The speech had to be different from those delivered by
the rest of the Barisan Nasional component parties, which had already held
their general assemblies.

But more importantly, it had to be substantive, refreshing and
meaningful.

It could not be one in which the party leader makes another demand for
rhetoric's sake.

While the MCA represented the Chinese community, the youthful MCA president
wanted to stress one point – the "Rakyat Malaysia" spirit must be nurtured and
strengthened.

He wanted Malaysians to draw on their common strengths and not harp on their
differences.

With countries becoming more competitive in the age of globalisation, it was
crucial for Malaysians, regardless of race, to pool their strengths together to
compete with others and not with each other.

Abdullah struck the same chord in his opening speech.

Malaysian companies owned by different communities, he said, should come
together and form competitive consortia to tap the huge business potential
overseas.

These words came from two like-minded leaders who understood clearly the
economic impact Malaysians can make when they combine their talents and
resources.

"Rakyat Malaysia," as Ong correctly pointed out, was not a new political
terminology.

It was not something idealistic, good only for discussions at university
seminars.

Instead, it was a reality that already existed.

The spirit of "Rakyat Malaysia," demonstrated by all of us so many times and in
so many ways, shows what we already are because we love Malaysia.

It is not a flag-waving exercise but an instinctive feeling.

Tying in with being competitive, Ong also spoke about lifelong learning, a
campaign launched just two days before the party's annual general assembly on
Sunday.

Drawing on the support of the party and the private sector, Ong hoped to open
up community centres, company meeting rooms and lecture halls of private
colleges for short- and medium-term courses.

The idea is simple – make it easy for Malaysians from all races and educational
backgrounds to learn a new skill or language.

It could be as simple as attending a series of lectures on personal
development.

It is an ambitious project but once it takes off it would benefit the country
in the long run.

From teaching homemakers how to use computers to helping others take up a
business management course after work, the MCA plan would surely be
beneficial.

Serious in wanting to make the campaign truly non-racial and non-political, MCA
leaders have insisted that the campaign logo, which symbolised the country's
three main races, must not have any hint of a party link.

To make sure the MCA delegates understood what the party's plan was about, one
resolution tabled and passed at the assembly was that the Chinese community
must respond to the challenges of globalisation which would open Malaysia to
worldwide competition in all fields.

The message was clear – the competition is not between Ahmad, Ah Chong and
Muthu but from a powerful combination of foreigners waiting at our shores.
Let's join hands to face them as a team.

Aware of this, Abdullah sent a note listing the names of
a few people who grew up with him in Kepala Batas. On the list were his
teacher, a Chinese man, an Indian engineer and a grassroots Umno leader.

His circle of friends, whether personal or political,
continues to be multi-racial. The Prime Minister has taken great pains to
emphasise his commitment to multi-racialism at the personal level.

Pak Lah, as we all know, has made it clear that he is a
leader of all Malaysians and not just one community. He has taken the
unprecedented step of sending Christmas cards to Christians and attended open
house at a church. He has opened a conference of world Christian leaders.

That is the hallmark of a true moderate Malaysian leader.
He has been consistent in his beliefs throughout his unblemished political
career. There has not been a single racist remark from him.

But, sadly, some politicians have of late gone back to
the old racial game. It is sad because their statements have come so soon after
the general election and national day.

Irrespective of whether they are politicians from Umno,
MCA, MIC, DAP or PAS, they must exercise great care that their statements do
not hurt the feelings of any particular ethnic group. The same principle
applies to journalists and Internet bloggers whose work reaches a large section
of the population.

I am concerned over the comments made by some politicians
and Internet writers recently, more so when the Prime Minister is committed to
national unity and has made it a major part of his work agenda.

As more racially mixed constituencies are being created,
politicians must remember that they need the votes of all races, especially if
the fight is close.

It is easy for some to play to the gallery, especially at
their party assemblies, and make themselves communal heroes, but in this age of
modern communication, their remarks and statements are reported in all
newspapers and websites.

It is even easier for politicians to forget about their
voters after winning an election. Come the next general election, these leaders
will have to face voters of other races. And they will need the support of
other parties in the same alliance.

During the recent general election, I remember a young
Barisan Nasional politician seeking the help of component parties because he
was having a difficult time with a minority group who would not forgive him for
some racial remarks he made some years ago.

