By WONG CHUN WAI

IT’S an unfinished war for many older Malaysians but for the young generation, it is a war that they never knew.

As for those who fought against the communists, especially members of the security forces, they still have the physical scars to show for it.

The children of soldiers and estate owners speak bitterly of their parents who left home and never returned.

As such to allow Chin Peng, the head of the CPM, to return to Malaysia would be unimaginable; not in their life time, at least.

Following the court rejection of Chin Peng’s application to return to Malaysia, the Malay newspapers have highlighted this issue with stories of Malay veterans who suffered in the fight against the communists.

The impression, unfortunately, is that it is the Malays who cannot forget the Emergency.

We seem to have forgotten that the same sentiment is shared by many Chinese too as the campaign against the communists would not have been successful without the effective infiltration of the CPM by the Special Branch, comprising mainly Chinese policemen.

Secret wars

Until the 1970s, not many realised that secret wars were being fought between the police and CPM, even in suburbs like Petaling Jaya.

In 1974, Tan Sri Rahman Hashim, the Inspector-General of Police, was assassinated by CPM terrorists and an attempt was made to blow up the National Monument.

Those who remember these events would have to be in their late 40s and 50s – they are not even mentioned in our history books in schools.

The late Tan Sri CC Too, the head of psychological warfare for 27 years, refused to attend the Haadyai Peace Accord in 1989, to mark the end of the 41 years of armed struggle.

Until the last days, he was suspicious of the intentions of Chin Peng and CPM, saying the peace accord was not a CPM surrender but a truce and merely “temporarily suspending” its struggle.

The late Aloysius Chin, a former deputy director of Special Branch (Operations), reminded this writer that “Malaysians must remember that the final victory over the CPM is not yet over.” It was the same line he wrote in his book The Communist Party of Malaya: The Inside Story.

He wrote that “the avowed aim of the communists all over the world is to destroy the existing political and economic systems in non-communist countries and to replace them with a World Union of Communist Republics.”

Many of the key strategists in SB are no longer around. Chin Peng, or Ong Boon Hua, would be 85 years old this year.

The house where he was born, in Sitiawan, is said to be a Sports Toto outlet now. He expressed regret over this in his book Chin Peng: My Side of the Story.

In short, the world has changed. The Cold War – the continuing state of tension and competition between the Western world led by the United States and the Communists led by the Soviet Union – ended in the 1990s.

For the young generation, they only know of Coldplay – the British rock group led by Chris Martin, not the Cold War.

The Soviet Union has collapsed and the Russians have embraced capitalism. So has communist China – which ironically, is expected to rescue the world from the effects of the financial crisis.

No country including Malaysia can ignore China because it is one of the largest markets. Nearer to home, our investors have kept themselves busy in Vietnam, technically a communist state.

In Cuba, the days of Fidel Castro are numbered while Bolivian leader Che Guevera is certainly more iconic than Castro.

But if you ask the young Malay boys hanging around Pertama Complex who wear T-shirts with Che on them, they think he is a rock star or equate him with Bob Marley.

Today, most of the ex-CPM members who are still alive live in the Peace Villages in south Thailand.

Instead of the guns they once toted, they carry handphones. Many depend on small businesses and tourism for a living.

Academics specialising in alternative history have given them a lease of life over the past few years with books recording their side of the stories.

A blog has even been set up with blurry videos of their activities.

In many cases, it was abject poverty and alienation, and even failed love relations, which made them join the CPM.

It was not all about abstract ideology and the new generation of leftists would have to admit that Karl Marx, the father of Communism, got it all wrong in his 1848 The Communist Manifesto – he failed to see the birth and expansion of the Middle Class, which embraced consumerism and all things capitalist.

In short, the CPM veterans are people of a different generation and political setting, who were caught up in the world of colonialism and class struggles, which have no relevance to us.

World of black-and-white

Their world was of just black-and-white – like the classic movies of their era.

Today, Islamic radicalism has taken over where communists have left off, with security agencies tracking the likes of Osama bin Laden and the al-Qaeda terrorists.

Courses in communism would probably be offered in the history faculty instead of the political science classes, where Islamic radicalism would be a compulsory subject.

