It has also been reported that some visitors walked 1km
from the nearest LRT station and jumped across railings to cross the highway to
the museum. They are certainly a spirited bunch.

There have also been reports that about a dozen people fainted in the 200m-long
queues outside the museum.

The Exploring Ghosts: Mystery and Culture Exhibition which opened on June 26
has so far attracted – or lured – over 300,000 visitors, a record for the
museum, and will be extended another month.

Many have questioned the massive interest among Malaysians in ghouls and
supernatural beings in this era of globalisation.

But it comes as no surprise to me. It has a lot to do with our psyche,
regardless of race. Consider this: the feuding factions in the MCA spent 14
months quarrelling over allegations of phantom members.

Foreign political scientists can be pardoned if they have never come across
such a term. Phantom members are those who have died but their names are still
on the rolls, thus the term.

But the politicians were grumbling over members with different addresses and
those supposedly untraceable. These phantoms, it seems, are alive but cannot be
traced.

Politicians who are used to disappearing acts after the elections are, of
course, familiar with the term "ghost writers."

The term refers to academics, journalists and special assistants of politicians
who write impressive speeches for their bosses to read out.

Come every election, the ruling coalition would often be accused of using
"phantom voters" but when the Opposition wins they strangely ignore their
earlier claims, saying the people have exercised their democratic right.

But not before both sides hurl abuses and allegations during campaigning, with
insults like syaitan and iblis. It's frightening but true in the Malaysian
political context.

And when the political temperature shoots up, politicians have been known to
flash the jari hantu (middle finger) to their rivals.

Should the ruling party lose, the Opposition would then justify its actions by
saying the former never had a "ghost of a chance" in the first place.
Opposition politicians would have conveniently forgotten that they often cry
wolf.

Sometimes, articles and even books are written by these unseen figures in the
name of these politicians. Occasionally, these figures appear in public but
like the penunggu or spirits, they are supposed to stay behind the scenes.
Those akin to the hantu tinggi, the press can often pick them out if they crane
their necks a little.

Lately, Malaysian crime reporters have come up with a new term – phantom cars.
It refers to vehicles that were "registered" but did not have any documents to
show at the Road Transport Department (JPJ).

Last week, The Star reported that the police smashed a syndicate – comprising
JPJ officers, used-car dealers and a mechanic – involved in forging and
falsifying the registration of military vehicles with those of suspected stolen
and smuggled vehicles.

And if you think that's the end of the Malaysian obsession with the underworld,
you're wrong. Next month, the Chinese community will celebrate the Hungry Ghost
festival where the King of Hades is supposed to roam the streets in search of
food.

Understanding the importance of the event, no Chinese politician in Penang
would want to miss any of the dinner gatherings. The penalty for being absent
can be grave.

I beg to disagree. I think the Barisan has performed very well in these two
constituencies, never mind if they managed only to win one seat.

The important point here is that Barisan managed to win the Pendang
parliamentary seat and reduced the majority of PAS in the Anak Bukit state seat
sharply.

One should bear in mind that these two areas were held by
Datuk Fadzil Noor, who was the PAS president and Opposition Leader. Both
constituencies were regarded as opposition strongholds.

But the results of the by-elections on Thursday night showed they are no longer
as impenetrable to Umno as some in the opposition ranks might want to
believe.

Despite the expected sympathy votes for PAS after Fadzil's death, the party was
unable to stop the swing towards the Barisan in Pendang while in Anak Bukit,
the ruling coalition put up such a strong contest that many of its campaigners
thought the seat was theirs.

Towards the end of the campaigning, even many PAS supporters conceded that they
had lost Anak Bukit but might retain Pendang. Some Umno leaders even predicted
boldly that the Barisan would win both seats.

The strategists in Umno and PAS and even intelligence sources had assessed the
ground feeling inaccurately. So did members of the press covering the
by-elections who told their colleagues in Kuala Lumpur
that the Barisan would win Anak Bukit but would lose in Pendang.

Some aides of ministers, at one point, even dismissed the cautious prediction
of the reporters, saying the Barisan would sweep both constituencies as PAS
officials stubbornly insisted that they would win both seats too.