Leaders of component parties, expecting the difficulties
ahead of the polls, suggested to the young politician to hold a gathering with
the minority voters to win them over. If he had to, he could apologise
privately without the presence of the media. But he was too proud.

In desperation, during the campaigning, he called up the
top leaders to seek help. Luckily for him, he pulled through.

Politicians who play the racial angle must be prepared to
face the consequences of their actions.

They may not realise it but their statements will return
to haunt them. Their opponents will certainly remind the voters, and these
politicians will realise that making threats by bringing up the black spots in
our history will prove to be a costly mistake.

Mature politicians like Abdullah have proven that a good,
decent leader does not need to be controversial and outspoken. Racial threats
and comments not only hurt the people but also the party's image.

The politics of moderation and consensus has been the
hallmark of our founding fathers. Malaysia
is what it is today because of the wisdom of Umno, MCA and MIC leaders.

The press can help to keep out politicians who play the
racial card by ignoring them. They don't deserve to have their names mentioned
anywhere in the media. Where party bosses are concerned, these ungrateful
elected representatives should simply be dropped in the next elections.

Education can be fun, creative and continuous if the
lessons are correctly carried out and, in the end, help upgrade the skills and
resourcefulness of Malaysians to enable them be more competitive.

From qigong exercises to calligraphy to basic computer skills to listening
to talks on management, the MCA is joining the private sector to open their
doors in this ambitious project of making learning relevant.

Under the project, Ong's brainchild, seven topics would be covered emphasising
education, literature, community, economy, living skills, culture and national
interaction.

Ong visited Hong Kong University recently with officials from Kolej Tunku Abdul
Rahman and Kojadi, an MCA education co-operative, to learn from the
university's experience in successfully promoting lifelong education
development.

The university's School of Professional and Continuing Education has brought to
life its slogan of "bringing university to the people" where diplomas,
associate degrees and even pre-associate degrees are awarded to those who sign
up for its courses.

"Adults who are working have developed themselves by learning a new language, a
new skill or acquired a degree through such programmes tailored towards
self-development," Ong said.

He said the MCA wanted to expand the programme to touch all levels of society,
from school dropouts to housewives to professionals, adding that the party
would open its buildings to facilitate this campaign.

"We want Malaysians to keep in touch with the latest trends and movements so as
not to lag behind. Converting theories into pragmatic living will provide
Malaysians an added advantage," he said in an interview.

Ong said the MCA Lifelong Learning Campaign would complement the government's
Continuous Study Master Plan, adding that there were currently 539 private
colleges and universities with over 314,000 students while the 11 public
universities and six university colleges had over 290,000 students.

To achieve the country's Vision 2020 goal of making Malaysia a developed
country, the government needs to increase sharply the number of graduates and
school-leavers with diplomas.

With the support of local colleges, the MCA hopes to carry out short- and
long-term courses for different levels where diplomas would be given to those
who sign up and attend the courses.

For the dropouts, it can be a simple car repair or beancurd making course while
for businessmen, it could be on upgrading their competitiveness in small and
medium-sized industries.

Officials said many small businessmen wanted to know how they could seek
financial and organisational support as well as strengthen their networking
with fellow Malaysian businessmen, especially those venturing into China.

Then, there are those who merely want to learn simple things like personal
financial management for which a day's course can be conducted while talks on
Confucian and Sun Tzu principles can be tied in to a management perspective to
make it more relevant to present-day living.

In a symbolic gesture to illustrate the point that learning is a lifelong
process, Ong and his deputy Datuk Seri Chan Kong Choy together with other party
leaders will launch the campaign at KL Sentral tomorrow.

From Sentral, they will travel to the Ampang station near the MCA
headquarters where the party will hold its annual general assembly on Sunday to
be opened by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.

Learning is like life's journey – it begins the moment we are born.

Some of these individuals, especially businessmen, are
hardly in their 40s and their contribution to the state or nation – a main
criterion – is almost unknown. Culture, Arts and Heritage Minister Datuk Seri
Dr Rais Yatim is the only politician who has been bold enough to say that it is
common knowledge Datukships could be bought in some states.

Malaysia
is a small place. In political and social circles, fingers are pointed when a
person is said to have bought his title.

