The PAS-controlled state has also said that all female
models were required to wear the tudung (headscarf) in posters and other forms
of advertisements.

The Terengganu government recently reportedly said that it wanted hotels and
chalets to build separate swimming pools for men and women. At the same time,
it wanted to ban bikinis.

Interestingly, the Terengganu government only denied these reports after many
Malaysians, including Culture, Arts and Tourism Minister Datuk Kadir Sheikh
Fadzir, reacted angrily to the suggestion.

But it stubbornly refused to back down from its proposal to ban singer Siti
Nurhaliza from performing at a concert in conjunction with the water festival
in the state.

PAS officials boycotted the closing ceremony of the event, saying cultural
dances involving male and female dancers were not allowed.

However, thousands of other Kelantanese had the good sense to ignore the PAS
leaders by deciding to have a good time at the festival.

Non-Muslims have always stayed away from matters relating to religion but they
have become increasingly concerned by the actions of PAS.

The ban on unisex salons affects non-Muslims. It is a clear infringement of
their rights and there is no reason why they should be subjected to these
laws.

Similarly, non-Muslims have no reason to follow the ruling of separate payment
counters because there is no need for a husband and wife to be separated while
shopping together.

The decision requiring all female models to wear the tudung in advertisement
posters is another move to disregard the rights of the minority.

It is strange that non-government organisations and human rights groups that
have been so critical of the federal government have been silent on these
issues, presumably reluctant to offend their political ally.

Except for the DAP, which has disassociated itself from PAS after realising it
is impossible to change the mindset of PAS leaders, others have unashamedly
stayed away from even the mildest form of criticism.

It seems it is all right to criticise Barisan Nasional but when it comes to
PAS, one must be prepared ''to understand and convince them.'' Never mind if
they ride roughshod over the minority in the two states.

Where are the foreign groups that have been so outspoken on the threat against
the civil rights of Malaysians?

The series of announcements by the two PAS state governments appears to be a
deliberate move in the run-up to the PAS general assembly in Kota Baru at the
end of the month.

It also appears to be an attempt to reinforce its Islamic image, particularly
to appease its grassroots members, following speculation that a general
election may be held next year.

Although some PAS leaders genuinely want to win over the non-Muslims,
especially the Chinese, the recent decisions of their colleagues will not help
the Islamist party.

The Chinese community may be troubled by the MCA leadership crisis but they
will support Barisan Nasional under the leadership of Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir
Mohamad.

The two factions in MCA may be going through a testing period but given enough
time, the healing will work as party president Datuk Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik and
his deputy, Datuk Lim Ah Lek, must understand the need to reconcile to ensure
the interest of the Chinese community is protected.

The MCA leaders now have a chance to search their hearts during this
cooling-off period and work towards winning back the support of the Chinese
voters.

But for PAS, it will have to face the onslaught not just from the MCA and
Gerakan but also its former ally DAP.

Dr Mahathir's popularity is at an all-time high while the
opposition front comprising PAS, Parti Keadilan Nasional and Parti Rakyat
Malaysia is in disarray. Keadilan itself is struggling to keep intact following
a series of resignations of its top leaders.

The popularity of PAS has been deeply eroded after the Sept 11 attacks in New
York, particularly when it called for a jihad (holy war) against the United
States for retaliating against the Taliban regime in Afghanistan.

The involvement of several PAS grassroots members in the Kumpulan Militan
Malaysia jolted many Malaysians, particularly moderate Muslims, and caused many
to reassess the kind of politics propagated by the Islamist party.

The DAP, understanding the sentiments of its core support among the
non-Muslims, tried to save itself by pulling out of the opposition pact but it
has yet to recover from the effects of working with PAS in the 1999 general
election.

It took a beating from Chinese voters, with several top DAP guns being
defeated.

The Barisan Nasional component parties, particularly the MCA and Gerakan, need
to take advantage of a weak DAP. Come September, when the memories of the first
anniversary of the New York tragedy are replayed, strong emotions would be
evoked again.