There will be some disappointment and relief among the campaigners, depending
on the outcome they had expected. Many will not want a draw between Barisan and
PAS, preferring a clear win.

But if PAS had expected a clear endorsement of its controversial hudud law,
which provides for amputation for theft and death by stoning for adultery among
other forms of punishment in Terengganu, then it is wrong.

The votes from the Chinese electorate were solidly against PAS, with many
openly telling the press that their biggest misgiving was the hudud law. It is
a point conceded even by PAS president Datuk Abdul Hadi Awang.

PAS had also fanned protests against the use of English to teach Science and
Mathematics at their ceramah, attempting to convince their listeners that the
language was unimportant.

It is sad that the PAS leaders, with their closed minds, had attempted to
denigrade the language and ignored the long-term benefits of learning the
language for political expediency.

The Barisan's victory in Pendang and the reduced majority of PAS in Anak Bukit
should be a loud message to the PAS leaders to re-evaluate their radical, if
not unsound, policies.

The results of the by-elections have shown how crucial the votes of the Chinese
and the Thai communities are. In the next general election, the non-Malays will
continue to be the decisive factor.

It is clear that PAS can only rely on the Muslim votes with its radical brand
of Islam while the Barisan is able to win broad appeal with its liberal and
moderate politics.

No doubt Barisan has its flaws and there is much it needs to improve but the
Chinese community will continue to be wary of PAS and the inability of its
partners, Parti Keadilan Nasional and Parti Rakyat Malaysia,
to check the party.

The task, if any effort is made at all, will become difficult now that the
party's leadership has been taken over by Hadi, who is a hardliner.

The firebrand has made no apologies for his remarks against other religions,
particularly Christianity. It is sad that Hadi is blind to the multi-racial,
multi-religious and multi-cultural composition of Malaysia
by stirring up radicalism among the Muslims.

Derogatory remarks made against Barisan leaders have been defended by PAS
leaders with gangster tactics openly carried out to intimidate Barisan
campaigners.

Opposition sympathisers who often claim that Barisan employed unfair tactics
should think again. Never assume that men in religious clothing and are seemingly
pious are unable to deploy dirty political tricks – they just cover themselves
better. Don't forget, they are also the same ambitious politicians.

On a brighter note, the victory in Pendang and the reduced majority of PAS in
Anak Bukit are a clear indication that the Barisan's consecutive victories in
the by-elections of Indera Kayangan and Ketari were no flukes.

There is also the unmistakable swing of Malay votes back to the Barisan, in
addition to the increasing support of non-Malays, including those who had voted
for the opposition in the 1999 general election. But Malaysians can expect the
same kind of tough and bitter campaigning between Umno and PAS in the next
general election, particularly in the rural heartland.

In the run-up to the 1999 general election, there was no shortage of opposition
politicians, who appeared along with their PAS counterparts at ceramahs,
singing the same tune.

Trips were organised by some misguided Chinese groups to
Kelantan and Terengganu to convince the voters that the two states were role
models of what PAS wanted to achieve.

They blamed the media for the extremist image of PAS, saying these politicians
could be trusted. They were, of course, wrong and had the Chinese voters
supported the opposition front in 1999, we would be in dire straits now.

Last week, PAS president Datuk Abdul Hadi Awang announced that the Terengganu
government would impose the controversial hudud law on non-Muslims as
well.

The PAS hardliner said the hudud law would cover non-Muslims when ''every
citizen understands them.''

That, of course, is very subjective. More so in Terengganu where non-Muslims
are a minority and will not figure much when the Islamist party decides that the
citizens are ready to live with the hudud law.

In pushing for the hudud law in the face of strong public opposition, Hadi has
shown total contempt not just for the Federal Constitution but for public
sentiments.

Worse still, he made offensive remarks about Christianity. He quoted a report
from the Daily Mail, an English newspaper known for sensationalism, that 80% of
male and female church leaders had sexual relations outside marriage and that
90% of them had engaged in unnatural sex.

He had singled out the report in the context of stressing a point on social
problems among church leaders.

Hadi's remarks are indeed provocative and seditious. Even with recent reports
of Catholic priests being involved in sex scandals, especially in the United
States, the majority of these Christian
leaders are committed to the faith and their service to the followers.

