Recently, Malaysians saw and heard PAS vice-president
Datuk Mustapha Ali on BBC's Hardtalk that the party had never mentioned
anything about an Islamic state and that the term was used by the media to
frighten the non-Muslims.

But last week, party president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang unveiled plans for
an orthodox Islamic state with the syariah laws replacing the Federal
Constitution.

The 53-page document, aimed at wooing Muslims, clearly showed that
Western-style democracy had no place in Malaysia
if PAS forms the next Federal Government.

Hadi's commitment to set up an Islamic state seems to contradict what the other
leaders have said, although most non-Muslims have long questioned the sincerity
of PAS.

Like all election manifestos, the Islamic state blueprint is no
different.

It sounds good but voters have to take all these with a pinch of salt.

PAS leaders can be religious people but strip away the flowing robes, turbans
and beards, they are politicians only interested in power.

Promising to protect the cultural and religious rights of non-Muslims in an
Islamic state, PAS has conveniently ignored the controversies the Terengganu
Government had created in infringing on the rights of the Chinese and Indian
communities.

The state government banned the two communities from holding functions which
involve dancing between the sexes.

In the case of the Indians, who celebrate Deepavali, it banned a cultural dance
because it involved female and male performers.

Even more bizarre was the state mullahs' refusal to tolerate social dancing
organised for senior citizens, claiming it was against the interest of the
majority-Muslim population in the state. So much for protecting the rights of
non-Muslims.

In Kelantan, the cultural rights of Malays have been trampled with the PAS
state government defining what is Islamic and not Islamic for the
population.

As a result, the richness of Malay culture such as wayang kulit and mak yong
have suffered greatly as Nik Aziz pursued his Arabic bias.

But more alarming is the PAS assertion, in its Islamic State Blueprint, which
emphasised that to criticise the concept is to criticise the religion.

In other words, to criticise the party and its leaders would be tantamount to
blasphemy and treason.

Using the logic of PAS leaders, how can that be compatible with democracy,
which allows the people to question constitutional laws. There are other areas
of concern, one of them that the Prime Minister must be a Muslim.

We know that in Malaysia, a Muslim Malay will be the chief executive for simple
practical political reasons but this has never been written into the constitution
because our founding fathers and up to the present government respect the
constitutional rights of every Malaysian.

In the case of PAS, it has barred non-Muslims from becoming prime minister. No
one would be surprised if non-Muslims are eventually stopped from becoming
chief minister as well.

After all, it is the policy of PAS not to field non-Muslim candidates. At one
time, the party toyed with the idea of having non-Muslims as associate members
but it was scrapped when the grassroots protested. In fact, the party cannot
even accept women candidates.

Then there is the irony of two sets of laws, one for Muslims and another for
non-Muslims. For argument's sake, what happens if a non-Muslim woman was raped
by a Muslim? The syariah law requires three credible witnesses. Where on earth
can a non-Muslim victim prove her case against a Muslim rapist, who would opt
for syariah laws, unlike the present setup which has sufficient protection for
rape victims, regardless of their faith.

But more than that, PAS' argument that the western model is bad does not hold
water.

The Transparency International 2003 Corruption Perception Index, for example,
did not have a place in the top 25 for any of the OIC member countries.

In fact, more than half, mostly Arab and African countries, are ranked in the
last 21 countries out of 133 countries.

Saudi Arabia,
for example, where elections do not exist, is ranked 46th while Sudan,
which PAS sees as a model, is 106th.

It might interest PAS to know that Indonesia
and Egypt, where
Muslims form the majority, consider themselves secular countries.

Finally, Malaysians still do not know how PAS intends to manage the country's
economic development if it forms the next Federal Government but as of now, the
alarm bells are ringing for non-Muslims.

In what has now been regarded as a preview of his
leadership, Abdullah told his listeners in March that the issues of corruption
and abuse of trust must be effectively addressed if Malaysia
wanted to compete successfully in the future.

Corruption is a key concern as it occurs in the public and private sectors and
is perpetrated by Malaysians of all races, and it is dealt with by enforcement
and effective management.

Corruption, in Pak Lah's words, cannot be dismissed as a problem by saying that
"this is the way things are done" in Malaysia.
The premier also pointed out that in a recent study commissioned by the
Government, 89% of respondents disagreed with using bribes to get things
done.

We all know that Malaysia
has the most stringent anti-corruption laws and codes for corporate governance
but it is useless if the Anti-Corruption Agency has no bite. The people cannot
be faulted if that is their perception of the ACA.

