The generals who lived after the war were so ashamed by
their defeat and their atrocities that they died in silence, without offering
the world their stories.

But Chin Peng – the head of the Communist Party of Malaya – who now lives in
Thailand has written a book on the 12-year war against the British and
Commonwealth forces in the jungles of Malaya.

The memoir, entitled Chin Peng: My Side of The Story, is now on sale at local
bookshops. The book was first made available two weeks ago but for some reason,
copies were seized by the police.

On Saturday, the Home Ministry said it had not banned the book.

The 527-page book on British journalist Ian Ward is based on Chin Peng's own
narration of his involvement in the CPM, which remains outlawed in Malaysia.

I managed to get a copy of the book before it was temporarily withheld, and
finished reading it within days on a recent trip to Japan.

The Home Ministry must be commended for allowing the sale of the book as Chin
Peng has answered, in many ways, the questions of historians, students of
Malaysian history and probably the Special Branch.

He has revealed for the first time that the CPM was officially founded in 1930
– 10 years before Chin Peng joined the party as a 15-year-old schoolboy and
then later became its secretary-general.

The former guerilla himself is unable to provide details of events before his
time but has noted that the late Vietnamese leader Ho Chin Minh had attended
the inaugural meeting of the CPM.

There were gaps that Chin Peng filled, such as the assassination of Loi Teck,
the secretary-general of the CPM who was later exposed as a double agent for
the British and Japanese.

Loi Teck, a Vietnamese, had informed the Japanese of a meeting involving top
CPM leaders at Batu Caves
in 1942 and as a result of the betrayal, the CPM leadership was almost wiped
out.

Chin Peng said that on a trip to Bangkok,
he spotted Loi Teck by chance and quickly informed members of the Thai
Communist Party who searched for the traitor from hotel to hotel.

Finally, two Thai communists strangled Loi Teck, who was then sickly, and
dumped the body in the river.

Previous versions had it that Loi Teck was shot or that he had disappeared
under mysterious circumstances because his body was never found.

As far I can recall, there has never been any book on the CPM that published
the picture of Loi Teck. In Chin Peng's book is a picture of Loi Teck who,
according to the writer, had four wives.

The book, as Chin Peng said, is not about the CPM's history but his involvement
in the party that appointed him secretary-general at 23 years old.

To research the book, Chin Peng visited the United
Kingdom and Australia
to look at declassified reports of the Emergency.

The book is also a personal chronology of his life, which students of history
cannot gather in academic books.

Chin Peng, the son of a bicycle shop owner, spoke of his childhood in Sitiawan
and of his participation in the Methodist
Church choir.

Influenced by the political developments in China
and his passion for Chinese literature, Chin Peng eventually looked to the
Middle Kingdom as his model of resistance against the Japanese and
British.

He wrote of his love for a Penang woman who, despite her
education in a convent school, turned into a communist and later became his
wife.

Then there were the betrayals by comrades for money and, in some cases, to
avoid being sentenced to death.

For all its propaganda, criminal breach of trust involving party funds was
common, according to Chin Peng.

In his twilight years now, the 79-year-old spoke of his wishes to return to his
hometown and pay respect at the family graves.

He has portrayed himself as a nationalist whose only quarrels were with the
British and Japanese.

On the doomed peace talks in Baling in 1955, Chin Peng has good things to say
about Tunku Abdul Rahman, pointing the finger at Singapore
Chief Minister David Marshall for disrupting the talks.

Probably living in Bangkok, Betong
and Haadyai now, he spoke of his desire to "spend the last years of my life in Malaysia"
but that is unlikely to take place, given the pain still suffered by those who
fought the CPM in the jungles.

He regards himself as a socialist but "in the Malaysian context, I have
definitely dropped the idea of the dictatorship of the proletariat as the
central concept for an administrative blueprint."

In short, Chin Peng has admitted, on record, that his ideology is no longer
applicable.

In fact, he goes further to say "the youth who has known only stable
governments and lives in an independent age of affluence will find the choices
I made as a teenager deeply puzzling."

"They will think the Malaya I talk about in this book is
another world and they will not be far off the mark.

"It was a different world. The colours of that colonial world were stark.