The majority of them have dedicated their lives to helping the people,
irrespective of their faiths, particularly in education through the missionary
schools.

The Catholic church has also been in the forefront in setting up old folks
homes and schools for the blind, something very evident in Malaysia.

Hadi, who is the Terengganu mentri besar, also pointed out that the Federal
Constitution was drafted by Lord Reid, a Christian, when debating the hudud
bill.

I cannot understand why Reid's religious background should be a factor. The
point is that the Federal Constitution, based on common law, has worked well
for this country.

It has been amended many times to suit the times but, more importantly, the
secular laws have been well accepted by the majority of Malaysians. The Federal
Constitution, which received the support of the main ethnic groups, have
guaranteed the rights of Malaysians, irrespective of their race and
religion.

For the Chinese community, the Federal Constitution erased questions about
their citizenship rights. They also enjoyed the right to vote, like their
fellow citizens of other races.

That right cannot be taken from them and the fact that they are Buddhists or
Christians have little relevance to their rights but the same cannot be said
about the hudud law.

The decision by the PAS-led Terengganu government should serve as a lesson to
opposition supporters, who back PAS for the sake of opposing the government,
without thinking of the consequences.

It is good that Malaysians have stood up and voiced their objections against
PAS's hudud law. The four Umno state assemblymen in Terengganu should have
voted against the bill instead of abstaining.

But the voters in Pendang and Anak Bukit in Kedah can express their protest
against the hudud law by rejecting PAS at the ballot box.

The PAS-controlled state has also said that all female
models were required to wear the tudung (headscarf) in posters and other forms
of advertisements.

The Terengganu government recently reportedly said that it wanted hotels and
chalets to build separate swimming pools for men and women. At the same time,
it wanted to ban bikinis.

Interestingly, the Terengganu government only denied these reports after many
Malaysians, including Culture, Arts and Tourism Minister Datuk Kadir Sheikh
Fadzir, reacted angrily to the suggestion.

But it stubbornly refused to back down from its proposal to ban singer Siti
Nurhaliza from performing at a concert in conjunction with the water festival
in the state.

PAS officials boycotted the closing ceremony of the event, saying cultural
dances involving male and female dancers were not allowed.

However, thousands of other Kelantanese had the good sense to ignore the PAS
leaders by deciding to have a good time at the festival.

Non-Muslims have always stayed away from matters relating to religion but they
have become increasingly concerned by the actions of PAS.

The ban on unisex salons affects non-Muslims. It is a clear infringement of
their rights and there is no reason why they should be subjected to these
laws.

Similarly, non-Muslims have no reason to follow the ruling of separate payment
counters because there is no need for a husband and wife to be separated while
shopping together.

The decision requiring all female models to wear the tudung in advertisement
posters is another move to disregard the rights of the minority.

It is strange that non-government organisations and human rights groups that
have been so critical of the federal government have been silent on these
issues, presumably reluctant to offend their political ally.

Except for the DAP, which has disassociated itself from PAS after realising it
is impossible to change the mindset of PAS leaders, others have unashamedly
stayed away from even the mildest form of criticism.

It seems it is all right to criticise Barisan Nasional but when it comes to
PAS, one must be prepared ''to understand and convince them.'' Never mind if
they ride roughshod over the minority in the two states.

Where are the foreign groups that have been so outspoken on the threat against
the civil rights of Malaysians?

The series of announcements by the two PAS state governments appears to be a
deliberate move in the run-up to the PAS general assembly in Kota Baru at the
end of the month.

It also appears to be an attempt to reinforce its Islamic image, particularly
to appease its grassroots members, following speculation that a general
election may be held next year.

Although some PAS leaders genuinely want to win over the non-Muslims,
especially the Chinese, the recent decisions of their colleagues will not help
the Islamist party.

The Chinese community may be troubled by the MCA leadership crisis but they
will support Barisan Nasional under the leadership of Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir
Mohamad.

The two factions in MCA may be going through a testing period but given enough
time, the healing will work as party president Datuk Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik and
his deputy, Datuk Lim Ah Lek, must understand the need to reconcile to ensure
the interest of the Chinese community is protected.