The Malay CPM veterans – who would have once regarded themselves as atheists – have returned to religion, realising that they would soon be meeting their Creator.

In their last days on earth and for all the killings they have committed, it is best they seek peace and forgiveness.

They are probably too proud to admit that it was a serious mistake to chose the revolutionary path and too late to talk about “what if.”

Contrary to public perception, many ex-CPM members of Chinese origin have returned to Malaysia.

Some veterans become Thai citizens and have no problems returning to Malaysia as tourists.

In many cases, it was reported that their first visits were to pay respects to their dead parents’ graves in Malaysia and soon, they went on holidays to Europe, as a preferred destination.

In his book, Chin Peng said 330 ex-CPM members opted to return to Malaysia immediately after the peace agreement.

In the case of Chin Peng, he said he made applications in 1990 to return to Malaysia but the authorities disclosed that he did not show up for the interview.

Eventually, it became a court battle, which must have made it more difficult for the Home Ministry to meet his request. It is not clear what passport he is holding as he has made Bangkok his base.

Ironically, come December, it would be the 20th year of the Peace Accord in Haadyai, where the architects of the agreement are still alive.

Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad and his Thai counterpart, Chavalit Yongchaihudh played the leading roles while the police representatives were former IGPs Tan Sri Rahim Noor and Tan Sri Norian Mai, with retired Gen Kitti Rattanachayam representing the Thai army.

Chin Peng, in his book, said he wanted to die in Malaysia, which he said he was “more than willing to die for”. But for families of those who died in the fight, they have still not forgiven him.

It is a price he has to live with, even in his twilight years.

For the public, the question is: What next? We have seen similar reports made, headlined and followed with demands for actions but pretty soon, such reports usually gather dust and are quickly forgotten.

We have heard statements by officials from the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) before, promising tough action but only seen these statements turning into nothing.

That’s why Malaysians are sometimes cynical about high profile cases involving public money and powerful figures who seem untouchable.

The PKFZ report has wide implications, both political and business, and the readiness of the Government to release it is highly commendable.

It is probably for the first time, in a such long time, that the opposition has actually openly given credit to the Government.

For this, we must salute Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak and Transport Minister Datuk Seri Ong Tee Keat.

It might have taken a little longer than expected but it was essential to tie up the loose ends, especially the crucial legal requirements.

At least one newspaper which reported this case has received a legal letter and it would be no surprise if lawyers are scrutinising every word written by the press on the PKFZ issue.

The point is that the report has been made public, as promised by Ong. The public has every right to know because the costs to be incurred are very big, ballooning from an estimated RM7.453bil mainly due to interest costs and could go as high as RM12.5bil should the Port Klang Authority (PKA) default on its loan repayments in the years ahead.

It’s a staggering figure – six times bigger than the RM2.5bil scandal involving prominent personalities who diverted the money from Bumiputra Malaysia Finance (BMF) into private accounts in 1983.

The case which went through the courts in London, Hong Kong and Kuala Lumpur unveiled the loss of RM660mil of taxpayers’ money. One auditor sent to investigate the case in Hong Kong ended up being murdered.

The PKFZ and BMF are two separate cases and we have no intention of making any comparisons but the crux of the issue is the need to protect public money.

It is a refreshing bold start by the Najib Administration which has advocated transparency and accountability with the people’s interest first.

The MACC has revealed that it has completed its initial investigations and would compare what it has gathered with the findings of Pricewaterhouse-Coopers Advisory Services.

The MACC said its preliminary report had been submitted to its Legal and Prosecution Division for the next the phase of action.

The public want to see serious follow up action so that questions will be answered.

They want to know, and certainly have the right to know, how mismanagement had taken place, resulting in the fiasco, and whether there had been possible potential cases of conflict of interest. How extensive was the disregard for transparency and accountability, and who else were involved in the decisions?

The Transport Ministry has taken immediate steps such as seeking professional advice on the restructuring of PKA’s financial obligations, improving and tightening governance at PKA’s management and board levels and beefing up day-to-day management of PKFZ.

It is understood that PKA is already working with legal advisers and financial consultants to carry out the minister’s directives.