Corruption, in the eyes of ordinary folk, is so entrenched in the system that
the fight against graft could only work if there is strong political
will.

The call by Pak Lah deserves our support. It will not be easy for him but, as
he said, the war against corruption needed the commitment of everyone and a
change of mentality or mindset.

Speaking on "Competing for Tomorrow" to the Oxford
and Cambridge Society of Malaysia at the Sunway Convention Centre, Abdullah
said that "in the public sector, it manifests itself in layers of bureaucracy
that impedes effective delivery; in the private sector, it is evident in low
service levels and the lack of global best practices."

One example Pak Lah has used is that if you operate a hotel in Malaysia,
you need about 64 separate approvals every year from multiple agencies, and
then there is the Land Office which needs six months or more for a simple
approval for the transfer of land. Loan documentation, according to the
premier, takes months while the international benchmarks are measured in
days.

In the IMD World Competitiveness Report 2002, Malaysian was ranked seventh in
the world for infrastructure planning but when it came to bureaucracy hindering
business, Malaysia
fell to 13th spot. When it came to customer satisfaction, Malaysia
was placed 24th.

Under the new leadership, we can expect him to change these man-made rules
which have frustrated so many of us, especially businessmen who have to deal
with the civil service.

To fight corruption, the Government obviously needs to give the ACA more
independence and clout. It does the ACA no good when it is regarded as an
agency that is only capable of catching ikan bilis (small fry).

At dinners hosted by the country's elite and businessmen, one hears allegations
of how greedy some politicians can be. Names are named openly but they remain
unsubstantiated allegations.

While it is difficult to prove these allegations, particularly when many do not
want to lodge reports and cooperate with the authorities for fear of reprisal
to their businesses or political agenda, these culprits remain in their
positions of influence.

Surely the leadership is capable of gathering information from its own sources
in party and government on the reputation of these political figures. Something
is wrong when the public sees politicians and officials living extravagantly,
well beyond their means.

There is a great need for transparency and accountability, especially in the
awarding of government contracts, if the Government is serious about fighting
graft.

That decision would be written in the history books as
Pak Lah's first duty as prime minister, although his actual working day begins
tomorrow. Appropriate to his image as a leader who keeps close contact with
kampung folk, the country's fifth prime minister will visit flood-hit farmers
in his constituency in Penang and in Kedah.

The two states were the worst affected early last month. They lost not only
their homes and livestock but an entire season's planting.

It will be his second visit to these flood-hit areas and, hopefully, the
politicians and hangers-on accompanying him will be as concerned with  the plight of these farmers as he is.

In Kedah, at least 20,000ha of padi fields are estimated to have been damaged
by the floods. On average, 30- to 45-day-old padi seedlings were completely
destroyed.

Last month, The Star reported Abdullah's annoyance when he saw a convoy of 40
cars occupied by politicians and election hopefuls following him when he
visited several flood relief centres in Kepala Batas and Tasik Glugor.

Worse, it was reported that the smartly dressed contingent did not even get out
of their vehicles for fear of wetting their shoes when they realised it would
be a long trip.

He also questioned the progress of the RM350mil flood mitigation programme
along Sungai Muda, initiated under the Eighth Malaysian Plan following
recommendations from the Japanese International Cooperation Agency.

Abdullah's concern is understandable because the Kedah Drainage and Irrigation
Department had said that flooding caused by the annual spring tide was not
expected to relent until next month. He obviously understands the pulse of the
Malay heartland well, especially in Kedah. Besides the social and economic
cost, there are political consequences if no urgent steps are taken.

Long-term plans have been drawn up, including a RM1.5bil allocation to build 85
flood mitigation projects throughout the country to help padi farmers.

As he spoke to us about the situation, it was clear he wanted us – Kuala
Lumpur-based journalists with no inkling of the impact of the floods – to
understand the predicament of the farmers.

Abdullah's next priority would be to accelerate the nation's pace of
development and keep up the economic growth, which are on the minds of many
people. He would certainly want to channel his energies into attracting foreign
investments and to bolster our economic competitiveness. One of his immediate
foreign stops would be Japan,
a visit scheduled for next month.

As a former foreign minister, Abdullah understands the co-relation between economy
and international ties. He would surely use his diplomatic skills to sharpen
our economic attractiveness to foreign investors.