"I was young in a very different age that demanded very different approaches. A
revolution based on violence has no application in modern Malaysia
or Singapore."

This is a remarkable and thoughtful book and has certainly shed light on the
country's history, most of it seen from the eyes of British historians.

It is an unhealthy development in a multi-racial society
like Malaysia if the police force, as a key institution, does not have broad
racial representation.

Besides, representation from all racial groups would make the police stronger,
particularly in gathering information for intelligence or investigative
work.

One reason why the Malaysian police had been successful in fighting the
communists since the 1960s was because the Special Branch had many Chinese
officers. These dedicated officers, operating in secrecy, were able to
infiltrate the Communist Party of Malaya and other leftist groups.

If these Chinese policemen were not part of the police force, the job would
have been near impossible, given the fact that the CPM was made up of mostly
Chinese members.

So effective was the Special Branch that its officers were – and still are –
regarded as one of the best in the world.

Today, the needs of the Malaysian police force have changed. While a racially
balanced force is important, it also needs more educated and qualified people
to fight crime.

It needs accountants, lawyers, psychologists, computer experts, economists,
public relations practitioners and specialists from various fields as the scope
of policing widens.

For example, there is a need for officers who can read balance sheets and make
sense of complex management terms in order to fight white-collar crime. And
only computer-savvy policemen can track down banking and credit-card
frauds.

In other words, muscle alone is insufficient in fighting crime today. To
attract talented and qualified Malaysians to join the force, we have to convince
them that there is good prospect in police work.

We can rope in political parties, the media and community groups to encourage
young people to become policemen but no amount of cajoling will work if
benefits are lacking and the pay is low.

It has nothing to do with patriotism. No ethnic group should be blamed when the
government is unable to come up with an attractive pay package.

If the starting pay of a police constable is RM684, we should not expect the
young to rush to sign up. Our politicians and police bigwigs may publicly
refuse to accept the grave problem of poor salaries of constables but how many
of them are prepared to ask their children to join the force.

The rank and file deserve better pay because of their high-risk work. They
deserve a minimum starting salary of at least RM 1,000 and other benefits
including overtime allowances.

Better pay would inspire professionalism and greater self-confidence and pride
in their work. Certainly, they would be less tempted by corruption.

To attract young people to the force, they must be convinced that there are
promotion prospects. Thus, there must be a greater sense of meritocracy when it
comes to promotion.

Unless we keep an open mind, our efforts to fill up the 4,000 vacancies in the
force would come to nought. Public expectations of the force are high and no
one can deny that the police have done a competent job in keeping our streets
safe.

While the number of petty crimes has increased, our police have generally
performed well. Lately, though, crime has become a favourite dinner
topic.

The public understands that the force is short of personnel but they expect
politicians to solve the problem fast. After all, politicians are elected to
address the grievances of the people and they should be responsive.

We will never be able to recruit talented, dedicated and qualified doctors,
nurses, teachers, policemen, firemen, engineers, soldiers and diplomats into
our civil service if we do not reward them.

Our policemen deserve better. It's time to cut the rhetoric and the lame
excuses if we are serious about recruiting the best crime fighters, regardless
of race, into the police force.

But she assured us, two non-Muslims, that Umno leaders
were working hard to tackle PAS via different approaches.

We told her that from our impressions, some Umno politicians had refrained from
a political fistfight with PAS because they feared being labelled
anti-Islam.

Worse, the perception, rightly or wrongly, is that in some places, Umno leaders
have even attempted to compete with PAS leaders.

Deputy Information Minister Datuk Zainuddin Mydin has so far stood out as the
loudest critic against PAS.

I would also like to highlight the stand taken by fellow journalists who have
expressed their indignation towards religious extremism through their writings,
in the face of abusive telephone calls, hate mail and even death threats.

For example, writer Farish Noor, who has written extensively on Islam and PAS,
has decided to take a break because of such threats coming from people who
purportedly cherish press freedom and freedom of speech.

To silence its critics, PAS has adopted this intimidating approach – any
criticism of PAS is equated with criticism against Islam.

To hush up the non-Muslim critics, they are dismissed as ill-informed minorities
who have no right to touch on policies pursued by the party because of its
religious elements.