That is on the part of the Transport Ministry. As for the MACC and the Public Accounts Committee (PAC), Malaysians want them to pursue the case without fear or favour.

The dogged determination by the leadership to uphold transparency and accountability would mean nothing if it remains just a report with no real action taken at the end of the day.

It could even backfire if the public feel that the probe was merely to appease them but with no intention of punishing those who mismanaged public money either because of incompetency or for other reasons. Justice must not only be done but seen to be done.

A tough decision has been made by Najib and Ong and they can be assured that the public fully support them, especially if blatant abuses of power and disregard for governmental procedures and guidelines are exposed.

Ong, for example, has said: “It has been a long journey for me personally. It is one that is fraught with challenges and hurdles both from within and without.”

Only the MCA president himself would know the difficulties, anxieties and pressure involved. Even any private company with limited resources would have their company rules and governance and in the case of PKFZ, the report has made some shocking revelations.

We expect the authorities, particularly MACC and PAC, to act accordingly and swiftly too, That’s what the “People First, Performance Now” slogan is about, isn’t it?

By WONG CHUN WAI

THERE’s no middle ground left in Malaysian politics – that’s how divisive politics have torn the people apart.

You are either with the Barisan Nasional or the Pakatan Rakyat: there’s no room for those who want to choose the middle ground.

You are either left suffering from political fatigue as a result of this endless round of politicking since the March 8 general election, or you just want to have more fights with more by-elections.

By-elections used to be held because the elected representatives passed away but now it is forced – in the name of democracy.

Defections, which should be condemned if one is genuinely principled, are now treated differently.

The planned Sept 16 massive defection exercise was perfectly acceptable and anticipated with glee by some sections of Malaysians, even when a democratic government had been elected.

But when a few Pakatan Rakyat assemblymen declared themselves independents, resulting in the collapse of the Perak state government, a different set of moral rules was applied.

Political circus

Never mind that the whole political circus we saw last week started with a Barisan Nasional assemblyman who crossed over to Pakatan, was welcomed ceremoniously, but before you could even remember his name, he was back in the Barisan.

Worse, can we still remember that two of the independents were charged with corruption? Before they jumped ship, his PR colleagues had claimed they were framed by the Government but the minute they quit, they were branded as opportunists.

In fact, last week, PAS vice-president Datuk Husam Musa told the press that PAS was wooing a Barisan assemblyman in Kelantan. We don’t recall Husam being criticised by anyone, particularly those who see themselves as righteous political leaders.

Even as we call for fresh elections in Perak, we have not heard any politician say we should enact an anti-hopping law first. What is there to prevent another round of defections after the elections?

In short, your political integrity now depends on which colour you are wearing. In the case of last week’s fiasco, black was the wrong colour as far as the police was concerned.

Peaceful protesters wearing black T-shirts were reportedly hauled up at a coffee shop. Five lawyers, who probably wore black suits, were arrested at the Brickfields police station when they turned up to defend their clients for allegedly taking part in an illegal gathering.

It was a classic case of over-reacting and the result was the police ending up with a black eye as far as public image was concerned. The Government was blamed for this, the result of some over-reactive police officers’ actions.

Transparency has also become the most abused word. The Government deserves its share of criticism for the lack of transparency, particularly in awarding massively expensive projects.

Direct negotiations seem to be the preferred method instead of open tenders, where the information should be put online for everyone to scrutinise.

The lack of proper information and denial of access to information fuel speculations and even rumours, resulting in bloggers earning more credibility than journalists. Malaysians are seeking more information because they want to know more about what’s happening in the country and, as stakeholders in the country’s future, they ought to.

Democracy does not merely mean voting in an election every five years. We have a right to have a say in how government and the relevant institutions function. That’s how democracy works.

But transparency seems to mean different things to different people. Some politicians can still talk about transparency and credibility despite having a record of making “expose” which never took place.

One Member of Parliament produced an amateurish doctored picture with outlandish claims, attempted to pass off the picture as the real thing but seems to have been quickly forgiven. He is still talking of transparency and is perceived to be a hero in some circles.