But the Sept 11 factor would fade away among Malaysians if Barisan decides to
wait longer to call for elections. One week in politics is a long time, as the
saying goes.

On the economic front, there is now renewed interest in the Kuala Lumpur Stock
Exchange and there is talk that the foreign buyers would return strongly to our
counters.

The property market, especially at the high end, seems to have rebounded with
news reports of buyers having to ballot for semi-detached and bungalow units in
freehold areas of the Klang Valley.

Despite initial fears of massive retrenchments following the slowdown in the
United States, the situation has been well managed by our government.

Dr Mahathir's standing in the international community has changed tremendously
since Sept 11. If he was treated with suspicion previously for his strong
actions against suspected extremists, particularly in using the Internal
Security Act, there is now greater understanding.

He is seen as a moderate Muslim leader in a progressive Islamic country who
wields considerable clout among Islamic nations. The hosting of the recent
Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC) meeting in Kuala Lumpur has certainly
boosted his credentials.

Clearly, the US is seeing Malaysia in a different light with the country now
being described by the White House as the regional ''beacon of
stability.''

Next week, Dr Mahathir will travel to the United States where he will meet
President George W. Bush. The high-profile meeting is important because it will
ease the strained relationship between the two countries.

Dr Mahathir will have a busy schedule, including a meeting with the influential
editors at The Washington Post and meetings with White House officials and
senators.

On the local front, the MCA will need some time to work on the peace agenda.
All players at all levels must realise that there is more at stake than a fight
over party posts.

A divided MCA will not be good for Barisan as it gears itself for the next
general election. Gerakan must also appreciate that it needs the MCA during the
election and that the fight in the MCA does not benefit the Penang-based
party.

There is still a great degree of unhappiness among Chinese voters towards the
MCA for its bitter factional fight. Party leaders, whether they like it or not,
have to come together.

Unity gatherings involving grassroots leaders and Chinese guilds can be
organised to forge unity and to show that they can close ranks to face a common
enemy.

Within Umno, its elections (one due next year) have always been exciting
affairs but party members may spend too much time campaigning, which would not
augur well for Barisan.

It is speculated that Dr Mahathir may want to call for the general election
before the Umno polls.

Another factor to consider would be the progress of the delineation exercise by
the Election Commission involving the creation of more parliamentary and state
constituencies.

The proposal, once completed, will have to be approved by Parliament. These new
seats would then have to be identified before the general election is
called.

But the consensus among many Barisan leaders is that the general election is
not that far away and preparations should start now – it is a perception that
is shared by the Opposition.

Last week, Dr Mahathir dropped a hint by saying he will be defending his Kubang
Pasu seat in the next general election.

The support for the MCA has been eroded because of the
fight. However, the DAP is not gaining any mileage simply because the Chinese
community is peeved with its brand of politics.

The MCA leaders cannot preach the importance of unity, at community or
grassroots level, if they are incapable of maintaining unity themselves.

The peace formula must thus be given a chance to work. It is not a question of
whether Team A or Team B won – the winner must be the MCA.

Party leaders, especially at division level, may not fully welcome the ''status
quo'' formula, but sacrifices have to be made for peace, stability and unity in
MCA.

The larger picture is important as preparations are being made for the next
general election, speculated to run before the full five-year term in
2005.

The top leaders from both sides must now go on a nationwide road show to face
the wrath of the grassroots and to explain why the peace plan is
necessary.

On Tuesday, MCA president Datuk Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik said all MCA leaders at
the division, state and national levels would remain in their posts until the
next party elections in 2005.

He said there would be no contest in MCA's 166 division elections. The same situation
will apply at state, Youth, Wanita and national levels.

Urging the grassroots to work towards the no-contest arrangement, he said the
central committee unanimously adopted the decision.

Over the past few weeks, behind-the-scene negotiations were carried out by,
among others, Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, the aides
of the Prime Minister and businessman Tan Sri Lim Kok Wing.