When the rights of non-Muslims have been encroached upon, PAS leaders instantly
warned them of "the rights of the majority."

The recent statements and actions by PAS leaders such as acting president Datuk
Seri Abdul Hadi Awang and PAS spiritual leader Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat are
certainly alarming.

While no one can fault them for consistency – such as their ultimate goal to
set up an Islamic state and to replace secular laws with syariah laws – the
party had issued some fresh orders recently.

Non-Muslims in Terengganu found out recently that dancing, involving men and
women, had been banned. Never mind if the event was organised for senior
citizens by the MCA.

Then, a Deepavali function which featured Indian female artistes was also
stopped by the PAS leaders.

Next, Nik Aziz blamed the use of perfume and glossy lipsticks as a main cause
for rapes, saying such provocative seduction should not be encouraged.

The state has also set up a department, similar to the moral police in Iran,
which goes around arresting youths with hairstyles deemed to be
unacceptable.

The state has already imposed a gender segregation policy in supermarket
checkouts and other public places.

On Thursday, Hadi continued his political antics by saying the police had
condoned vice activities in the state because the police allowed women to sing
at functions organised by them.

The police, he alleged, had not cooperated with the state authorities in
enforcing hudud and qisas laws passed by the state assembly in July last
year.

Except for the DAP, which is determined to regain its Chinese base after
disastrously working with PAS in the 1990 general election, the other
opposition parties have kept silent on issues affecting our moderate way of
life.

Opposition figures from Parti Keadilan Nasional and Parti Rakyat Malaysia, for
the sake of political expediency, have refrained from responding to the many
actions of PAS.

Always quick to talk about political rights and principles, these politicians
are, however, turning a blind eye to these PAS pronouncements.

In many ways, these parties are responsible for the momentum gained by the
Islamist party. Many of the opposition leaders readily defended PAS and its
policies in their election campaign.

Unless these apologists stand up and stop PAS from steamrolling its policies
through, Malaysians will lose the way of life they have become accustomed
to.

So, on stepping out of KL International Airport, we welcomed the familiar
steamy heat of Malaysia. We were glad to be home.

Having travelled to over 40 countries on work or on
holiday, I have always taken great pride in telling foreigners that Malaysia is
the best place to live in.

Australians may claim that they live in the luckiest country but I say we ought
to lay claim to that honour.

Just a week ago, I had lunch with public relations practitioner Tony Nathan. He
narrated to me how his family members had persuaded him to migrate Down
Under.

He questioned the logic in running small businesses such as grocery and laundry
shops after years of tertiary education and professional experiences. The fact
is that Asians have little chance for promotion in the mostly-white environment
even if they denied the existence of racial discrimination.

We agreed that Malaysia remained the best country even if there were flaws in
some of its policies and administration.

We have abundant natural resources (our commodities are in demand), decent
education and health facilities, a sound bureaucracy and an established rule of
law.

Today we are 46 years old. We are already middle-aged, so to speak. As the
politicians emphasise the numerous record-breaking feats of Malaysians, let's
not forget that we have done what other countries have not been able to achieve
– we have our independence without a single shot being fired.

There was no bloodshed, no power grab and certainly no revolution. What we did
was to get all races together and start a government.

More importantly, we have been able to live together peacefully. Except for a
blot in our nation's history, our multi-racial society has been a shining
example.

Most of us would rather blame the politicians and the media for statements that
caused us to feel unhappy. The rest of us have more in common in our daily lives
than to fret and fight.

That in itself is record-breaking, and uniquely Malaysian. The politics of
accommodation has lasted until today with the same government since 1957, which
to me is another record of sorts.

Our national birthday is a time for celebration but it is also a time for
deliberation. Even as we stomach some of the silly feats in the name of
Malaysia Boleh over the past years, we must also be willing to reflect upon our
weaknesses, as much as we gloat over the many successes.

We have taken a more honest direction now. The same politicians who used to
shout nationalistic slogans are telling us to study English now, after having
produced a generation of graduates who can no longer write job application
letters in English.

We are now more ready to toy with the idea of meritocracy in various sectors as
the results of social engineering proved its benefits, which is a major
stride.

But many Malaysians feel that there should be a higher sense of commitment to
public integrity.