There are challenges ahead for Abdullah, including gearing up for a general
election and consolidating Umno and Barisan Nasional component parties to
ensure continued political stability.

It is good that senior Umno leaders have pledged their support for him despite
calls from some members for Abdullah to name his deputy immediately. Obviously,
he needs a deputy to help ease the burden of running the country.

But based on previous trends, Abdullah is unlikely to do so over the next few
days or weeks. Previously, when Datuk Musa Hitam quit as Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir
Mohamad's deputy in 1986, Ghafar Baba was only named to fill the post six
months later.

Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim was appointed deputy prime minister only four months
after he won the Umno deputy presidency. In the case of Abdullah, he had to
wait four-and-a-half months before being named to the post following Anwar's
sacking from the party and government.

No doubt there has been speculation but it would only be fair that Abdullah be
allowed to name his deputy in his own time.

While party members may be keen on knowing Abdullah's choice as deputy, the
general public's wish is that he continues to forge national unity, fight
communalism and improve the quality of our civil service.

Among others, they want our civil servants to truly serve them, they want our
policemen to be alert and responsive, and they want corrupt officials,
especially the big fishes, to be brought to book.

Expectations are certainly high for Abdullah but it would mean little if we do
not give him our full support in taking Malaysia
to greater heights.

Mr Prime Minister, we wish you well in making Malaysia
great.

This is where the press photographers will be waiting to
record the smooth leadership transition and where Abdullah will assume his
duties as the country's fifth premier.

Staff of the Prime Minister's Office will line up to extend their wishes to Dr
Mahathir, who clocks out for the last time as prime minister.

From Saturday onwards, Dr Mahathir will be an ordinary Member of Parliament
and, most probably, sit near former MCA president Datuk Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik
at the Dewan Rakyat. Dr Ling stepped down from his party and government posts
in May.

In the final lap of his leadership, Dr Mahathir was in Timor Leste on a two-day
official visit where was accorded an official welcoming ceremony. Timor Leste
gained independence last year after breaking away from Indonesia.

Its president, Xanana Gusmao, has said that of all the countries in Asia,
the "Malaysian model" of national development and natural resource management
was most suitable to adopt.

Dili – the capital of Timor Leste – has named one of its streets after Dr
Mahathir. This is certainly the first for Dr Mahathir because he has forbidden
any local authority to name a road, building or project after him.

Over the weekend he was in Papua New Guinea
at the invitation of his counterpart, Sir Michael Thomas Somare. It was his
third visit to Papua New Guinea,
which has many Malaysian investors, particularly in logging.

On Wednesday, Dr Mahathir will chair his final Cabinet meeting. Most ministers,
I understand, have decided not to submit any working papers so as not to bog
down the meeting.

They want Dr Mahathir to use the occasion to express his feelings on how the
respective ministers should handle the priorities he would want carried out.
For the more senior ministers like Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu and Datuk Seri Dr
Lim Keng Yaik, this extraordinary meeting will be an emotional affair.

The following day, Dr Mahathir will speak at the Dewan Rakyat as a premier for
the last time. He will answer questions as well as table the mid-term review of
the Eighth Malaysia Plan.

The same evening, the Umno president will chair a meeting of the party supreme
council at the Putra World Trade Centre before breaking fast with senior Umno
officials.

For a man who has been branded a dictator and a despot for the past weeks by
the western media, he has certainly proved his willingness to give up his post
without being kicked out of office in an election or a revolution.

Dr Mahathir has not held on to office for life, unlike many leaders in the Arab
world who never even held elections. They are spared from any labels by a
hostile press because they act as proxies for the United
States.

The criticism against Dr Mahathir is a dampener as Malaysians prepare to bid
him farewell but he is no stranger to controversy. He is a man who calls a
spade a spade.

In many parts of the western world, the international media has humiliated him
for his purported anti-Semitic remarks. Yet, those of us who read his speech in
full or watched him on television during the opening of the Organisation of
Islamic Conference knew that his speech was directed at Muslims, particularly
the clerics and hardliners.

He lambasted Muslim countries for being backward and for shunning science and
technology. He ridiculed fatalistic Muslims who prepare for the next world but
ignore tomorrow. He castigated "interpreters of Islam who taught that the
acquisition of knowledge by Muslims meant only the study of Islamic
theology."

If anyone who should be upset, it ought to be the majority of Muslims.

We remember he caused an uproar some years back, especially among some PAS
leaders, when he allowed Israeli children to visit Malaysia
to see for themselves what a modern, progressive Muslim nation can be.