Intelligent debate needed

Consistency is lacking in Malaysian politics, with principles giving way to political ambitions and expediency. There are not many leaders like Karpal Singh, who are prepared to speak up even if it means incurring the wrath of his colleagues.

He has become the lone voice in the opposition when it comes to the topics of Islamic state and party defections. This is both sad and dangerous.

In the blogosphere, many still cannot debate intelligently or remain focused, preferring to pick an argument over a simple word or sentence of the blogger and ignoring the context of the entire blog.

Name-calling, mudslinging and condemnation seem to be the preferred mode with the commenters hiding behind anonymity.

There should be respect for different political opinions and inclinations but one is quickly condemned if one does not adhere to a certain leaning. Such frightening intolerance often comes from those who see themselves as fighting for freedom of speech.

It has been pointed out that Malaysia is now entering a new stage of democracy, infant in its own way, but the growth process should take its course and then participation in democracy would be done in a more mature way. Perhaps, when that happens we may then see greater maturity and rationale in political discourse.

With foreign investments predicted to drop by over 50% this year, the decision to open up the health, tourism, transport, business, computer industry and social services would help to convince investors to take another look at Malaysia.

There is more good news coming this way. This week, the Prime Minister is expected to announce major news involving the financial sector.

The reality is that many investors have bypassed Malaysia because of the 30% bumiputra quota requirement.

There are plenty of other countries which offer better and more competitive perks to win over the hearts of investors.

Singapore, for example, is known to even offer scholarships or university places for children of investors, especially from China.

There would not be a major impact from the decision. Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak is not waving a magic wand. But the optimism stemming from the decision is tremendous. It has brought freshness, encouragement and hope to the business community at a time when there is so much bad news.

We can expect Najib’s announcement to get favourable reaction from analysts and fund managers across the region.

These positive responses are essential if we are to make Malaysia heard and seen, but not through its series of explosive political news.

Malaysia offers good infrastructure, an educated workforce that speaks reasonably good English and a lower cost but higher standard of living, which are major considerations for investors.

While these sectors are not top heavy areas, it must be acknowledged that the services sector contributed 55% to the gross domestic product last year. Of this, 47.6% was contribu­ted by non-government services. The services sector also accounted for 57% of total employment in the country.

From a political perspective, Najib’s decision is certain to win the confidence of the Chinese business community.

The sometimes over-zealous implementation of the affirmative action programmes has long been a sore point to many Malay­sians, including bumiputras.

While the Chinese and Indians complained that the implementation by civil servants has been abused, the ordinary bumiputras grumbled that the politically-linked were the ones who profited, and not them.

The result is a large group of alienated and frustrated electorate who punished the Government in the March 8 polls.

Najib also needs to review the procurement policies of the government and government-linked companies.

It is well-known that inactive bumiputra partners, known as “sleeping partners”, are sometimes used to meet the 30% bumiputra equity rules. And it is said that in many cases, even a company comprising 100% bumiputra equity are created by non-bumiputra businessmen to overcome the stringent rules – and all these bumiputra directors do is just to collect some fees.

These practices go against the tenets of the New Economic Policy as they do nothing to restructure society. They also reflect the frustrations of good and decent Malaysian businessmen, many of whom are small businessmen who merely want to carry out a simple transaction with these GLCs.

No one knows who decided on this 100% bumiputra requirement to the point that some Malay businessmen are reluctant to have a non-Malay partner for fear it would affect their chances of securing a government contract. Sometimes, a foreign partner is said to be in a better position than Malaysians.

The affirmative actions are meant to elevate the position of bumiputras, and rightly so too, but they should not deprive non-Malays. Certainly, not to marginalise them.

A fair deal for all Malaysians is essentially what the new Prime Minister needs to look at and he has said so, citing the award of scholarships to students. Need-based, rather than ethnic-based, has to be the goal of the New Deal. It is the same with the recruitment of staff in the civil service, which is now mainly a one-race entity.

A vicious cycle has been created where the Government is serious about wanting to change the imbalances but non-Malays feel they have little chances of reaching the top positions in the civil service. So, they would rather opt for the private sector, but it does the country no good.

Obviously, the leadership needs to be brave enough to overcome this ethnic mental block. The racial prism has to be dismantled with good and clever Malaysians given the opportunity to serve.