There is a greater need for a political will to fight corruption, social greed
and the abuse of power in high places.

Brave words would mean nothing if there is no real follow-up action. The
struggle of our forefathers in securing the country's independence would be meaningless
if we are unable to meet the present and future challenges.

As we gear ourselves to face new global changes coming to our shores,
Malaysians should by now be thinking of how we intend to cope with the
future.

We should stop wasting our time listening to third-rate leaders who seem more
preoccupied with banning dancing than devoting their energies to charting the
country's economic destiny.

Let's not turn back the clock after what we have achieved over the last 46
years. We have to move forward and in doing so quicken the pace.

When a police report was lodged, the wallet was handed
over to the police.

The suspect, believed to be a drug addict, was known to the people in the
neighbourhood and had been blamed for a spate of minor crimes.

My colleague did not expect the police to go all out in search of this
small-time crook, but she was appalled by the response from our law
enforcers.

When making the report, the police told the two housemates to call them if they
happen to bump into the suspect in the area.

They were not given any assurance that efforts would be made to track down the
culprit, even if the chances of catching the suspect was small.

In another case, a businesswoman had lodged a report against a road bully. No
arrest was made despite the presence of onlookers and the identity of the
person clearly established.

Unhappy with the police for not taking action, she complained to the media. She
has been advised to write a letter to the editor and to the Inspector-General
of Police for the lacklustre response of the police.

Recently, a prominent Tan Sri told me that a friend whose car was stolen was
told by a policeman at the station that he should not bother reporting the loss
because the car "is probably in Thailand or Cambodia by now."

The public understands that the force is understaffed and, while efforts are
being made to boost the strength of the force, the meagre salaries are not
going to attract the best qualified people to sign up. And the promotion
criteria currently used by the force will not attract non-Malays to join its
ranks.

When Canny Ong was found raped and murdered after being abducted from a
shopping complex car park, the public was incensed.

The case was quickly solved and the police must be commended for their speedy
action.

But each day, hundreds, if not thousands, of criminal acts are committed
throughout the country.

It is this increase in minor crimes – such as break-ins, snatch thefts, car
thefts and extortion – that has become a favourite dinner topic.

It has even been described as a "sleeper issue," meaning it has become a
serious matter among voters but not spoken by politicians and those in power
but may have an impact on the outcome of the general election.

In urban parliamentary constituencies, MPs who heed the sentiments of their
voters would know exactly what I am talking about.

Recently, it was reported that there had been a sudden rise in armed robberies
– an increase of more than 30% in cases from last year.

Malaysian Crime Prevention Foundation vice-chairman Tan Sri Lee Lam Thye said
that from January until June, 7,561armed robberies were reported compared to
5,764 last year.

Statistics released by the foundation show that armed gang robberies increased
by 24.32% followed by attempted murder with 23.53%.

Property-related offences increased 18.81% for thefts of lorries and vans, and
17.85%  for snatch thefts. Other crimes
on the rise are house break-ins and motorcycle thefts.

The over-worked policemen cannot be blamed if they channel their energies and
resources to fighting more serious crimes.

But the importance of fighting these small-time criminals, whose actions affect
ordinary folk the most, cannot be overlooked.

If the unhappiness of the people is overlooked, they would cast aspersions on
the force and the Government on the standard of security in the country.

While the Government attempts to increase the number of policemen, it should
consider deploying the Federal Field Force and Police Field Force to patrol the
streets, especially in commercial areas.

The presence of uniformed personnel would give the people a sense of security
as well as deter criminals.

Given the stability of this country, surely it would not be too taxing to use
these trained personnel on our streets for a certain length of time.

On our part, members of the public must learn to fight crime by taking
preventive steps to ensure we do not attract criminals.

It is still safe to walk in the streets, but be cautious because more snatch
thieves are now on the prowl.

When the big fish get away, those at the bottom of the
ladder would justify their greed by claiming that there is nothing wrong in
settling for crumbs if others can get away with the icing and the cake, so to
speak.

These would include the police constables and municipal council enforcement
officers who openly offer to "settle" offences for a small amount of
money.

Of late, there have been allegations of officers in enforcement agencies who
refuse to record reports from the public unless some gratification is
offered.