Even at home, we know how he has continuously criticised the Malays for
depending on the government and how he reminded non-bumiputras to accept the
benefits of affirmative action, which may seem unfair but has brought overall
political and economic stability to this country.

No one has been spared in his criticism, so there is no reason why the Arabs
and Jews should be spared. No one is a sacred cow and certainly no one is
untouchable as far as Dr Mahathir is concerned. Even the Malay Rulers found
that out.

We know Dr Mahathir enough to understand that when he said Malaysia
was already an Islamic state, the majority of non-Muslims were not alarmed
because under his leadership, our country has been forward-looking and
moderate.

We know that the Chinese and Indian communities do not have to worry about
their cultural dances being banned, unlike PAS which lumps such performances
under its anti-vice drive despite trying to convince us that they will be fair
to the minority races.

Dr Mahathir has brought unprecedented growth to Malaysia
over the past 22 years. He has single-handedly transformed a former British
colony that depended on rubber and tin into one of Asia's
most modern and wealthy countries.

We hold our heads high and proudly tell foreigners that we are Malaysians
because of you, Dr Mahathir. You have been an inspiration to all of us. For
this, we can only say thank you and wish you the very best in your future
endeavours.

Terima kasih, Dr Mahathir.

Not one of these ordinary Malaysians felt that the
tribute being paid to Dr Mahathir could be regarded as idolatry, toadying and
sycophancy, as some politicians have claimed.

Malaysians, regardless of their race and religion, simply want to say thank you
to a man they genuinely believe has contributed greatly to their lives.

Here is a man who has been the catalyst of tremendous changes to Malaysia
over the last 22 years.

While not all the messages were commendable of Dr Mahathir, which is
understandable and accepted in any democratic society, they acknowledged the
economic differences he had brought to this country.

Some clearly did not agree with his politics but they accepted his vision and
boldness. Much more than that, they also said they would miss him. But none
said the tribute was excessive.

I have decided to reproduce extracts of e-mail and letters from readers who
took the trouble to respond.

These Malaysians deserve to be heard by the rest of the nation, especially the
petty politicians.

Reader Mike Lui wrote that Dr Mahathir is more than just a Prime Minister,
describing him as "a father who would spank us when we misbehave, and when he
knew what was better he would not back down."

"Our country still lacks a true democracy but yet we never lacked a leader who
cared," he said, adding that Malaysians could not expect a perfect man.

Dr Mahathir, as Lui aptly pointed out, did not feel the need for popularity in
his leadership and quest to make Malaysia
better, and that the whole nation would miss his leadership.

"We have been lucky to have him. For this is indeed a great man and he has
served the country well," Lui wrote. "His work has made all of us proud as
Malaysians."

Reader Mohamed Ismail said Dr Mahathir had made many unpopular decisions in his
career and had angered him several times, but in the end the Prime Minister was
proven correct.

"He was a man ahead of the times. He was always many steps ahead of us and
often we could not understand that he just wanted the best for us.

"In the end, he was right and for that we must salute him.

"As a human being, he made mistakes but during the 22 years as a leader, his
achievements for Malaysia
certainly outweighed those flaws.

"As a Muslim, he also dared to tell us what was wrong with us," wrote
Mohamed.

Reader Lim Chew Yin admitted that at times she, too, had been angry with Dr
Mahathir, especially during the 1997 financial crisis and his strong criticism
of the West "but he stuck to his guns and we came away with flying
colours."

"I know this sounds clichéd, but I will always admire him and love him. He will
be greatly missed."

Riduan Ismail from Kuala Lumpur
telephoned to say he was upset with the "fault finders" and those with "holier
than thou" attitude who were more concerned with achieving their political
ambitions in the name of religion.

"Dr Mahathir was one man who would never be intimidated by those who want to
chart the course of the nation with their medieval social order.

"As a Muslim, I will remember Dr Mahathir for his guts in voicing the concerns
of moderate Muslims."

Ang Layping, who lives in the United States,
wrote that she was often overseas but had followed the country's development
and Dr Mahathir's leadership closely over the years.

"I personally felt that our country is very lucky to have such a respectful and
courageous leader. I have met him in New York
and I truly wish him well in health and many more years to come.

"Malaysians should be very proud of him; without him, we Malaysians will not be
known to other nations. Almost everyone in the world knows our prime minister.
I sincerely salute you. Thank you, sir."