The MCA leaders now have a chance to search their hearts during this
cooling-off period and work towards winning back the support of the Chinese
voters.

But for PAS, it will have to face the onslaught not just from the MCA and
Gerakan but also its former ally DAP.

Dr Mahathir's popularity is at an all-time high while the
opposition front comprising PAS, Parti Keadilan Nasional and Parti Rakyat
Malaysia is in disarray. Keadilan itself is struggling to keep intact following
a series of resignations of its top leaders.

The popularity of PAS has been deeply eroded after the Sept 11 attacks in New
York, particularly when it called for a jihad (holy war) against the United
States for retaliating against the Taliban regime in Afghanistan.

The involvement of several PAS grassroots members in the Kumpulan Militan
Malaysia jolted many Malaysians, particularly moderate Muslims, and caused many
to reassess the kind of politics propagated by the Islamist party.

The DAP, understanding the sentiments of its core support among the
non-Muslims, tried to save itself by pulling out of the opposition pact but it
has yet to recover from the effects of working with PAS in the 1999 general
election.

It took a beating from Chinese voters, with several top DAP guns being
defeated.

The Barisan Nasional component parties, particularly the MCA and Gerakan, need
to take advantage of a weak DAP. Come September, when the memories of the first
anniversary of the New York tragedy are replayed, strong emotions would be
evoked again.

But the Sept 11 factor would fade away among Malaysians if Barisan decides to
wait longer to call for elections. One week in politics is a long time, as the
saying goes.

On the economic front, there is now renewed interest in the Kuala Lumpur Stock
Exchange and there is talk that the foreign buyers would return strongly to our
counters.

The property market, especially at the high end, seems to have rebounded with
news reports of buyers having to ballot for semi-detached and bungalow units in
freehold areas of the Klang Valley.

Despite initial fears of massive retrenchments following the slowdown in the
United States, the situation has been well managed by our government.

Dr Mahathir's standing in the international community has changed tremendously
since Sept 11. If he was treated with suspicion previously for his strong
actions against suspected extremists, particularly in using the Internal
Security Act, there is now greater understanding.

He is seen as a moderate Muslim leader in a progressive Islamic country who
wields considerable clout among Islamic nations. The hosting of the recent
Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC) meeting in Kuala Lumpur has certainly
boosted his credentials.

Clearly, the US is seeing Malaysia in a different light with the country now
being described by the White House as the regional ''beacon of
stability.''

Next week, Dr Mahathir will travel to the United States where he will meet
President George W. Bush. The high-profile meeting is important because it will
ease the strained relationship between the two countries.

Dr Mahathir will have a busy schedule, including a meeting with the influential
editors at The Washington Post and meetings with White House officials and
senators.

On the local front, the MCA will need some time to work on the peace agenda.
All players at all levels must realise that there is more at stake than a fight
over party posts.

A divided MCA will not be good for Barisan as it gears itself for the next
general election. Gerakan must also appreciate that it needs the MCA during the
election and that the fight in the MCA does not benefit the Penang-based
party.

There is still a great degree of unhappiness among Chinese voters towards the
MCA for its bitter factional fight. Party leaders, whether they like it or not,
have to come together.

Unity gatherings involving grassroots leaders and Chinese guilds can be
organised to forge unity and to show that they can close ranks to face a common
enemy.

Within Umno, its elections (one due next year) have always been exciting
affairs but party members may spend too much time campaigning, which would not
augur well for Barisan.

It is speculated that Dr Mahathir may want to call for the general election
before the Umno polls.

Another factor to consider would be the progress of the delineation exercise by
the Election Commission involving the creation of more parliamentary and state
constituencies.

The proposal, once completed, will have to be approved by Parliament. These new
seats would then have to be identified before the general election is
called.

But the consensus among many Barisan leaders is that the general election is
not that far away and preparations should start now – it is a perception that
is shared by the Opposition.

Last week, Dr Mahathir dropped a hint by saying he will be defending his Kubang
Pasu seat in the next general election.

The support for the MCA has been eroded because of the
fight. However, the DAP is not gaining any mileage simply because the Chinese
community is peeved with its brand of politics.