But before the public jumps on these officers, it takes two hands to clap, lest
we forget. People shouldn't grumble about corruption if they are willing to
offer bribes.

The battle against graft will require plenty of political will and giving more
clout and independence to the Anti-Corruption Agency.

It is good to read of the couple who brought up their case to the MCA and the
press after they were caught by two City Hall officers for supposedly indecent
behaviour. The officers had offered to "settle" their case for money but they
refused.

Last week, Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi issued a
timely warning when he said the temptation of "easy money" had resulted in
flaws in the public service and the situation had become alarming because more
than half of the reported cases of graft involved civil servants.

The key words here are "reported cases." I am sure there are many more
unreported cases involving willing givers and those who grudgingly gave because
they wanted their cases settled.

Abdullah has correctly stated that corruption is a terrible disease that can
hurt the country's image and make the public lose confidence in the civil
service.

He said Malaysia needed a clean image, one that is free from corruption, so
that the public, businessmen and foreign investors would have a positive
perception of our civil service.

Statistics provided by the Anti-Corruption Agency show that half of the 1,352
people arrested for graft between 1998 and 2002 were civil servants.

For a start, our leaders must stop defending our predicament by claiming that
our corruption level is not as bad as those in other neighbouring countries
such as Indonesia and the Philippines.

Why should we compare ourselves with these rotten apples? We should be looking
at Singapore and Hong Kong, for example, which take their anti-corruption
campaign seriously.

The civil servants in these two places, it must be pointed out, are among the
best paid in the world. Greed may be a natural instinct of humans but well-paid
civil servants, who take pride in their work, will be less tempted.

Bribe-takers are severely punished in these two countries; it's a constant
reminder that the law will catch up with rogue civil servants.

New approaches against corruption are obviously needed because there is nothing
new in the present approach against graft.

The ACA needs to be made an independent institution with a constitutional
status if we wish to fight this social cancer.

Candidates contesting for public offices should be required to declare their
assets, as in the United States, and not merely to the Executive.

Aspiring politicians must accept that winning public positions is a not a
shortcut to making money for themselves or their cronies.

Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad has said this many times at Umno gatherings,
warning of the dangers of money politics, which is simply an euphemism for
corruption.

ACA officers should also be allowed to carry out periodical audits, similar to
internal audits in private companies, at government agencies dealing with the
public.

Anti-corruption signs must be put up in these offices, warning civil servants
and the public of the consequences of corruption.

Unless our leadership is prepared to take these hard measures, corruption is in
danger of becoming entrenched in our system.

Over 4,000 passionate Real Madrid – or Beckham – fans
used umbrellas and tents to queue outside the Hong Kong Stadium to buy tickets
costing between RM243 and RM729. Some die-hard fans camped outside the stadium
for four days to make sure they got their seats.

In China, the eight-time European champion club was paid RM148mil to play a
game against China XI to a 60,000-strong crowd. The marketing potential is
certainly massive in a country with 1.3 billion people.

In Tokyo, some 54,000 fans attended the match between Real Madrid and FC Tokyo.
Tickets were sold out a week in mid-June, even before Beckham signed on with
the Spanish club.

The team would have played in Bukit Jalil if Malaysia was prepared to pay
RM11mil as appearance fee and a total cost of RM16mil for a 90-minute match.
Luckily, someone had the common sense to turn the club down.

There are, of course, plenty of reasons for the club to demand the sky. After
all, it cost RM157mil for the club to sign on Beckham. Real had broken the
world transfer record twice in the last three years, signing first Portuguese
player Luis Figo and then Frenchman Zinedine Zidane for RM273mil. And last
year, they spent RM171mil on Brazilian Ronaldo.

Real Madrid is well aware that it needs to fight hard against Manchester
United, which has a fan base of 50 million Asians, if it wants to sell its
merchandise in the region.

Manchester United, meanwhile, was turning to the US to turn up the heat.
Football may still be alien to most rednecks but three of the four games were
sold out and reports indicate that United may have doubled its North American
base from 3.5 million to seven million in the lucrative American market.

United certainly means business. After all, it is a business concern listed on
the London Stock Exchange.