As with all negotiations, there were bumpy moments but the final result has
been achieved – the MCA leadership crisis has come to an end.

Dr Mahathir and Abdullah have played a crucial role in ensuring that the final
touches were agreeable to all to ensure that the peace agenda is
accepted.

It is now important for the respective MCA leaders to explain the significance
of the peace plan. There will be grudges and glitches, no doubt, but these are
minor problems that can be sorted out.

There will be cases like the eight Youth leaders who have passed the age limit
of 45 years old, and whether exceptions should be made to these cases.
Representatives from both sides can sit down to resolve such internal
problems.

Then there will be some divisions where the incumbent may have lost his right
to keep his post because he may have lost his branch post, but these are
rare.

The majority of the 166 divisions would probably remain the same with the
status quo formula. The central committee members, irrespective of which
faction they represent, will keep their positions for the next three
years.

Dr Ling remains as president and Datuk Lim Ah Lek is still his deputy. The four
vice-presidents – Datuk Dr Fong Chan Onn, Datuk Seri Ong Ka Ting, Datuk Chua
Jui Meng and Datuk Chan Kong Choy – keep their positions.

These are talented leaders and if one were to look at the real issues behind
the leadership crisis, there is really nothing substantial in the first
place.

There should be no witchhunt and sincere efforts must be made to ensure that
the spirit of the peace agenda is worked out. As Abdullah said, let bygones by
bygones.

As with all families, there will be times when quarrels break out among the
members but they need to come to their senses and compromise.

It has been said that we can choose our friends but never our relatives.
Whatever their differences, MCA leaders must work things out even after harsh
words have been exchanged.

The media can also play its role by not pitting one MCA leader against another.
Instead, let the healing process work in the interest of the Chinese community
and the nation.

As MCA leaders regain their composure and sieve through the countless rumours
being circulated, they should set their sights and resources on ensuring the
success of its projects – the setting up of Universiti Tunku Abdul Rahman and
the expansion of Tunku Abdul Rahman College.

More importantly, both sides must keep in mind that thoughtless words can wound
as deeply as any sword but wisely spoken words can heal.

To compromise is not a sign of weakness but of strength and maturity. No MCA
leader should feel ashamed to give peace a chance.

According to the findings of the purported survey, Najib
obtained 4,887 votes (62.54%), Muhyiddin 1,099 votes (14.06%), Abdullah 792
votes (10.14%) and Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah 571 votes (7.31%).

Without saying more than the figures, PAS has conveyed the message that Pak
Lah, as the Deputy Prime Minister is called, trails behind the others in
popularity.

The respondents of the survey are likely to be PAS supporters and the
credibility of the survey should thus be taken lightly, but Umno leaders are
not amused.

Over the past week, several senior Umno leaders have denounced the findings and
at the same time pledged their support for Abdullah.

There will be those who asked why such a display of allegiance is necessary
when the PAS survey has no basis. This is something Umno leaders must think
about before taking action.

Those who been fuelling the speculations of an impending fight obviously have
an agenda. For PAS leaders, they would love to see Umno leaders squabbling over
party posts as it would take the heat off the opposition party.

A bitter quarrel, as what is happening in MCA, will erode confidence in Umno
and certainly have a negative impact on voters.

PAS wants to attack Abdullah, who is also Home Minister, because he is one of
the few Umno leaders with Islamic credentials.

Abdullah, who graduated from Universiti Malaya with a degree in Islamic
studies, comes from a family of Islamic scholars. His father, Datuk Ahmad
Badawi, was a respected ulama who had joined other founding fathers to fight
against the clutches of the colonial masters.

By concocting a survey, PAS has deviously found a way to take pot shots at
Abdullah and at the same time fired the imagination of some lower-ranking Umno
leaders, who assume that there is mileage, if not money, to be made from a
power struggle among Umno leaders, especially between Pak Lah and Najib.