The MCA leaders cannot preach the importance of unity, at community or
grassroots level, if they are incapable of maintaining unity themselves.

The peace formula must thus be given a chance to work. It is not a question of
whether Team A or Team B won – the winner must be the MCA.

Party leaders, especially at division level, may not fully welcome the ''status
quo'' formula, but sacrifices have to be made for peace, stability and unity in
MCA.

The larger picture is important as preparations are being made for the next
general election, speculated to run before the full five-year term in
2005.

The top leaders from both sides must now go on a nationwide road show to face
the wrath of the grassroots and to explain why the peace plan is
necessary.

On Tuesday, MCA president Datuk Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik said all MCA leaders at
the division, state and national levels would remain in their posts until the
next party elections in 2005.

He said there would be no contest in MCA's 166 division elections. The same situation
will apply at state, Youth, Wanita and national levels.

Urging the grassroots to work towards the no-contest arrangement, he said the
central committee unanimously adopted the decision.

Over the past few weeks, behind-the-scene negotiations were carried out by,
among others, Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, the aides
of the Prime Minister and businessman Tan Sri Lim Kok Wing.

As with all negotiations, there were bumpy moments but the final result has
been achieved – the MCA leadership crisis has come to an end.

Dr Mahathir and Abdullah have played a crucial role in ensuring that the final
touches were agreeable to all to ensure that the peace agenda is
accepted.

It is now important for the respective MCA leaders to explain the significance
of the peace plan. There will be grudges and glitches, no doubt, but these are
minor problems that can be sorted out.

There will be cases like the eight Youth leaders who have passed the age limit
of 45 years old, and whether exceptions should be made to these cases.
Representatives from both sides can sit down to resolve such internal
problems.

Then there will be some divisions where the incumbent may have lost his right
to keep his post because he may have lost his branch post, but these are
rare.

The majority of the 166 divisions would probably remain the same with the
status quo formula. The central committee members, irrespective of which
faction they represent, will keep their positions for the next three
years.

Dr Ling remains as president and Datuk Lim Ah Lek is still his deputy. The four
vice-presidents – Datuk Dr Fong Chan Onn, Datuk Seri Ong Ka Ting, Datuk Chua
Jui Meng and Datuk Chan Kong Choy – keep their positions.

These are talented leaders and if one were to look at the real issues behind
the leadership crisis, there is really nothing substantial in the first
place.

There should be no witchhunt and sincere efforts must be made to ensure that
the spirit of the peace agenda is worked out. As Abdullah said, let bygones by
bygones.

As with all families, there will be times when quarrels break out among the
members but they need to come to their senses and compromise.

It has been said that we can choose our friends but never our relatives.
Whatever their differences, MCA leaders must work things out even after harsh
words have been exchanged.

The media can also play its role by not pitting one MCA leader against another.
Instead, let the healing process work in the interest of the Chinese community
and the nation.

As MCA leaders regain their composure and sieve through the countless rumours
being circulated, they should set their sights and resources on ensuring the
success of its projects – the setting up of Universiti Tunku Abdul Rahman and
the expansion of Tunku Abdul Rahman College.

More importantly, both sides must keep in mind that thoughtless words can wound
as deeply as any sword but wisely spoken words can heal.

To compromise is not a sign of weakness but of strength and maturity. No MCA
leader should feel ashamed to give peace a chance.

According to the findings of the purported survey, Najib
obtained 4,887 votes (62.54%), Muhyiddin 1,099 votes (14.06%), Abdullah 792
votes (10.14%) and Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah 571 votes (7.31%).

Without saying more than the figures, PAS has conveyed the message that Pak
Lah, as the Deputy Prime Minister is called, trails behind the others in
popularity.

The respondents of the survey are likely to be PAS supporters and the
credibility of the survey should thus be taken lightly, but Umno leaders are
not amused.

Over the past week, several senior Umno leaders have denounced the findings and
at the same time pledged their support for Abdullah.

There will be those who asked why such a display of allegiance is necessary
when the PAS survey has no basis. This is something Umno leaders must think
about before taking action.

Those who been fuelling the speculations of an impending fight obviously have
an agenda. For PAS leaders, they would love to see Umno leaders squabbling over
party posts as it would take the heat off the opposition party.