Couple Anitha and S. Daniel e-mailed me to say that they were "deeply touched
with your kind words and understanding of our prime minister" in the two
previous articles.

"Our Prime Minister told us that we could do anything we want just by believing
in ourselves.

"He has so much confidence in us that we lack in ourselves. Despite the many
critics, he made Malaysia
shine."

From Italy,
reader Lee Sau Kuan wrote that "Dr Mahathir has developed Malaysia
and also made Malaysian well-known. I now live in Italy
but I miss him dearly."

Chee Keong Tan, in his late 20s, wrote: "I am one of the lucky people in the
age whereby we witnessed the tremendous growth of our beloved nation. Looking
around today, the living condition has improved, infrastructures have been
upgraded, we are all – at least the majority – more comfortable now than in the
80s.

"We owe all these to Dr M, a person so close to our hearts that he is like
family, a fatherly figure to all of us.

"I am sure many of us know how much he has sacrificed for the country and the
people, yet we have disappointed him again and again with problems.

"But just like a father, he never gave up on his 'sons and daughters.' Thanks
for not giving up on us, thanks for being a great father to all Malaysians. And
thanks for giving us a future.

"From the bottom of my heart, as well as many of the Malaysians, we will really
miss you and your love to us will never be forgotten. We love you, Dr M!"

Vickenswari Thurairajah wrote to say that she has an 11-year-old daughter and
wants to send a postcard to Dr Mahathir to thank him for what he has done for Malaysia.

Yes, your family can do so by writing to him at the Prime Minister's Office,
Bangunan Perdana Putra, Pusat Pentadbiran Kerajaan Persekutuan, 62502 Putrajaya
or email to ppm@pmo. gov.my.

From Ohio State
University in the United
States, student Johnny Khong, too, said he
wanted to write to Dr Mahathir to express "my deepest appreciation for his
leadership and inspiration during his tenure."

And finally, I even received two responses – from Bosnia
and Ethiopia –
saluting Dr Mahathir. They, too, say they will miss Dr Mahathir as much as all
of us.

THERE is a distinct difference between Prime Minister
Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad and his predecessors – he made us believe in
ourselves and he believed in us.

It's legendary by now how much confidence he attempted to instil in us during
his 22-year leadership.

But not many Malaysians know how far he would go to prove his trust and faith
in us, even if it meant risking his own life.

Then there is another known critic of Dr Mahathir who had
written a book criticising the Proton Saga project but bought one vehicle
shortly later.

Yet another who used to be very angry with Dr Mahathir is Dr Chandra Muzaffar.
I do not know how he feels about the Prime Minister now but Dr Chandra has
certainly turned positive.

There are many of us, whether we wish to admit it or not, who was upset with
the Prime Minister at one time or another over the past 22 years. Even some of
our Cabinet ministers today had openly rebelled against Dr Mahathir with harsh
words.

In fact, I was among the critics. In October 1987, when he ordered the arrest
of 119 people comprising parliamentarians, civil rights leaders and social
activists, I honestly thought that Dr Mahathir had gone overboard.

My job as a journalist hung in the balance when he revoked the printing permit
of The Star and two other newspapers. The suspension lasted five months – a
rather long period of uncertainty.

Some of us who had earlier campaigned against the Official Secrets Act
genuinely believed that democracy was dead. So was press freedom.

In his first five years as Prime Minister, there was no end to the
controversies against Dr Mahathir but he carried on doggedly. He was determined
to prove many of us wrong.

Years later, as I began covering him as a newsman, I was able to understand his
leadership on a more personal level. From there, I became more appreciative of
him.

His labour of love had begun to bear fruit. The country's economy became robust
and we held our heads high, knowing we were better off than before.

He instilled confidence in us and as more and more foreigners became acquainted
with Malaysia,
we realised proudly that we were no longer in the backwaters of Borneo.
Thanks to Dr Mahathir, the white men now know about Malaysia.

Dr Mahathir stamped his authority because he wanted us to be focused and
channel our energies into making Malaysia
great.

If there is a price to pay for the development of Malaysia,
we were all willing to go along. We began to accept that democracy meant little
if we had empty stomachs.

Dr Mahathir is clearly a man ahead of the times, a visionary. On hindsight, we
began to see the logic of his actions, even if they might appear unpopular and
even irrational to some of us.

Economists like Dr Jomo talked of cronyism without realising the practical aspects
of doing business. The theory part is always easy.

