar, is
heading to the state to tell the voters that Islam is not just the monopoly of
PAS politicians.

In previous stops, especially in Kelantan and Terengganu, he repeatedly told
his audience of farmers that God did not tell Muslims not to work too hard but
instead asked Muslims to strive for progress and to do so in moderation.

He has countered allegations by PAS that the Barisan government is secular and
not Islamic, pointing out that the Government had introduced Islamic practices
in finance and education.

At the same time, Abdullah has also reassured non-Muslims that he is a leader
of all Malaysians, regardless of their religion and race. He has also pointed
out that their rights would be protected, as entrenched in the Federal
Constitution.

The stakes are high. In the 1999 general election, Kedah Barisan took eight
parliamentary seats while PAS won seven. At state level, Barisan has 23 seats
against PAS' 12 and Keadilan's one.

The Barisan is putting in extra efforts to win back the lost seats because
gerrymandering, common in all democracies, has always benefited the ruling
parties.

As far as figures are concerned, the re-delineation exercise has made the job
of the opposition more difficult.

Mahfuz, for example, won his Pokok Sena seat with a 3,637-vote majority, but
this time, the Draga state seat, with a large Chinese electorate, has been
shifted from Alor Star to Pokok Sena.

The Alor Star seat is held by MCA central committee member Datuk Chor Chee
Heung, a popular politician who has held the seat for two terms. He won the
Alor Star seat with a 14,589-vote majority.

Tian Chua has been speculated to contest against Chor this time.

Nasharuddin, who won his Jerai parliamentary seat by a 182-vote margin, is also
having a headache as the Gurun state seat, also with a sizeable non-Muslim
vote, has been moved from the Merbok parliamentary area to Jerai. Former
Finance Minister Tun Daim Zainuddin won the Merbok seat with a 15,376-vote
majority in 1999.

The PAS propaganda machine has, to some extent, convinced its supporters and
opposition sympathisers that the Barisan is in danger of losing Kedah but the
figures seem to suggest otherwise.

In the 1999 polls and the subsequent Anak Bukit by-election, PAS won four parliamentary
and eight state seats with three-digit majorities.

The political sentiments in 1999 were very much different then.

The Malay voters then were upset with the manner the Government had handled the
Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim issue and much of that anger was translated into votes
against the Barisan.

A new man is now in charge of the Government and Umno – and Abdullah fits the
image of a Muslim leader respected by the largely conservative electorate in
Kedah.

Abdullah's first duty on being appointed Prime Minister was to visit the
flood-hit padi fields of Kedah and to announce that agriculture would top his
agenda from now.

Such talk has certainly helped Abdullah, who speaks the northern Malay dialect,
score points in the fight for the hearts and minds of Kedahans.

A day earlier, news had broken out that the Prime
Minister had called off his plans to attend the Group of 15 summit in Caracas,
Venezuela, to concentrate on the elections, but he avoided being drawn into the
question, saying he had to meet his officers first.

While there were no discussions on the election at the Cabinet meeting, the
capital was abuzz with speculation yesterday that Parliament had been
dissolved.

Not wanting to be caught off guard, some newspaper organisations sent reporters
to Istana Negara on hearing talk that Abdullah was heading to the palace to
seek an audience with the King to dissolve Parliament.

Readers called up newspaper offices to seek confirmation, with one claiming he
heard about the palace meeting on TV, even though there was no such report.
There were plenty of these rumours on the Internet as well.

One of Abdullah's aides, on being contacted by The Star about such talk,
replied: "What palace meeting? I just walked out of his room. He is still
there."

But most Barisan Nasional component party leaders have started to finalise
preparations for the polls while waiting to meet the Prime Minister to get his
endorsement of the candidates.

The selection of candidates is regarded as a more onerous task as there will
always be many aspirants while some incumbents are reluctant to retire
gracefully despite having overstayed in their constituencies. Barisan sources
said that no firm decisions had been reached on the final list of candidates.

Other decisions include moving several state Barisan leaders to federal level.
Among those mentioned are Mentri Besar Datuk Ghani Othman and state exco member
Datuk Dr Chua Soi Lek, both from Johor.

Then, there are the more complicated matters such as swapping of seats among
Barisan component parties and claims of overlapping following the drawing up of
new seats.

The guessing game has become more difficult because no date has been fixed for
the next Barisan supreme council meeting.

While all the nitty-gritty hasn't been settled, nevertheless, over the past one
week, Barisan leaders have been closeted at their headquarters planning their
election campaigns while, at state level, election workshops were held over the
weekend to brief workers on new election rules.

The fact that Abdullah cancelled his trip to Caracas to focus on his nationwide
tour has fired the imagination of Barisan and opposition leaders, with most
believing he will dissolve Parliament within the next few weeks.

Some predict this could happen as early as next week before Parliament begins
meeting on March 8.

Under election rules, a vote must be held within 60 days of Parliament being
dissolved. The Election Commission will then set the nomination date within 10
days and the polling date is likely to be not more than 10 days later.