Perceptions become more negative if the person is known
to have a dubious background, whether he is a community leader, journalist,
politician or businessman. It makes a mockery out of the award when the
questionable character of the recipient is public knowledge but the state ruler
is not aware.

The sad reality is that many businessmen and politicians
consider the title ''Datuk'' as a new status symbol. It is not good enough to
have a fat bank account, a fleet of cars and a bungalow with a swimming pool –
the honorific must be there, too.

More stringent conditions are certainly needed before
someone is recommended for a Datukship.

Too many Malaysians are walking around with this title.
Anyone could claim to be a Datuk; the man in the street has no way of verifying
the authenticity of a title.

At one time, some Malaysians had sought titles
purportedly awarded by rulers of obscure kingdoms from the Philippines
and Indonesia.

But when the Malay Rulers voiced their objection, these
''royalty'' stopped holding their investiture ceremonies at hotels. Still,
there are Mindanao and Solo Datuks walking around
without an iota of shame.

Then, there are wannabe Datuks who put the crests of
shooting clubs or association of ex-servicemen or policemen on their cars, with
the hope of passing off as members of the Council of Datuks.

Policemen have been fooled by motorists who display such
crests, simply because these emblems are on luxury cars.

In 2002, the different states dished out 6,314 awards and
medals, most of which do not carry any honorific. But over 500 individuals were
awarded the title of Datuk. In 2001, over 600 Malaysians were bestowed the
Datukship.

Some states seem to have earned a reputation for giving
out huge numbers of awards but this would only diminish the value of the
titles. It would be wiser if an average of 25 Datukships are awarded by each
ruler annually – some say even this is too many.

Titles from Selangor, Johor and Sarawak
have been well regarded because efforts have been made to limit the number of
recipients.

Each year, hundreds of nominations for Datukship are
submitted to the various state authorities several months before the birthday
of a ruler.

The nominations – from political parties, NGOs, trade
groups, and professional and sports bodies – are supposed to list the nominee's
contributions to the state or country.

A vetting committee comprising a representative from the
Mentri Besar or Chief Minister's office, the state secretariat and various
other departments will then deliberate on the nominations. The names of
shortlisted candidates are supposed to be sent to the police for checking. The
ruler also has his quota of candidates for titles.

A one-off financial contribution to any particular
charity by a businessman should not be regarded as a prerequisite to earning an
award.

For the sake of the integrity, dignity and credibility of
our rulers, it is time to shorten the list of recipients. At one time, the
title of Tan Sri was awarded only to a retired politician, judge, community
leader or businessman – now, some state and national leaders outrank the Prime
Minister in terms of honorific.

Malaysians want to look up to leaders who hold such
titles, but they know something isn't quite right.

The conferment of titles on commoners is an ancient
tradition dating back to the days of the Srivijaya Palembang Empire and the
Malacca Sultanate. It has a distinguished tradition that has continued until
today. It is an institution that must be defended and protected.

The Conference of Rulers should consider proposing that
any titleholder, irrespective of ranking, would automatically lose his award on
being convicted of an offence. It is outrageous for a prison warden to have to
address a prisoner as Yang Berbahagia or Datuk.

Similarly, those who have fled the country because they
are being sought by police or the Securities Commission should also have their
titles revoked.

Some form of register or website is necessary for the
public to check the authenticity of people claiming to be Datuks. I have lost
track of the number of telephone calls from certain institutions seeking
information on individuals claiming to be titleholders.

They presume that because I work in a newspaper, I would
be able to verify a person's claim to a title. In reality, there is no ''master
list'' to check against.

Worse, there are some who feel the need to buy themselves
an honorary doctorate after getting their Datukship.

I used to laugh at corrupt African tribal leaders, in
their flowing robes, who went around calling themselves doctors when their only
qualification was political witchery.

I have stopped laughing at them.

Several reporters complained of Umno campaigners offering
to pay for their meals; one journalist claimed that when she asked for the bill
after a meal, it was already taken care of.

But, as Umno president Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi
said, these are allegations – no one has come forward to file a complaint.

In fact, none of the Umno delegates and newsmen who
talked about corruption saw for themselves money being given out.

Like most Umno members and newsmen who had been at the
PWTC over the past few days, Abdullah said he, too, had heard of the allegations.

He had even reminded the delegates before they cast their
votes to pick leaders who were trustworthy and credible.