But not many businessmen in this country can do a decent job, particularly when
it involves mega projects and the commitment of huge investments.

Those who had complained about the imposition of tolls on roads must surely
appreciate the fine network of highways we have today.

Travelling by road is so much safer and faster now. The toilets at the rest
areas today are much better than the horrendous sights that greeted us at
coffee shops along trunk roads.

Dr Mahathir did not build monuments named after him but created projects that
benefited the people.

It was he who gave the green light to bring cable television to our homes and
spoilt us with the many channels. And it was Dr Mahathir – regarded by the West
as an enemy of the press – who handed over 2,000 printing permits over the last
22 years.

He has been accused of being dictatorial and called a pharaoh by PAS leaders,
but that did not stop the opposition party from capturing two states. If elections
were rigged, that wouldn't have happened.

Two weeks ago, I travelled with Dr Mahathir to London
and Stockholm. Last week, I was in
Langkawi to interview him along with three colleagues.

The interview is probably among the last before he steps down on Oct 31. We
could sense that there was plenty he wanted to say.

Among them was the Anwar Ibrahim issue. It was obvious he had been pained
deeply and he needed to get his feelings off his chest when I asked whether he
had been misunderstood during his 22 years as Prime Minister.

It is a blot on his record but it would be terribly unfair to judge him merely
on that one sad episode. Surely, there are more pressing concerns of the
nation.

He wanted to dwell more about his efforts to get the Malays off the subsidy
crutch as "by and large, they have become even more dependent on the
government."

There was despair on his face. In his own words, he said he had tried
everything but he had lost.

For the majority of Malaysians, however, we can truly say he has done his very
best during his time in office.

There is nothing more we as Malaysians could ask for from Dr Mahathir. He has
been an extraordinary leader.

For that, we have been lucky. It is still more than three weeks before he
retires but I have already begun to miss him.

By coincidence, or perhaps the speaker might have
recognised Dr Mahathir among the crowd, he suddenly heaped praises on the
Malaysian leader. Dismissing many politicians who claimed to be Islamic as
fakes, he described Dr Mahathir as one of the few true Muslim leaders.

In a strong commanding voice, he said Dr Mahathir was one of the few "Islamic
leaders with soul" and "certainly one of the great Islamic leaders of our
time."

Not wanting to attract undue attention, Dr Mahathir decided to walk away before
he was pointed out by the speaker, who appeared to have become excited by the
presence of the Malaysian leader.

It was certainly a good start for Dr Mahathir who spoke his heart out on Islam
to a packed crowd at the School of Oriental
and African Studies at the University
of London the following day.

Dr Mahathir had spent hours rewriting the speech, keeping his aides busy until
near midnight on Sunday, to ensure his
words truly reflected his inner thoughts and feelings on Islam and Malaysia.

Using simple language, without the rhetoric often associated with some Islamic
speakers, Dr Mahathir urged Muslims to re-examine the Islam they practised as
contradictory interpretations had divided its followers and led to various
drawbacks.

The Prophet, he pointed out, brought Muslims only one religion of Islam but
today there were hundreds of Islam, saying Islam was a perfect religion but
Muslims were not.

The short stop in London was a
nostalgic one in many ways, not just for Dr Mahathir, but for the officials,
journalists and businessmen who accompanied him on his stops in Stockholm
and New York.

On his last leg of his 22-year career as Prime Minister, he took time off in London
to buy books and also DVDs. One of his choices was the classic Ben Hur,
starring Charlton Heston.

Then there was the purchase of tapes in French, an indication that he would be
learning the language, now that he would have time to spend on his own. His
wife, Datin Seri Dr Siti Hasmah Mohamed Ali, is said to be sharpening her
language skills by sending SMS in French.

The London visit, probably his last
as a prime minister, also brought back many fond memories for him. He told his
listeners that his first visit was in 1962 when there were few Indian
restaurants. He remembered one particular shop which he visited daily for his
meals until he realised that the British pound sterling was just too expensive
for him.

But Dr Mahathir had little precious time for himself in London.
There appeared to be no end to the number of people who had appointments with
him at the apartment in Kensington High.

Those who did not have appointments did not mind waiting outside the door. Some
Malaysians, including a former prominent editor now living in London,
just wanted to shake his hand and extend greetings. It was obvious, from his
smiles, that Dr Mahathir was delighted to see some familiar Malaysian
faces.