A bitter quarrel, as what is happening in MCA, will erode confidence in Umno
and certainly have a negative impact on voters.

PAS wants to attack Abdullah, who is also Home Minister, because he is one of
the few Umno leaders with Islamic credentials.

Abdullah, who graduated from Universiti Malaya with a degree in Islamic
studies, comes from a family of Islamic scholars. His father, Datuk Ahmad
Badawi, was a respected ulama who had joined other founding fathers to fight
against the clutches of the colonial masters.

By concocting a survey, PAS has deviously found a way to take pot shots at
Abdullah and at the same time fired the imagination of some lower-ranking Umno
leaders, who assume that there is mileage, if not money, to be made from a
power struggle among Umno leaders, especially between Pak Lah and Najib.

It cannot be denied that the rumours over the past weeks have been fanned
partly by Umno members who enjoy such politicking. As some Umno observers said,
''it's business as usual again in Umno'' following the recent Barisan Nasional
victories in by-elections.

Buoyed by the return of the Malay voters, there is a sense of renewed
confidence among Umno activists and the perception that the party is strong
again.

Without question, the opposition front has been hurt by DAP's pullout while
Parti Keadilan Nasional has been hit by a series of resignations, including its
deputy president Dr Chandra Muzaffar.

After the Sept 11 incident, the image of PAS has taken a beating with its brand
of politics, especially its support for the Taliban.

The PAS survey seems to have affected some Umno members, judging from the
manner in which they have responded. With the party holding its elections next
year, it appears that some members are eager to start campaigning early.

Such loose talk, however, will not help the party, particularly when it has
regained some ground lost during the 1999 general election.

What Umno grassroots members should do is to step up the campaign against PAS
and not indulge in speculation. The party election campaign can come
later.

The coast is not clear yet, as the saying goes. Umno and MCA must understand
that their real enemies are not within their parties but on the opposite side
of the bench.

The tactic adopted by PAS is no different from what the DAP did in the recent
Ketari by-election. DAP leaders issued press statements, not once but a few
times, to praise MCA deputy president Datuk Lim Ah Lek for the election
victory.

Instead of listing the various disadvantages it faces, as it usually does, the
DAP took a different tact by attempting to use Ah Lek to fight party president
Datuk Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik.

In fact, DAP leaders have turned up outside the MCA headquarters to cheer for
MCA leaders who are prepared to attack the existing leadership.

The bottom line is that Umno and MCA politicians should be concerned when
opposition leaders praise them because there is an obvious ulterior
motive.

What PAS and DAP would like to see is more washing of dirty linen in public by
competing Barisan leaders. After all, if somebody wants to do their job, why
not sit back and enjoy it?

The deadline to submit the notice for an EGM (involving
current delegates) is tomorrow if Team B wants to make sure it is held on or
before April 26 because of division polls over the next two days. By then, new
delegates would have been elected.

That aside, the signatures would have to be authenticated.

Questions have been raised as to whether an EGM can be called as the process of
election has proceeded, with many branch leaders already elected
uncontested.

Team B wants the polls stopped because it claims that the new membership list
of 135,700 names contains so-called phantom members.

Team A, led by party president Datuk Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik, has challenged his
detractors to prove their allegations, saying it was easy to make allegations
but the bottom line was evidence. He has also said that the 21-day objection
period – against the usual six previously – was over and asked why these
allegations were not submitted.

His critics replied that they did not do so because they had no confidence in
the headquarters' elections committee that was set up to study the objections.
They claimed that the committee was dominated by supporters of Dr Ling except
for vice-president Datuk Chan Kong Choy.

Team A leaders had pointed out that no one, even themselves, had said that a
party of 1.025 million members could have a 100% clean list. Even the Election
Commission rolls have blemishes.

Last month, the committee removed 868 names. The first batch comprised 399 who
had died, 156 were under-aged or below 18 years old, 26 had dual membership,
and 287 declared in writing that they did not join the party. The total number
of names deleted now is 1,773 or 0.17% of the 1.025 million members.

Non-members and even members can be forgiven if they find the statements of MCA
leaders confusing. In the process, the party's image has been badly hit.