Against the uncertainty of when the polls will be held, one thing remains sure
– the Prime Minister is going full steam with his visit to the states to carry
the message of his fight against corruption and instil the culture of
accountability, good governance and credibility.

It's a long journey for the parties involved as they have
to fly to London or Frankfurt for a connecting flight to Caracas.

There have been no signals from the Prime Minister's office over the status of
Abdullah's itinerary, which requires Abdullah to stay in Caracas until Feb
29.

But it is almost certain that Abdullah will give the G15 summit a skip and
focus his attention on preparations for the general election.

It is likely that Abdullah would shift his energies on his whirlwind tour of
the nation and this week, he will focus on the northern states.

An official announcement on the cancellation of the trip would be a strong
indication that the polls would surely be called soon.

Last week, he flew to Terengganu and Sarawak, where he met state Barisan
Nasional leaders. The messages and mood of the huge gatherings were familiar,
all pointing to the polls.

On Sunday, flags of the Barisan were put up in several strategic spots in
Penang, particularly in areas where election workshops were being
conducted.

In Tasik Glugor, PAS and Umno appeared to lock horns by competing to put up
flags at the highest points of the trees in the area.

Going by the probabilities, it is possible that Parliament would be dissolved
as early as March 7 before its scheduled session the following day.

It would serve little purpose for the honourable members if Parliament is
dissolved midway.

In the 1999 elections, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad dissolved Parliament midway in
the session – the first time in the country's history – but that was because he
had to table the Budget.

This time, there is no such predicament for Abdullah. Most MPs would rather
spend their time campaigning instead of attending the daily meetings for a
month.

Most Barisan MPs will not relish the idea of allowing their opposition
counterparts to use the Dewan Rakyat to score political points in the run up to
the elections.

The Government also does not want the opposition to bring up potentially
embarrassing issues, which would put the former on the defensive.

If Parliament is dissolved by March 7, the Elections Commission will probably
fix nominations within two weeks and polls are likely to be held by the end of
March or early April. The campaigning period would probably be less than 10
days this time.

Over the next one week, most Barisan parties would have drawn up their list of
potential candidates. The distribution of the 25 new parliamentary seats would
need to be quickly finalised in the coming weeks to enable the component
parties to gear up in these new areas.

According to informed sources, even that should not be a problem as the
majority of the new seats would go to Umno, which has a strong campaign
machinery.

The time is right – Abdullah, who has just completed his 100 days in office, is
probably the most popular Malaysian leader now.

With Abdullah likely to announce his decision to call off his trip to Caracas
this week, it should be all systems go from now for the elections.

He also ordered the state liaison committees to activate
their election machinery to involve members at every level.

But Abdullah has said he will visit Teheran from Feb 18 for a conference on aid
for developing countries. Then there is the Group of 15 summit in Caracas,
Venezuela, from Feb 25 to 29.

He has gone on record to say that he would attend both meetings but also said
trips could be postponed for all kinds of reasons. He is also scheduled to
visit Sabah on March 2.

The consensus among Barisan and opposition leaders is that the polls are near –
and they predicted Parliament could be dissolved by early or mid-March.

Most Members of Parliament have questioned the necessity for Dewan Rakyat to
meet from March 8 to April 12, saying their minds would not be on the debates.
They would rather spend time campaigning in their respective
constituencies.

The government bench also does not want to trade verbal blows with the
opposition for an entire month at the Dewan, particularly when the latter would
seize every opportunity to raise all kinds of controversial issues, including
potentially embarrassing ones.

More significantly, the five-year term of the Sabah Government will end after
April 12. If state elections are not called by then, the assembly will
automatically dissolve and elections have to be called within the next 60
days.

Barisan leaders are in favour of holding the Sabah elections simultaneously
with the rest of the country, saying it would be a costly affair to have
separate polls.

In the 1999 general election, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad called for elections when
the Dewan Rakyat was in session – the first time in the country's
history.

Various dates have been thrown up in the guessing game, with most believing
that polling will be held either at the end of March or early April. The
general consensus that Barisan will capitalise on the "feel good" sentiment
prevailing among voters.

Not wanting to be caught off-guard, the opposition is also in full swing, with
PAS president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang announcing the party's manifesto in
Kedah last week.

PAS and Parti Keadilan Nasional, which have made Kedah their frontline state,
have announced their allocation of state and parliamentary seats in the state.
Keadilan vice-president Tian Chua and supreme council member Irene Fernandez
are both contesting in Kedah.

Malacca-born Tian Chua contested against MCA vice-president Datuk Dr Fong Chan
Onn in Selandar in the 1999 polls. The Human Resources Minister won with a
thumping 10,447-vote majority.

This time, it is speculated that he will contest against MCA central committee
member Datuk Chor Chee Heung, who is the Deputy Home Minister, in Alor Star.
Chor won with a 14,589-vote majority against DAP's George John then.