When he arrived in Stockholm, Dr
Mahathir kept the same punishing schedule, meeting Swedish leaders, businessmen
and officials, until midnight. He is
certainly no ordinary man, as all of us realised. Instead of taking a lighter
pace, as most people reaching retirement would have done, Dr Mahathir had a
meeting every hour.

Swedish Prime Minister Goran Persson, visibly touched by Dr Mahathir's visit,
reminded the local press that the latter would be stepping down next month. Dr
Mahathir, he told them, was not just the Malaysian Prime Minister but also the
head of the Non-Aligned Movement and the Organisation of Islamic
Conference.

He insisted that the local press should inform the Swedes about these
accomplishments, saying it was an extraordinary feat for an extraordinary
man.

As the journey in Stockholm came to
an end, Dr Mahathir held his customary press conference for Malaysian
journalists. Still the country's number one salesman, he spoke about the
readiness of some Swedish investors to put money in Malaysia.

But the touching moment for most of us, who have been travelling overseas with
Dr Mahathir over the years, was when he told the newsmen that he wanted to have
individual pictures taken with the journalists as remembrance.

Taking advantage of Dr Mahathir's mood, the staff of the Foreign Ministry and
the security personnel soon made the same request, which he sportingly obliged
despite having only minutes to catch his flight to New
York.

The Malaysian press had thought that the visit to Sweden
was his last official visit, apart from upcoming working visits to Thailand
and Indonesia
to attend the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation meeting and Asean summit
respectively, but his aides said a few possible visits were still being worked
out before he stepped down on Oct 31.

The generals who lived after the war were so ashamed by
their defeat and their atrocities that they died in silence, without offering
the world their stories.

But Chin Peng – the head of the Communist Party of Malaya – who now lives in
Thailand has written a book on the 12-year war against the British and
Commonwealth forces in the jungles of Malaya.

The memoir, entitled Chin Peng: My Side of The Story, is now on sale at local
bookshops. The book was first made available two weeks ago but for some reason,
copies were seized by the police.

On Saturday, the Home Ministry said it had not banned the book.

The 527-page book on British journalist Ian Ward is based on Chin Peng's own
narration of his involvement in the CPM, which remains outlawed in Malaysia.

I managed to get a copy of the book before it was temporarily withheld, and
finished reading it within days on a recent trip to Japan.

The Home Ministry must be commended for allowing the sale of the book as Chin
Peng has answered, in many ways, the questions of historians, students of
Malaysian history and probably the Special Branch.

He has revealed for the first time that the CPM was officially founded in 1930
– 10 years before Chin Peng joined the party as a 15-year-old schoolboy and
then later became its secretary-general.

The former guerilla himself is unable to provide details of events before his
time but has noted that the late Vietnamese leader Ho Chin Minh had attended
the inaugural meeting of the CPM.

There were gaps that Chin Peng filled, such as the assassination of Loi Teck,
the secretary-general of the CPM who was later exposed as a double agent for
the British and Japanese.

Loi Teck, a Vietnamese, had informed the Japanese of a meeting involving top
CPM leaders at Batu Caves
in 1942 and as a result of the betrayal, the CPM leadership was almost wiped
out.

Chin Peng said that on a trip to Bangkok,
he spotted Loi Teck by chance and quickly informed members of the Thai
Communist Party who searched for the traitor from hotel to hotel.

Finally, two Thai communists strangled Loi Teck, who was then sickly, and
dumped the body in the river.

Previous versions had it that Loi Teck was shot or that he had disappeared
under mysterious circumstances because his body was never found.

As far I can recall, there has never been any book on the CPM that published
the picture of Loi Teck. In Chin Peng's book is a picture of Loi Teck who,
according to the writer, had four wives.

The book, as Chin Peng said, is not about the CPM's history but his involvement
in the party that appointed him secretary-general at 23 years old.

To research the book, Chin Peng visited the United
Kingdom and Australia
to look at declassified reports of the Emergency.

The book is also a personal chronology of his life, which students of history
cannot gather in academic books.

Chin Peng, the son of a bicycle shop owner, spoke of his childhood in Sitiawan
and of his participation in the Methodist
Church choir.

Influenced by the political developments in China
and his passion for Chinese literature, Chin Peng eventually looked to the
Middle Kingdom as his model of resistance against the Japanese and
British.

He wrote of his love for a Penang woman who, despite her
education in a convent school, turned into a communist and later became his
wife.