To be more accurate, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad had pleaded,
cajoled and even cried when he talked about such matters.

If the allegations of money politics are true, then all
these reminders have fallen on deaf ears.

On hearing the results of the vice-presidential race and
supreme council contest, one MP sent me an SMS message: ''When money talks, a
person stops talking about principles to let the money do all the talking.''

These unproven aspersions, whether we wish to admit it or
not, have taken the shine off the winners. It is certainly unfair to those who
had worked hard to win their positions without using money.

Many Umno leaders, especially the younger ones, had been
talking to delegates over the past three years. Some had used their network in
youth organisations to win the votes.

I know of many Umno leaders who spent countless hours in
villages to get to know the grassroots leaders, winning their confidence and
even their friendship.

One vice-presidency contender – regarded as a shoo-in –
was often seen at teh tarik stalls having breakfast with Umno members. No
coffee houses, just roadside stalls. He lost and does not know why.

Tan Sri Mohamed Isa Abdul Samad, who topped the list of
vice-presidents, said he was unaware of any incident of money politics during
the campaign.

He did not see his victory as an upset because he was
confident of winning based on the reception he received during his visits
nationwide.

But supreme council member Datuk Seri Syed Hamid Albar
said that everywhere he went, people talked about money politics.

The Foreign Minister, who has a reputation among Umno
members for being kedekut (stingy), said no one was hauled up and this was
unacceptable to the party.

As in all allegations of corruption, it is easy to point
fingers and cast doubt but difficult to find evidence.

A person's wealth could well be accumulated through legal
means and not necessarily through his political connections.

Tan Sri Muyhiddin Yasin, who was expected to finish top
among the veeps but ended in the third spot, had remarked that it would be
difficult to say whether there was money politics.

Only the candidates involved would know although Umno
members perceive that money politics had affected the outcome.

Abdullah, who has a reputation for being a clean
politician, has cracked the whip on corruption since becoming prime minister.

If the allegations of money politics are true, then the
crack of the whip has not been loud enough or his warnings have not been taken
seriously.

It would be sad if some of our national leaders think of
acquiring and consolidating power for themselves without any thought of
integrity and morality.

Abdullah has issued a warning to the cheats – any winner,
including the vice-presidents, will be removed if found guilty of money
politics.

The names of the Umno winners have been announced but the
game may not be over yet.

The cut affected the three lifts and the pump to the main
water tank, forcing the residents to use the stairs and carry pails of water
from a neighbouring block.

Their ordeal ended on Friday, 49 hours later, when Tenaga
Nasional Bhd (TNB) restored supply to Block D1 after the building management
paid RM3,000, being part of the RM37,000 outstanding bill. TNB has also agreed
to defer its action to disconnect supply to Block D2.

The power cut upset residents who have been promptly
settling their RM50 monthly maintenance fees. TNB's decision to penalise
everyone, including the good paymasters, has gone down badly with law-abiding
residents. Rightly so.

It seems that Joe Public always has to bear the brunt.

Six companies that owe TNB a total of RM852.99mil have
been allowed to pay in instalments over 13 to 15 months.

Defaulters are often served notices to pay up after 60
days of the bill date but much leeway seems to have been given to corporate
giants while the same leniency is not shown to ordinary consumers like the
Taman Teluk Indah flat-dwellers.

When someone does not pay RM200 in arrears, TNB threatens
to cut the supply but when big companies are involved, a different standard is
applied.

Efficiency is certainly needed in TNB – it has debts of
some RM30bil – but it won't be able to recover its losses by going after the
small fry. Errant corporate defaulters should be on top of the list.

While it is easy to hammer TNB, all consumers should make
it a point to pay their electricity bills.

I used to live at a block of walk-up apartments in
Petaling Jaya, where most of the residents were businessmen and white-collar
workers. We clamoured for our strata titles from the developer but when they
were handed to us, a fresh round of problems began.

Managing the apartments ourselves wasn't easy. We found
that the biggest culprits of non-payment of maintenance fees were owners living
overseas or those who had rented out their units.

The management committee found it hard to pay the
security guards, for waste disposal and general maintenance. In fact, there was
no money in the sinking fund for a fresh coat of paint for the apartment
blocks. In the end, I moved out.

I now live in an apartment in Mont Kiara, where you think
the high-heeled would pay their dues promptly. Wrong. The same problem exists
even at high-end condominiums.