Fernandez, a social activist who campaigns for the rights of migrant workers,
is making her debut in this general election. Talk is that she will try her
luck in Padang Serai, held by Christina Lim Bee Kau who won with a 9,372-vote
majority against Keadilan's Saifuddin Nasution.

While it is clear that DAP chairman Lim Kit Siang and his deputy Karpal Singh
will be contesting, no one is sure which constituency Lim will pick. Karpal
Singh is likely to remain in Penang.

In 1999, Lim lost to Gerakan secretary-general Chia Kwang Chye by 104 votes in
Bukit Bendera while Karpal lost to Gerakan's Lee Kah Choon by 775 votes.

At state level, Lim lost to Datuk Dr Teng Hock Nan at Kebun Bunga (3,708-vote
majority) and in Datuk Kramat, lawyer Lim Boo Chang of MCA defeated Karpal
Singh by 3,148 votes. His son, Jagdeep Singh, lost to Datuk Koay Kah Huah at
the Bukit Glugor state seat by 4,017 votes.

The spotlight this time will also be on Kelantan and Terengganu where Barisan
is trying to make an impact. Barisan leaders seem optimistic about Terengganu
but most analysts do not think the coalition will be able to win back Kelantan
where Mentri Besar Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat has a strong grip.

Umno campaigners are counting on Abdullah to make the difference in the rural
heartland. With his Islamic credentials and his Mr Clean image, many opposition
activists are worried.

His common touch and his widely publicised crusade against corruption have
endeared him with padi farmers and fishermen, who welcome his decision to make
agriculture a priority in his agenda.

Over the next few weeks, we can be sure that election fever will be felt as
Barisan and the opposition shift into high gear in the run-up to the 2004
general election.

The Federal Constitution also clearly stipulates the
right of the Chinese community to practise their traditions. Moreover, the
school authorities, under the jurisdiction of the Education Ministry, had given
the nod for the gathering to be held at SK Sultan Sulaiman I.

Hadi, the hardliner of the Islamist party, had given three reasons for refusing
to approve the gathering – the open house would be held during prayer time, the
venue was not appropriate for entertainment purposes, and that women performers
would be involved.

Malaysians can understand and appreciate Hadi's reservations on the timing of
the gathering. However, the organisers had said it would not start until
8.40pm.

In fact, the unwritten rule for many event organisers, even in Kuala Lumpur, is
to begin functions at 8.30pm to allow Muslims to perform their prayers. Such
sensitivity should rightly be observed.

But, as Culture, Tourism and Arts Minister Datuk Paduka Abdul Kadir Fadzir
said, Chinese guests could eat first if they wanted to. I believe the Chinese
guests at the Terengganu gathering were polite enough to wait for their Muslim
friends.

What I cannot fathom is Hadi's fuss over the gathering's entertainment
programme. Husband-and-wife team Yusry and Erra Fazira are highly regarded for
their wholesome family act. Female singer Bienda, for example, is probably
among the few Malay artistes who wear the tudung.

Surely he has no quarrel with the Alleycats, probably the only non-Malay band
singing Malay songs and comprising singers who are now in their 50s.

Taking into account the conservative setting of the east coast state, the
organisers had included nasyid groups and a Chinese orchestra.

Hadi had said the ministry's application to the Kuala Terengganu Municipal Council
did not comply with the provisions of the Entertainment and Places of
Entertainment Enactment 2002.

Although he did not specify which provision, it is learnt that the enactment,
which was passed by the PAS state government, forbids women artistes from
performing in public places – even for cultural dances.

Last year, organisers of a Deepavali gathering landed in hot soup when they
included a traditional Indian dance by male and female performers. Then, the
Kuala Terengganu MCA earned the wrath of Hadi when they wanted to hold a social
dance for senior citizens.

The latest objection by PAS is another reflection of how intolerant its leaders
can be towards the political, cultural and religious rights of minorities
despite professing to protect them if the party were to form the next federal
government.

In fact, PAS leaders, including its spiritual leader Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat,
even defended the Taliban when they blew up the largest free-standing statue of
Buddha in Afghanistan.

In the name of religion, PAS leaders would remove every layer of democratic
process in Malaysia by labelling its opponents as "infidels and Jews" while
non-Muslims who speak up would be told they lack the credentials to speak about
the party because they have no knowledge of Islam.

This tactic has long been used by PAS to intimidate its opponents and those
without the courage and stamina to fight its leaders from shoving down the
throats of moderate Malaysians their own interpretations of Islam.

Equally disturbing is the continuing silence of non-Muslim leaders in Parti
Keadilan Nasional, which is bent on helping PAS wrest power. Never mind if they
only get the crumbs by becoming a junior partner in the ruling coalition.

Where are the outspoken non-Muslim Keadilan leaders who dare to challenge the
Federal Reserve Unit police at demonstrations but remain timid when PAS leaders
trample on the rights of moderate Malaysians?