As the richest and most profitable soccer team in the world, it must keep its
fans and, more importantly, make its shareholders happy. The balance sheet is
as important as the score line.

Less talked about is a group of Malaysians making bigger money than these
soccer players. In December, the Singapore Straits Times reported that illegal
football syndicates took more than RM12mil every week.

These illegal bets involve syndicates with links in Singapore, Hong Kong and
Britain, and bets are collected on games in the English, Spanish and Italian
football leagues. The newspaper report estimated that RM100mil in bets was
placed with illegal bookmakers every weekend.

According to Kuala Lumpur police, in one raid the syndicate had accepted bets
of up to RM3mil on just one game – Chelsea versus Sunderland. Last December,
Johor police detained 12 bookies for accepting bets of up to RM24mil on
football matches.

Operating an illegal betting syndicate is an offence under the Betting Act 1953
which carries a fine of between RM20,000 and RM200,000 and a maximum jail term
of five years but the risk seems worth taking when the fine is such a paltry
sum.

One way to beat these illegal bookies, who have caused a dent in the coffers of
our Inland Revenue Department, is to legalise betting. The Hong Kong government
has legalised football betting and the Hong Kong Jockey Club, which has been
handed a five-year licence to run the gaming activity, is expected to rake in
RM695mil for the government.

Singapore was the first Asian country to legalise football betting on its
domestic league in 1999 but started accepting bets on the English premier
league last May at 210 outlets. Suffice to say, a large chunk of Malaysian
money has gone there.

While legalised booking is relatively new in Asia, bookmakers in the United
Kingdom have long accepted bets on sporting events, such as basketball, boxing,
golf and motor racing, and even election results.

A regulated form of betting on sports, especially football, would provide
bigger revenue for the government. It would also stop rogue enforcement
officers from closing an eye to these illegal activities.

If existing gaming outlets could be used to accept these bets, particularly on
foreign soccer matches, then gaming could be restricted. This would include
allowing only non-Muslims from placing bets.

Besides taxation, revenue from gaming operators could be channelled to promote
sports, including motor racing.

The fact is that gaming has long been a way of life, particularly among the
Chinese community, and illegal bookies have long existed. Much as we say that
gaming should not be promoted, the only way to fight it, in a rather
paradoxical way, is to institutionalise it with certain restrictions.

I bet the bookies will have their hands full tonight when Manchester United
takes on Arsenal.

Although the Prime Minister's Department and the rulers
of most states have declared that these titles would not be recognised, we
should not be surprised if these people continue using these honorific.

Another group is made up of people who barely passed their lower secondary
school examinations but shamelessly pay for honorary doctorates from some
Pacific island universities, which regularly advertise the sale of these
worthless papers in newspapers and on the Internet.

The presumption to these people is that these titles will lend them an air of
respectability, prestige and authority. If they cannot or refuse to work for
these titles, the simple way is to buy them. As a result, the shine from these
titles slowly disappears over recent years.

Many Malaysians, I believe, were hardly surprised by news reports that a
high-ranking ministry official was among those who had joined the so-called
Federal Special Forces of Malaysia (FSFM).

They had joined believing that it was a bona fide security or civil defence
movement with links to the government. With the smartly-cut uniform, resembling
the one worn by police officers, many must have been tempted.

In one instance, a member said his hospital registration fee was waived after
he produced the FSFM authority card, said to bear the Prime Minister's
Department logo, while a policeman who stopped him for committing a traffic
offence let him off after looking at the card.

At last count, over 2,000 people were said to have reported to the police that
they had joined the FSFM and they had willingly paid between RM5,000 and
RM25,00 for various ranks.

It may sound costly because the cynics among many of us would say that these
gullible people probably believed they would have to fork out more money to get
Datukships.

For these people, who included many professionals, buying a military rank is
probably a natural progression. But it is also a malaise and a symptom of our
deplorable culture where some section of our society appears to believe, in a
rather arrogant manner, that everything can be bought.

It is, in many ways, another blow to the integrity and credibility of our institutions.

This ''shortcut to success'' sickness, which seems to believe in ''connection
and cable-pulling,'' is probably one reason why these people have been conned
into the buy-a-rank scam. Quite possibly, they could even be willing
participants in this fantasy.