Then there were the betrayals by comrades for money and, in some cases, to
avoid being sentenced to death.

For all its propaganda, criminal breach of trust involving party funds was
common, according to Chin Peng.

In his twilight years now, the 79-year-old spoke of his wishes to return to his
hometown and pay respect at the family graves.

He has portrayed himself as a nationalist whose only quarrels were with the
British and Japanese.

On the doomed peace talks in Baling in 1955, Chin Peng has good things to say
about Tunku Abdul Rahman, pointing the finger at Singapore
Chief Minister David Marshall for disrupting the talks.

Probably living in Bangkok, Betong
and Haadyai now, he spoke of his desire to "spend the last years of my life in Malaysia"
but that is unlikely to take place, given the pain still suffered by those who
fought the CPM in the jungles.

He regards himself as a socialist but "in the Malaysian context, I have
definitely dropped the idea of the dictatorship of the proletariat as the
central concept for an administrative blueprint."

In short, Chin Peng has admitted, on record, that his ideology is no longer
applicable.

In fact, he goes further to say "the youth who has known only stable
governments and lives in an independent age of affluence will find the choices
I made as a teenager deeply puzzling."

"They will think the Malaya I talk about in this book is
another world and they will not be far off the mark.

"It was a different world. The colours of that colonial world were stark.

"I was young in a very different age that demanded very different approaches. A
revolution based on violence has no application in modern Malaysia
or Singapore."

This is a remarkable and thoughtful book and has certainly shed light on the
country's history, most of it seen from the eyes of British historians.

It is an unhealthy development in a multi-racial society
like Malaysia if the police force, as a key institution, does not have broad
racial representation.

Besides, representation from all racial groups would make the police stronger,
particularly in gathering information for intelligence or investigative
work.

One reason why the Malaysian police had been successful in fighting the
communists since the 1960s was because the Special Branch had many Chinese
officers. These dedicated officers, operating in secrecy, were able to
infiltrate the Communist Party of Malaya and other leftist groups.

If these Chinese policemen were not part of the police force, the job would
have been near impossible, given the fact that the CPM was made up of mostly
Chinese members.

So effective was the Special Branch that its officers were – and still are –
regarded as one of the best in the world.

Today, the needs of the Malaysian police force have changed. While a racially
balanced force is important, it also needs more educated and qualified people
to fight crime.

It needs accountants, lawyers, psychologists, computer experts, economists,
public relations practitioners and specialists from various fields as the scope
of policing widens.

For example, there is a need for officers who can read balance sheets and make
sense of complex management terms in order to fight white-collar crime. And
only computer-savvy policemen can track down banking and credit-card
frauds.

In other words, muscle alone is insufficient in fighting crime today. To
attract talented and qualified Malaysians to join the force, we have to convince
them that there is good prospect in police work.

We can rope in political parties, the media and community groups to encourage
young people to become policemen but no amount of cajoling will work if
benefits are lacking and the pay is low.

It has nothing to do with patriotism. No ethnic group should be blamed when the
government is unable to come up with an attractive pay package.

If the starting pay of a police constable is RM684, we should not expect the
young to rush to sign up. Our politicians and police bigwigs may publicly
refuse to accept the grave problem of poor salaries of constables but how many
of them are prepared to ask their children to join the force.

The rank and file deserve better pay because of their high-risk work. They
deserve a minimum starting salary of at least RM 1,000 and other benefits
including overtime allowances.

Better pay would inspire professionalism and greater self-confidence and pride
in their work. Certainly, they would be less tempted by corruption.

To attract young people to the force, they must be convinced that there are
promotion prospects. Thus, there must be a greater sense of meritocracy when it
comes to promotion.

Unless we keep an open mind, our efforts to fill up the 4,000 vacancies in the
force would come to nought. Public expectations of the force are high and no
one can deny that the police have done a competent job in keeping our streets
safe.

While the number of petty crimes has increased, our police have generally
performed well. Lately, though, crime has become a favourite dinner
topic.

The public understands that the force is short of personnel but they expect
politicians to solve the problem fast. After all, politicians are elected to
address the grievances of the people and they should be responsive.

We will never be able to recruit talented, dedicated and qualified doctors,
nurses, teachers, policemen, firemen, engineers, soldiers and diplomats into
our civil service if we do not reward them.

Our policemen deserve better. It's time to cut the rhetoric and the lame
excuses if we are serious about recruiting the best crime fighters, regardless
of race, into the police force.