It cannot be denied that the rumours over the past weeks have been fanned
partly by Umno members who enjoy such politicking. As some Umno observers said,
''it's business as usual again in Umno'' following the recent Barisan Nasional
victories in by-elections.

Buoyed by the return of the Malay voters, there is a sense of renewed
confidence among Umno activists and the perception that the party is strong
again.

Without question, the opposition front has been hurt by DAP's pullout while
Parti Keadilan Nasional has been hit by a series of resignations, including its
deputy president Dr Chandra Muzaffar.

After the Sept 11 incident, the image of PAS has taken a beating with its brand
of politics, especially its support for the Taliban.

The PAS survey seems to have affected some Umno members, judging from the
manner in which they have responded. With the party holding its elections next
year, it appears that some members are eager to start campaigning early.

Such loose talk, however, will not help the party, particularly when it has
regained some ground lost during the 1999 general election.

What Umno grassroots members should do is to step up the campaign against PAS
and not indulge in speculation. The party election campaign can come
later.

The coast is not clear yet, as the saying goes. Umno and MCA must understand
that their real enemies are not within their parties but on the opposite side
of the bench.

The tactic adopted by PAS is no different from what the DAP did in the recent
Ketari by-election. DAP leaders issued press statements, not once but a few
times, to praise MCA deputy president Datuk Lim Ah Lek for the election
victory.

Instead of listing the various disadvantages it faces, as it usually does, the
DAP took a different tact by attempting to use Ah Lek to fight party president
Datuk Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik.

In fact, DAP leaders have turned up outside the MCA headquarters to cheer for
MCA leaders who are prepared to attack the existing leadership.

The bottom line is that Umno and MCA politicians should be concerned when
opposition leaders praise them because there is an obvious ulterior
motive.

What PAS and DAP would like to see is more washing of dirty linen in public by
competing Barisan leaders. After all, if somebody wants to do their job, why
not sit back and enjoy it?

The deadline to submit the notice for an EGM (involving
current delegates) is tomorrow if Team B wants to make sure it is held on or
before April 26 because of division polls over the next two days. By then, new
delegates would have been elected.

That aside, the signatures would have to be authenticated.

Questions have been raised as to whether an EGM can be called as the process of
election has proceeded, with many branch leaders already elected
uncontested.

Team B wants the polls stopped because it claims that the new membership list
of 135,700 names contains so-called phantom members.

Team A, led by party president Datuk Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik, has challenged his
detractors to prove their allegations, saying it was easy to make allegations
but the bottom line was evidence. He has also said that the 21-day objection
period – against the usual six previously – was over and asked why these
allegations were not submitted.

His critics replied that they did not do so because they had no confidence in
the headquarters' elections committee that was set up to study the objections.
They claimed that the committee was dominated by supporters of Dr Ling except
for vice-president Datuk Chan Kong Choy.

Team A leaders had pointed out that no one, even themselves, had said that a
party of 1.025 million members could have a 100% clean list. Even the Election
Commission rolls have blemishes.

Last month, the committee removed 868 names. The first batch comprised 399 who
had died, 156 were under-aged or below 18 years old, 26 had dual membership,
and 287 declared in writing that they did not join the party. The total number
of names deleted now is 1,773 or 0.17% of the 1.025 million members.

Non-members and even members can be forgiven if they find the statements of MCA
leaders confusing. In the process, the party's image has been badly hit.

Team A can explain as much it wants but some people may choose to listen to the
underdog, out of sympathy or prejudice. At times, even some sections of the
media have failed to explain the issue accurately.

Allegations of phantom members thus get better newspaper play than the findings
of the National Registration Department that the membership list is
clean.

The checks showed that of the 135,700 new members, only 905 or 0.6% had
discrepancies in their identity card numbers that could be due to technical
errors during the process of entering data into the computer.

The crux of the controversy appears to be what constitutes a phantom member.
Depending on who you talk to, the answers would be different.

But unlike the 1980s, when the MCA plunged into a 23-month crisis, even the
most hardened critic of the party would admit that this time, the so-called
phantom members are not dead.