Malaysia has to open up because the walls of protectionism have to come down. This is part of the globalisation process and even if the momentum has been slowed down because of the financial crisis, the opening up is inevitable.

Our competitors now are not Ahmad, Ah Chong or Muthu but the foreigners with their huge funds and strong expertise.

The kedai runcit and kedai kopi have been overwhelmed by the presence of hypermarkets and franchised coffee outlets.

The lifting of the 30% bumiputra equity ruling in the 27 sub-sectors should be the first of many changes to come.

Najib must be commended for his series of bold moves. A day after scrapping the quota equity, the Cabinet decided that the children of parents who were divorced and where one parent converts to another religion have to be brought up in the “common religion at the time of marriage”.

The move would certainly not endear him to Muslim conservatives but as the Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Datuk Seri Nazri Abdul Aziz said, religion should not be used as a tool to escape marriage responsibilities and that conversion “is not grounds for automatic dissolution of marriage”.

Najib must be encouraged. He has wasted no time in carrying out these radical changes, and for him to succeed further, Malaysians must support him.

THE 1Malaysia concept being promoted by Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak may mean different things to different people but the bottom line is simple – the Prime Minister wants a sense of one people and one nation.

He is not keen to set up think-tanks comprising academicians to draw up lofty ideals on what this concept is about.

He wants the idea to evolve and to take shape as the concept is promoted, more importantly, practised and not just remain a slogan for a leader who has just taken office and wants to be seen to be popular.

Over the past two weeks, he has been asked at almost every press briefing what 1Malaysia really means.

Malay nationalist groups are worried that it would be like the Malaysian Malaysia concept mooted by the DAP while some non-Malay groups have cynically dismissed it as unworkable in Malaysia. Chinese newspaper editors have grappled with translating the term, which comes with a numeral. They have loosely described it as “a Malaysia for all”.

Every noble idea must be given a chance to grow. Najib means well and he understands that something new would need time to be explained and accepted.

He has softened the fears of right-wing Malay groups by saying that no ethnic group should be marginalised and also stressed that while affirmative action would remain, it must be implemented fairly.

He has continuously used one example at every discussion with editors – award of scholarships to top students. No applicant should be deprived because of his or her ethnicity. He made it a point to the 1Malaysia concept at his first Cabinet meeting, saying the nation should rise above race and work together as a nation.

Double talk

Najib is serious in reaching out to all. His 1Malaysia website now has a Chinese version and moves are being made to include a Tamil one as well.

Interestingly, his son who is pursuing studies in Georgetown University in the US is studying Chinese and has a Shanghainese as a roommate.

There’s no denying that racial differences have gnawed the nation and politicians must take much of the blame.

For 1Malaysia to work, our politicians, including ministers, need to exercise plenty of self-restraint.

They cannot spew racist remarks to become champions of their races, and then talk about national unity.

The days of talking to different audiences and expecting such double talk not to reach the ears of other communities are over.

Words like “kita memberi amaran” (we warn) and “kita tidak akan kompromi” (we will not compromise) must be taken off the speeches and remarks of our leaders. In short, they should be banned.

The bosses of TV stations should remind their reporters and presenters not to use “orang kita” (our own people) when they speak, seemingly oblivious to the fact that all races watch their programmes.

Similarly, it is disturbing when a national newspaper uses a provocative front-page headline like “Bangkitlah Melayu” (Malays arise) and in the same breath, call for national unity and carry a picture of the PM joining Sikhs in making chapati during the Vasakhi celebrations.

While English language newspapers have taken a more guarded role in their reporting as their readership is multi-racial, there is a need for vernacular newspapers to take off racial prisms.

Sometimes, the inability to find an appropriate translation or use of a quote without looking out of context can lead to emotional debates with racial tones. The printed version can never reflect the tone used by the speaker and often, it conjures a different, if not inaccurate perspective.

Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin found himself in such a spot last week when he was talking about the voting trend of the Chinese in the two by-elections.

Lost in translation

His remark “seolah olah tidak menghargai” was translated differently – “ungrateful”, “unappreciated” and “not reciprocated” by different Chinese newspapers.