Team A can explain as much it wants but some people may choose to listen to the
underdog, out of sympathy or prejudice. At times, even some sections of the
media have failed to explain the issue accurately.

Allegations of phantom members thus get better newspaper play than the findings
of the National Registration Department that the membership list is
clean.

The checks showed that of the 135,700 new members, only 905 or 0.6% had
discrepancies in their identity card numbers that could be due to technical
errors during the process of entering data into the computer.

The crux of the controversy appears to be what constitutes a phantom member.
Depending on who you talk to, the answers would be different.

But unlike the 1980s, when the MCA plunged into a 23-month crisis, even the
most hardened critic of the party would admit that this time, the so-called
phantom members are not dead.

One sore point among Team B leaders is that out-of-state members are allowed to
enrol in a local branch. For example, the Kapar division in Selangor is said to
have members from Johor.

They have been classified as phantom members, but Team A leaders say there is
no law to stop out-of-state members from joining a local branch as long as they
are bona fide members.

There is a loophole here but it is neither unconstitutional nor illegal —
morally wrong, perhaps, but other Barisan Nasional component parties have the
same system.

Similarly, the Election Commission allows us to register as voters in our
hometown even if we work and live in Kuala Lumpur with our family.

Then there is the scenario of an address with over 100 members. At first
glance, it appears improper and questionable. How can a house possibly contain
100 people?

The reality is that there is nothing to stop a service centre or a house from
being used as a correspondence address. There is no law by any political party
or the Election Commission that requires a minimum or maximum number of members
or voters per house.

It is a tactic used by grassroots leaders to stop their rivals, at branch
level, from contacting those already recruited. Come election time, their
rivals will have difficulty campaigning. However, in all likelihood, these
members exist.

During good and friendly times, such methods of recruiting are accepted by all.
Now, faults are being pointed out.

It is the same with the setting up of new branches. The party has been using
the same method but a controversy has surfaced chiefly because of the
elections.

Without question, there are flaws in the MCA constitution that need to be
rectified. The best forum is the general assembly where members can air their
grievances and correct the wrongs.

MCA leaders must not forget that the election is only a part of democracy. If
they wish to lead, they must be ready to serve first.

The Chinese community is tired of seeing the intense infighting. There are
plenty that needs to be done such as the setting up of Universiti Tunku Abdul
Rahman, the expansion of TAR College and the Langkawi Project, which can
improve the lives of thousands of people, and not a few politicians.

As Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad correctly advised politicians: solve your
problems internally, don't drag in the courts or government, or people outside
the party.

The point here is that the authorities seem to be ill
prepared each time we face a water shortage. It's almost an annual event;
surely by now we would have learned from the past.

Lack of information from the authorities only builds up anger, especially among
consumers who want to find out the duration of water cuts and how supply would
be restored.

Not being able to cook and wash is acceptable to most of us but it is a
different thing when there is not a drop of water to clean ourselves or to
flush the toilets. For those living in high-rise flats, where the water
pressure is low, their predicament is unimaginable.

And for residents in Semenyih, who live not far from the dam, it's a case of so
near yet so far. They must have found the water cuts unacceptable.

With low water pressure, the supply to most homes was murky, which did not help
to pacify the unhappy city folk.

But Malaysia is a lucky country. Barely a week of inconvenience, and we are
told that water rationing will be put off for the time being as a result of
heavy rain since Tuesday.

With water in the dams returning to normal levels, it's time we stop depending
on divine intervention to solve our problem. The Meteorological Services
Department should continue with cloud seeding to induce rain (last week, over
21 flights were conducted). To be effective, cloud seeding is usually done when
there are clouds over dams to induce rainfall at catchment areas.

Other pro-active measures had been taken, including reopening 41 wells that
were dug in remote areas in Selangor during the water crisis in 1998. A
filtration plant that was closed in 1998 would be re-commissioned.

All these measures were announced following public outcry last week. It's
better late than never but surely these steps should have been taken
earlier.

But it's no good merely to blame the authorities. For too long, we have taken
water supply for granted. In many European countries, their water is ''hard''
and impossible to drink from the tap.