One sore point among Team B leaders is that out-of-state members are allowed to
enrol in a local branch. For example, the Kapar division in Selangor is said to
have members from Johor.

They have been classified as phantom members, but Team A leaders say there is
no law to stop out-of-state members from joining a local branch as long as they
are bona fide members.

There is a loophole here but it is neither unconstitutional nor illegal —
morally wrong, perhaps, but other Barisan Nasional component parties have the
same system.

Similarly, the Election Commission allows us to register as voters in our
hometown even if we work and live in Kuala Lumpur with our family.

Then there is the scenario of an address with over 100 members. At first
glance, it appears improper and questionable. How can a house possibly contain
100 people?

The reality is that there is nothing to stop a service centre or a house from
being used as a correspondence address. There is no law by any political party
or the Election Commission that requires a minimum or maximum number of members
or voters per house.

It is a tactic used by grassroots leaders to stop their rivals, at branch
level, from contacting those already recruited. Come election time, their
rivals will have difficulty campaigning. However, in all likelihood, these
members exist.

During good and friendly times, such methods of recruiting are accepted by all.
Now, faults are being pointed out.

It is the same with the setting up of new branches. The party has been using
the same method but a controversy has surfaced chiefly because of the
elections.

Without question, there are flaws in the MCA constitution that need to be
rectified. The best forum is the general assembly where members can air their
grievances and correct the wrongs.

MCA leaders must not forget that the election is only a part of democracy. If
they wish to lead, they must be ready to serve first.

The Chinese community is tired of seeing the intense infighting. There are
plenty that needs to be done such as the setting up of Universiti Tunku Abdul
Rahman, the expansion of TAR College and the Langkawi Project, which can
improve the lives of thousands of people, and not a few politicians.

As Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad correctly advised politicians: solve your
problems internally, don't drag in the courts or government, or people outside
the party.

The point here is that the authorities seem to be ill
prepared each time we face a water shortage. It's almost an annual event;
surely by now we would have learned from the past.

Lack of information from the authorities only builds up anger, especially among
consumers who want to find out the duration of water cuts and how supply would
be restored.

Not being able to cook and wash is acceptable to most of us but it is a
different thing when there is not a drop of water to clean ourselves or to
flush the toilets. For those living in high-rise flats, where the water
pressure is low, their predicament is unimaginable.

And for residents in Semenyih, who live not far from the dam, it's a case of so
near yet so far. They must have found the water cuts unacceptable.

With low water pressure, the supply to most homes was murky, which did not help
to pacify the unhappy city folk.

But Malaysia is a lucky country. Barely a week of inconvenience, and we are
told that water rationing will be put off for the time being as a result of
heavy rain since Tuesday.

With water in the dams returning to normal levels, it's time we stop depending
on divine intervention to solve our problem. The Meteorological Services
Department should continue with cloud seeding to induce rain (last week, over
21 flights were conducted). To be effective, cloud seeding is usually done when
there are clouds over dams to induce rainfall at catchment areas.

Other pro-active measures had been taken, including reopening 41 wells that
were dug in remote areas in Selangor during the water crisis in 1998. A
filtration plant that was closed in 1998 would be re-commissioned.

All these measures were announced following public outcry last week. It's
better late than never but surely these steps should have been taken
earlier.

But it's no good merely to blame the authorities. For too long, we have taken
water supply for granted. In many European countries, their water is ''hard''
and impossible to drink from the tap.

Even boiling the water is not sufficient and many prefer drinking beer and
bottled drink for health purposes. In Malaysia, especially in Penang, the
quality of water is still good.

All this is only possible if our rivers are clean because they form the main
source of our water supply. So every step must be taken to ensure our rivers
remain clean.

Surveys have shown that only 27% of the 160 rivers in Malaysia are considered
clean. Not many Malaysians will find this shocking because for too long
factories, in particular, have treated the rivers as their dumping
ground.