As the Prime Minister said, these people ''might have been deceived by offers
of promotion, to hold certain posts, and they may have felt good wearing the
medals.''

The group's founder, Nor Azami, as it turned out, is not a Datuk nor a Tengku,
does not hold a doctorate, and is not a religious leader. According to a
relative, he is actually a car-wash man.

But he had greater illusions of grandeur. He believed – or rather his followers
believed – that he would be the next Prime Minister, based on the ''Rahman
succession'' theory.

According to the theory, the first six prime ministers were predestined, and
that the first letter of their names corresponds to the name of the first prime
minister. Thus, R is for Rahman, A is for Abdul Razak, H is for Hussein Onn, M
is for Mahathir, A is for Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and N – is not for Najib Tun
Razak but for Nor Azami Ahmad Ghazali.

To get ready for the big time, Nor Azami awarded himself a Datukship and the
rank of general. To put his wacky plan in action, he started building an army.
The exception is that the army seems to have more generals than soldiers.

The fact that there is a large number of non-Malays in his organisation also
suggests that the Chinese, especially, are not averse to joining the army, so
long as they get to be in the top ranks.

In an interview with Singapore's Straits Times, political commentator Shamsul
Amri Baharuddin correctly described the Rahman theory as ''an intellectual
amulet for some people.''

Some people, he said, like to cling onto pseudo-magical ideas but ''that gives
room for others with ridiculous ideas to emerge.''

Greed, as they say, is the root of all evil and, in this case, Malaysians
joined the FSFM because they believed they would have authority and power. With
that, doors will be open to them.

On a micro scale, that also explains why many motorists put stickers bearing
the Bukit Aman logo on the windshields, believing that traffic police would not
stop them.

They also want to show off that they know some officers who work in Bukit Aman.
But not all of us are gullible.

The Government may expect most Malaysians to pick up the booklets
at petrol stations and bookstores but it should be serious about the electronic
version, too.

There are many overseas Malaysians who are following closely the dispute
between Malaysia and Singapore over the water issue, and these people depend entirely
on the Internet to read the contents of the booklet.

To fight the propaganda war in this time and age, the Government would have to
depend a lot on the Internet to reach the widest audience. But to do so
efficiently, it needs people who understand and are able to use computers
effectively.

It is no use setting up a website and then leaving it to collect cobwebs.

The inability of some of our government departments to cope with information
technology is embarrassing. With the help of some friends and colleagues, we
found plenty of dead websites. By that, I am talking about websites that are
not updated.

But there are websites that do not need much updating and one case is the
national archives at www.arkib.gov.my. The department has all the time in the
world but its website is disappointing.

Most of the time, the website doesn't work and most of the important speeches
of our leaders, including Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad, cannot
be found.

In fairness, there are also good and fast government sites such as the Public
Complaints Bureau, the Economic Planning Unit, Statistics Department and
Parliament that are efficient although slow at times in updating. At least,
these websites work.

According to fellow surfers, most government websites suffer from poor
navigation, slow updates and are not user-friendly. Many of them do not install
an internal search engine to enable the user to get their information
quickly.

With the exception of the offices of the Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister,
the Finance Ministry and Bank Negara, many officers who deal with the media
have not got around to providing information in diskettes or via e-mail. They
still prefer to hand out bulky printed sheets.

The reason why I am talking about IT is because Malaysia has won the right to
host the World Congress Information Technology (WCIT) in Kuala Lumpur
2008.

The event, which is regarded as the most prestigious ICT conference in the
world, is set to put Malaysia on the world map. For a start, we need to instil
in the minds of Malaysians, particularly civil servants, that computers have
become an integral part of society.

The absence of IT culture is also prevalent among many employers in the private
sector, with managers still insisting on written reports when computers are
sitting in front of them. Many cannot break out of their ''black-and-white
mentality.'' Unless we double our efforts to show that we are an e-society, the
only thing for WCIT delegates to see are structures and buildings in Putrajaya and
Cyberjaya.

The congress presents a chance for us to show the world that we have arrived in
the IT age. By that, we mean that delegates must remember KL as a city where
the people have easy access to computers and are able to use IT well.