The Deputy Prime Minister, who has a clean record for making moderate statements, took the trouble to spend an hour with Chinese newspaper editors to explain the context.

They, in turn, expressed their views on the report and the sentiments of the community.

Both Najib and Muhyiddin have pleaded for a chance. They have hardly been in office for two weeks.

The PM has just chaired his first Cabinet meeting and most of the ministers are now attending daily briefings to learn more about their res­pective ministries and their scope of duties. It is still very early days of the Najib Administration and Malaysians certainly want him to succeed.

No one expects overnight changes but the PM is aware of the expectations. He knows the heavy responsibility and that time is running against him. He understands that the old methods don’t work but at the same time, he also needs to convince the hardened grassroots leaders, set in their own mindsets, that he cannot fall back on outdated approaches to win back the hearts and minds of the new Malay­sians.

The wishes of most Malaysians are simple. They are merely asking for fair play, justice and transparency in the government. They want their representatives to be down to earth and credible.

It isn’t so hard for the Barisan to win back the votes if they can just carry out these simple requests. More importantly, they should be leaders of all Malaysians, not just of their own communities.

ON THE BEAT
BY WONG CHUN WAI

IT’S a stunning start for Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak on his first day as the country’s sixth Prime Minister.

He wasted no time after he was sworn in to create an immediate impact to reach out to Malaysians.

It was the “wow factor” that the Barisan Nasional administration had waited for a long time to bring about a more upbeat momentum.

Najib, who has been painted by his detractors as a leader who would clamp down on dissents, proved them wrong.

“Today, I ask you to join me in this task of renewing Malaysia. I urge you to rise to the challenge of building a 1Malaysia. People first, Performance now,” he said in a nationwide televised address on Friday evening.

He freed 13 Internal Security Act detainees, ordered a comprehensive review of the law that allows detention without trial and lifted the suspension of Harakah and Suara Keadilan.

Just 24 hours earlier, the media had expected only five persons to be released but newsmen were surprised when they were informed that 13 detainees would be freed.

His decision to remove the suspension of the two publications is certainly welcomed. While some may dismiss the decision as a political ploy, the earlier decision had certainly not helped the Barisan Nasional in the by-election campaign.

The Printing Presses and Publication Act is another piece of archaic law that needs to be reviewed.

A good start would be to relax the conditions to allow a one-off permit issuance instead of an annual renewal. This could be the first step towards abolishing the Act altogether as it would be obsolete eventually in the Internet age.

The two publications were banned but there was nothing to stop the two parties from publishing their news online and sending SMS news alerts to their subscribers.

It did not stop the two parties from distri­buting leaflets and booklets that do not require a printing permit either.

Running a newspaper or party newsletter is a costly affair and few want to venture into this business, preferring to reach their audience via multimedia tools.

Najib himself has realised its importance, reminding Malaysians that exclusive news would be available only on his blog, www. 1malaysia.com.my.

Now that Najib has asked for a review of the ISA, he could take another step by setting up a committee comprising eminent personalities of retired judges, lawyers, police, ex-ISA detainees, journalists, academicians and community leaders to give their recommendations.

Najib realises that there is no honeymoon period for him. Time is running against him.

He has taken over a hot seat, which none of his predecessors had to face. Perhaps not even his late father Tun Abdul Razak, who took over after the 1969 racial riots.

Najib, as we are all aware, has to grapple with the massive losses of the Barisan in the March polls, the tainted image of Umno, a stronger Opposition and, more importantly, fending off the effects of the global financial crisis. It’s all on his plate.

The stakes are high. His father founded Barisan Nasional in 1973, renewing the Alliance which suffered electoral losses in the 1969 polls.

Now, he has to ensure the survival of the Barisan and, more importantly, win back the states lost to the Opposition.

He understands the changing political landscape and the new electoral who are exposed to the new medium.

The Old School method, which some still want to advocate, is no longer feasible because the circumstances have changed. One cannot turn back the clock because of political nostalgia.

A strong leadership is what the nation wants. They expect Najib to put things in order in his own way.

Najib has brought in the “wow factor” but now he needs to sustain it and to bring badly needed reforms.