All the laws drawn up and passed by Parliament will be meaningless if we do not
punish those who treat our rivers with disdain.

Water is an essential commodity. A year-long campaign to educate the public on
saving water should be started.

At the same time, we expect the authorities to tell us what steps have been
taken before the dry season comes again.

If our politicians want to keep boasting about how advanced we have become,
then it's time they stop giving us the same old story whenever the dry season
sets in.

In the case of Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir
Mohamad and his deputy, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, they make it a point
to speak to reporters after a function. If time is pressing, reporters are
allowed to throw questions at them as they are leaving.

This same newsman-politician interaction, we can assume, is not enjoyed by our
counterparts in Singapore. In fact, American journalists cannot get near their
President. They are restricted, most of the time, to the White House press
briefing room where a government spokesman would provide them with
information.

Last week, Singapore's Minister of State for National Development Dr Vijian
Balakrishnan found himself embroiled in a controversy when Umno politicians and
the Malaysian press criticised him for purportedly calling Malaysian reporters
''wild animals.''

He had reportedly passed the remark at a luncheon hosted for a visiting Barisan
Nasional Youth delegation in Singapore.

The rookie politician has said the remark was made in jest. He claimed that he
was hurrying along because ''wild animals'' were waiting to pounce on Barisan
Youth chief Datuk Hishamuddin Tun Hussein.

In retaliation, Information Ministry parliamentary secretary Datuk Zainuddin
Maidin, the former Utusan Malaysia editor-in-chief, said the incident showed
that Singaporean journalists behaved like ''mice'' when they came close to
their government leaders.

Not to be outdone, New Straits Times columnist Shamsul Akmar wrote that
Malaysian reporters should feel proud because it proved they were not
''domesticated.''

Trying to defuse the situation, Dr Vijian said: ''I could say I'm sitting in a
lion's den now.''

Malaysian reporters and Barisan leaders who attended Dr Vijian's luncheon have
admitted that they did not find his remark offensive but others have joined in
the fray to, presumably, settle political scores.

But there is certainly a need for Singaporean leaders, especially the younger
ones, to understand how their counterparts function.

The visit by the Barisan Youth leaders, for example, is good for
networking.

Over the past two years, the Singapore Government has, in fact, invited
Malaysian journalists, civil servants and other officials to visit the
republic.

But there is one area that Singapore needs to look into – until today,
Malaysian media companies cannot open their offices there.

Except for national news agency Bernama, which has a correspondent in
Singapore, none of the Malaysian newspapers can have representatives
there.

It is a strange decision on the part of Singapore because other foreign
reporters are allowed to operate there. In the case of Malaysia, we have been
liberal by allowing Singapore newspapers to station ''consultants'' here.

In the past, it was worse. Each did not allow the other's newspapers to be
taken into Malaysia or Singapore. Restricting information in this manner is no
longer possible today with the Internet although Malaysian newspapers still
cannot be sold in Singapore and vice-versa.

The restriction came about, presumably, because both sides did not want
emotional stories, written by either side, to be widely read by the
people.

But that should not stop Singapore from discontinuing its policy of not allowing
Malaysian newspaper firms to set up offices there.

Allowing Malaysian journalists to work there would help Singaporean leaders
establish a closer rapport with our media and, in turn, our media could
understand their policies better.

Singapore should not expect contacts with Malaysian journalists to be made
through a lunch or a visit. Relationship takes years to establish.

Over the past week, Singapore newspapers have published stories on how we have
reacted to several issues, ranging from the tudung ban to the visit by
Singapore Deputy Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong.

It's time for leaders such as Lee to influence their government to make bold
decisions that are in tune with the times.

No doubt, they do not have the kind of relationship their predecessors had, but
they also do not carry the baggage of history with them.

And the water supply comes from Malaysia. If Malaysians
feel that Singapore ought to pay more, the media has every right to play it up.
The Malaysian press would be failing in its duties if such an important issue
were to be buried.