It is not very encouraging to read about delays in the completion of school
computer laboratories and low safety standards.

Recently, Works Minister Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu disclosed that 487 out of 600
computer laboratories built under phase one of the computerisation of primary
and secondary schools for eastern zone (Pahang, Terengganu and Kelantan) were
found to be unsafe, including 87 that were regarded as dangerous.

Under phases one and two of the project, 2,315 laboratories were supposed to be
built nationwide and scheduled to be completed two years ago. To date, only
1,449 laboratories are fully operational. For the record, the Government has
allocated RM762mil for the computer laboratory projects, of which RM507mil has
been spent. Malaysians have every right to ask about the obvious
discrepancies.

The Anti-Corruption Agency should step in to investigate the blunders in the
construction of these laboratories and the purchase of computers for schools.
There have been rumblings in the IT industry over the costing involved but no
investigations have been made, presumably because no reports have been lodged
or no one is prepared to provide evidence.

We have started well in making most Malaysians realise the importance of
becoming connected in the IT age. Equally important is making sure we are
efficient and competent.

Despite its biting spoofs, the group has been tolerated
because it performs to a limited urban crowd of mostly English-educated
liberals who can afford the pricey tickets.

But last week, the ICT got itself into trouble following its sell-out show The
2nd First Annual Bolehwood Awards 2003 – The Director's Cut.

I would have joined my friends, including one who drove from Penang, to watch
the show if I had not had to leave for Ukraine last week to cover the visit of
the Prime Minister.

I know of many Umno leaders who genuinely enjoyed ICT shows, although their
egos may have been deflated by the jokes. Some have even engaged the ICT to
perform at their private functions.

Last week, following a complaint letter in Utusan Malaysia on July 11, KL City
Hall decided not to issue any performing licence to ICT after the group refused
an order to revise the script of the show.

ICT had been ordered to change the script after City Hall deemed parts of the
show ''sensitive'' following the complaint.

City Hall public relations officer Sarifuddin Ibrahim said ICT was asked to
delete parts of the script, and the group was advised to conduct its
performance in a more ''ethical and decent manner and not cause uneasiness
among the public.''

At its final show on Thursday night, City Hall enforcement officers served a
compound notice to the show's producer for performing without a permit.

Such sledgehammer treatment is shocking in Kuala Lumpur. We are not in Beijing,
Teheran or Karachi.

For some time, artistes have complained of the requirement to submit scripts to
City Hall but the grievances have never been loud because its officers have
generally been cooperative.

Still, such a requirement in this time and age seems out of place. It is just
another form of censorship.

However, the complainant in Utusan Malaysia has valid points. Some of my
colleagues, overseas-educated Malays who regard themselves as liberals, were
offended by the wide use of profanity in the show. They reckon that the use of
vulgarity was unnecessary and added no theatrical value to the
performance.

Many of those who attended the show have been followers of ICT, and certainly
expected a strong dosage of government-bashing. This time, the consensus among
those I know was that the show was too harsh and blunt.

The criticism against bumiputra privileges went a little too far, they told me,
but sportingly admitted there were elements of truth at some points in the
show.

In short, according to my friends, the spoofs could still have been funny and
punchy without creating ill feelings.

Perhaps a sense of caution could be exercised by the ICT, especially on racial
issues, when they next perform.

I see nothing wrong in poking fun at government politicians or opposition
leaders professing to be pious in the manner of their dressing.

Stripping the hypocrisy of Malaysian leaders and the people has been the
trademark of ICT and the fact that we can laugh at ourselves is a reflection of
our tolerance and maturity.

And, certainly, many of us who have been attending ICT shows did not become
rabble-rousers inciting racial hatred. For most of us, an evening of laughter
is what we're after.

A two-hour comedy, despite its anti-government inclinations at times, can
hardly indoctrinate the audience. So what if one or two performers in ICT are
said to be opposition campaigners?

The fuss over the ICT performance is turning into a comedy of errors. It is
becoming a farce – City Hall seems to be the one grumbling, not the Home
Ministry.

There are plenty of complaint letters against City Hall in our newspapers and
city folk know they get no response, let alone action.

We may not agree with the stand taken by ICT on numerous issues but let's
defend their right to perform. That's what democracy is about.