Even boiling the water is not sufficient and many prefer drinking beer and
bottled drink for health purposes. In Malaysia, especially in Penang, the
quality of water is still good.

All this is only possible if our rivers are clean because they form the main
source of our water supply. So every step must be taken to ensure our rivers
remain clean.

Surveys have shown that only 27% of the 160 rivers in Malaysia are considered
clean. Not many Malaysians will find this shocking because for too long
factories, in particular, have treated the rivers as their dumping
ground.

All the laws drawn up and passed by Parliament will be meaningless if we do not
punish those who treat our rivers with disdain.

Water is an essential commodity. A year-long campaign to educate the public on
saving water should be started.

At the same time, we expect the authorities to tell us what steps have been
taken before the dry season comes again.

If our politicians want to keep boasting about how advanced we have become,
then it's time they stop giving us the same old story whenever the dry season
sets in.

In the case of Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir
Mohamad and his deputy, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, they make it a point
to speak to reporters after a function. If time is pressing, reporters are
allowed to throw questions at them as they are leaving.

This same newsman-politician interaction, we can assume, is not enjoyed by our
counterparts in Singapore. In fact, American journalists cannot get near their
President. They are restricted, most of the time, to the White House press
briefing room where a government spokesman would provide them with
information.

Last week, Singapore's Minister of State for National Development Dr Vijian
Balakrishnan found himself embroiled in a controversy when Umno politicians and
the Malaysian press criticised him for purportedly calling Malaysian reporters
''wild animals.''

He had reportedly passed the remark at a luncheon hosted for a visiting Barisan
Nasional Youth delegation in Singapore.

The rookie politician has said the remark was made in jest. He claimed that he
was hurrying along because ''wild animals'' were waiting to pounce on Barisan
Youth chief Datuk Hishamuddin Tun Hussein.

In retaliation, Information Ministry parliamentary secretary Datuk Zainuddin
Maidin, the former Utusan Malaysia editor-in-chief, said the incident showed
that Singaporean journalists behaved like ''mice'' when they came close to
their government leaders.

Not to be outdone, New Straits Times columnist Shamsul Akmar wrote that
Malaysian reporters should feel proud because it proved they were not
''domesticated.''

Trying to defuse the situation, Dr Vijian said: ''I could say I'm sitting in a
lion's den now.''

Malaysian reporters and Barisan leaders who attended Dr Vijian's luncheon have
admitted that they did not find his remark offensive but others have joined in
the fray to, presumably, settle political scores.

But there is certainly a need for Singaporean leaders, especially the younger
ones, to understand how their counterparts function.

The visit by the Barisan Youth leaders, for example, is good for
networking.

Over the past two years, the Singapore Government has, in fact, invited
Malaysian journalists, civil servants and other officials to visit the
republic.

But there is one area that Singapore needs to look into – until today,
Malaysian media companies cannot open their offices there.

Except for national news agency Bernama, which has a correspondent in
Singapore, none of the Malaysian newspapers can have representatives
there.

It is a strange decision on the part of Singapore because other foreign
reporters are allowed to operate there. In the case of Malaysia, we have been
liberal by allowing Singapore newspapers to station ''consultants'' here.

In the past, it was worse. Each did not allow the other's newspapers to be
taken into Malaysia or Singapore. Restricting information in this manner is no
longer possible today with the Internet although Malaysian newspapers still
cannot be sold in Singapore and vice-versa.

The restriction came about, presumably, because both sides did not want
emotional stories, written by either side, to be widely read by the
people.

But that should not stop Singapore from discontinuing its policy of not allowing
Malaysian newspaper firms to set up offices there.

Allowing Malaysian journalists to work there would help Singaporean leaders
establish a closer rapport with our media and, in turn, our media could
understand their policies better.

Singapore should not expect contacts with Malaysian journalists to be made
through a lunch or a visit. Relationship takes years to establish.

Over the past week, Singapore newspapers have published stories on how we have
reacted to several issues, ranging from the tudung ban to the visit by
Singapore Deputy Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong.

It's time for leaders such as Lee to influence their government to make bold
decisions that are in tune with the times.

No doubt, they do not have the kind of relationship their predecessors had, but
they also do not carry the baggage of history with them.