In the case of Saifuddin, he is making these accusations to the Malay audience
who may not read the two English newspapers.

Readers of The Star and NST would know that these dailies have devoted much
space to these issues, the latest being the controversy over reclamation works
by Singapore at Pulau Tekong.

Worse, Saifuddin has distorted the matter – two Singapore companies merely hold
a negligible combined shareholding of 3.07% in NST Press and 7.85% in Star
Publications (M) Bhd.

He claimed that Singapore had editorial control over the policies of these two
newspapers, which is nonsensical. There are no Singaporean reporters in these
two dailies, let alone Singaporean editors.

If he checks his facts, Saifuddin would have realised that the Foreign
Investment Committee allows investment in media firms if the stake is below
30%. There are also no Singapore representatives on the boards of these two
companies, as alleged.

But experienced journalists usually take statements from politicians with a
pinch of salt, even if these politicians consider themselves respectable
statesmen.

In the case of Goh, it is his opinion that the Malaysian media has
sensationalised the issue. Opinions are personal sentiments and need not
necessarily be correct.

As for Saifuddin, his facts are wrong – and dangerous if conveyed to listeners
at ceramahs. He should know that unlike Singapore and Thailand, Malaysian
newspapers do not employ foreigners.

In Singapore, Malaysians working in newspapers there have found that they are
usually not assigned to cover local politics. Most are restricted to layout
work or to cover Malaysian news.

In Thailand, Malaysians are employed in English language newspapers because of
their proficiency in the language. They are usually hired as copy-editors and
sub-editors to clean up news reports submitted by locals.

These Thai newspapers are quite liberal in recruiting foreigners, to the point
that Malaysians sometimes complain that even backpackers are hired and given
better treatment, simply because they are whites and presumably more fluent in
English than Malaysians. Again, that is a matter of opinion.

The tudung issue has been given much coverage in Malaysian newspapers because
many Muslims here wear tudung. They can relate to the issue, and many of them
have relatives in the republic.

Malaysian newspapers have, in fact, been cautious in dealing with the issue.
The Malay dailies, while defending the right to wear tudung had, after all,
been critical over the wearing of purdah and burka.

The reclamation issue has generated interest because of reports that the Pasir
Gudang Port in Johor Baru could lose its competitiveness once large vessels are
forced to fork out extra expenses for pilot services to sail through the
would-be narrowed Tebrau Straits resulting from the land reclamation.

Johor Mentri Besar Datuk Abdul Ghani Othman had said that once the works were
completed, the width of the straits would he halved, as indicated by the
graphics of the project that were made available to him.

He had said that with reclamation work, it would result in only a mere 700m
separating the Royal Malaysian Navy's training college, near Kota Tinggi, and
the edge of the reclaimed land.

The onus is now on the Singapore Government to argue its case and to convince
Malaysians. As far as the Malaysian press is concerned, the issue is
newsworthy.

It must be upsetting for these people, who have been
waiting patiently for PR status, to read about cases such as that of the
Bangladeshi woman.

The time has come for our immigration authorities to tighten the rules on PR
status application from Indonesians and Bangladeshis. While we need these
foreigners to perform manual labour, it must be impressed upon them that they
are guests in this country.

We must not lose sight of the fact that we want to attract the best brains to
Malaysia if we wish to compete with our neighbours. The best people,
irrespective of nationality, are needed in various fields.

For example, there are plenty of experts in information technology and medicine
from India. These talents should be offered the carrot to settle in
Malaysia.

So are doctors and nurses from Myanmar. If PR status is to be accorded to them,
it should be done so after a period of employment. But the same privilege
cannot be extended to coffee-shop helpers.

Singapore seems to have been able to attract many skilled foreigners, including
Malaysians, with its offer of PR status.

A permanent resident does not enjoy the same rights as a citizen, such as
voting and running for office, but it provides a positive psychological effect.
It's a form of security and offers a sense of legitimacy in a foreign
land.

The action taken by the Home Ministry to flush out illegal immigrants in Sabah
is commendable. There should be no let-up of such operations.

It is also interesting to note that the Human Resources Ministry announced last
week that 100,000 to 200,000 Vietnamese would be joining the Malaysian
workforce in the next few months as part of the government-to-government
agreement on foreign labour between the two countries.

Experts from both countries are now working on the framework for a memorandum
of understanding on the guidelines for employment of these workers.

Vietnamese workers who apply for overseas employment would undergo language
classes and training to understand Malaysian laws and regulations.

The participation of these Vietnamese, especially in the construction industry,
will be a good alternative. The first batch of Vietnamese workers can be looked
upon as an experiment and their performance will be watched closely.

In addition to the Vietnamese, the Malaysian authorities should consider
workers from Cambodia and Sri Lanka.

Malaysia has plenty of nearby countries to choose from for labour and should,
therefore, be selective.

Similarly, we should be selective in the granting of PR status.

We cannot afford to be seen as a country where foreigners can enter with ease
and secure PR status after working for a few years. The reputation of Malaysia
is at stake.

In 1999, a women's rights advocate contested on an
opposition front ticket in an urban parliamentary constituency. PAS supporters,
in their robes and serban, marched to the nomination centre with her.

But one night, in full view of the press, she was ordered to speak from the
kitchen at a small gathering in a house belonging to a PAS supporter as the men
took their places in the hall.

In fact, women journalists still complain of being segregated from their men
colleagues when they cover the annual PAS general assembly.

Muslim women reporters are also required to cover their heads with
scarves.

Despite being outspoken in her views on women issues, the woman candidate was
too timid to go against the order of the PAS members, whom she relied on during
the campaign. She lost in the election and was never heard about again.

PAS has again brought up the idea of admitting non-Muslims into its fold. In
the latest issue of Harakah, the party organ, several Chinese leaders were
interviewed on the possibility of admitting non-Muslims as members.

There is little point in admitting non-Muslims as associate members with no
rights, as they will merely be window dressing. The question is whether PAS is
prepared to have non-Muslims as full-fledged members with voting rights and a
chance to seek election.

Until PAS is ready to commit itself to such changes, it will merely be wishful
thinking on the part of non-Muslim opposition supporters to expect PAS to be
progressive.

Even the DAP, which tried to have a meaningful relationship with PAS, has given
up after several bad experiences. PAS wants to turn Malaysia into an Islamic
state and has said so many times.

Well-intended Malaysians, especially non-Muslims, have invited PAS speakers to
talk about a PAS-run Malaysia. Playing to the gallery, PAS speakers often tell
the non-Muslims that if the party is given a chance, there will be no
discriminatory practices between bumiputras and non-bumiputras.

To a church or temple gathering, PAS leaders will emphasise that all religion
forbid gambling and the taking of liquor. Buddhist and Christian leaders
should, thus, support the PAS ban on gambling and drinking.

But pressed a little harder, PAS leaders will admit that in an Islamic state,
there is a distinction between Muslims and non-Muslims.

It is also difficult convincing PAS members that drinking and gambling are
allowed, or at least tolerated, by the Chinese community. It is a matter of
choice and rights.

Just like dressing, non-Muslims have the right to wear shorts and mini-skirts
if they want to. Under a PAS-run country, no one is quite sure whether this can
continue.

In short, under a PAS-run Malaysia, there will be no non-Muslim ministers. That
is precisely why PAS cannot have non-Muslims as members.

PAS is talking about non-Muslims as members because there is talk that Barisan
Nasional may call for a general election next year. In fact, PAS is feverishly
preparing for the elections by holding more ceramahs.

If PAS wants non-Muslims to accept the party, it should go beyond cosmetic
changes. To call for a jihad against the United States and to urge its
supporters to fight along the Taliban in Afghanistan won't win them
votes.

Neither should the party blame the media for shooting itself in the foot.
Moderate Malaysians should not expect the Islamist party to change.