Last week, I was told that an expensive gated community
near Kajang had run into similar problems because some rich owners have not
been paying their fees. As a result, the security system is now badly run and
the housing scheme is poorly lit.

Sometimes, the fault lies with the management company
that is quick to demand for payment of fees from apartment owners but slow to
respond to general maintenance needs.

At my apartment unit, the intercom has not been working
for months and my complaints have fallen on deaf ears. Some of the lights at
the swimming pool are on the blink. Again, the management doesn't seem to
bother.

Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi is right
when he said that Malaysians live in first-class facilities but have Third
World mentality. This is reflected not only in the way we maintain
our facilities but the apparent lack of civic consciousness.

Many Malaysians, irrespective of financial standing, are
still not quite ready to share the responsibilities and commitment of living in
a common property.

The sunny weather of summer is regarded as the best time
for any covert operation. It is easier to remain undetected or escape in a
crowd.

Intelligence agencies in many countries increase their
terrorism alert in May each year as the holiday season begins.

In the warped minds of terrorists, a high-profile attack
would be spectacular. In the past, sports or political events were targets but
now there is no preferred target.

In the early hours of Sept 5, 1972, a group of terrorists walked into the Munich
Olympic Village. Their target was the temporary home of the Israeli Olympic team.
Within 24 hours, 11 team members were dead.

At the Atlanta Olympic Games on July 27, 1996, the explosion of a pipe bomb in a
paper bag killed one person and injured over 100 people.

Even schools with innocent children are not spared.

Lorry drivers, merely ekeing out a living in Iraq,
have been arrested by radicals and senselessly beheaded, in the name of
religion.

Journalists have also been abducted because they are easy
targets and maximum publicity is assured.

In Russia,
Chechen terrorists stormed a Moscow
theatre and killed innocent people attending an evening of classical music.

Shopping malls, which are regarded as soft targets, have
also become a favourite of terror groups during summer because they are easily
accessible. Over the past two years, security agencies in the United
States and Europe
have stepped up their operations in these areas.

Analysts believe that terrorists chose to strike during
summer because security was lax. Many security personnel were on vacation with
their families.

While on holiday, most people let their guard down while
the large congregation of people at famous landmarks presents an easy target
for terrorists.

Raising public awareness of the possibility of attacks
during summer months have now been regarded as crucial with greater emphasis on
parallel attacks, as demonstrated on Sept
11, 2001.

As the World Trade
Center in New
York was hit, other targets such as the Pentagon in Washington
DC was also targeted. The series of attacks
would result in widespread panic.

In the United Kingdom,
the police have sent detailed leaflets to every household on how they should
react if their neighbourhood were hit by terrorists. Such awareness is aimed at
preventing Britons from becoming complacent about their safety during summer.

In the US,
various cities have announced plans to link state and local law enforcement to
the FBI to receive real-time information on terrorism threats. Like our Rakan
Cop crime prevention programme, where taxi drivers have been roped in as the
eyes and ears of the police, the US have recruited New York's doormen, janitors
and apartment maintenance workers to provide tip-offs about suspicious
activities.

The security agencies in New York
have reportedly sought the support of their employers to allow these workers to
go through a four-hour security awareness training programme.

We in Malaysia
have been lucky. We fought successfully against the Communist Party of Malaysia
because of the efficiency of our police, especially the Special Branch. We also
had a plan to win the hearts and minds of the people living near the fringes of
the jungles.

While we have dealt with Kumpulan Militan Malaysia and
Jemaah Islamiah, our only real terrorist experience was in 1975 when a Japanese
Red Army group stormed into the ninth floor of the American International
Assurance building in KL which housed the American embassy and held 55
hostages. It ended four days later after they were traded for five comrades
held in Japanese jails.

Despite the criticism against preventive laws such as the
Internal Security Act, similar legislations have now been adopted by the US
and UK. The
intelligence agencies cannot fight terrorism with kid gloves.

But until the West, especially the US,
adopts a serious approach to resolve the root causes in Palestine,
no amount of security measures can help them fight terrorism.

In the case of Russia,
it must find peaceful solutions to the war in the North Caucasus
region. Russia
took almost three centuries to conquer the Muslim-dominated North
Caucasus but, until today, still faces fierce resistance.

It is the most turbulent part of the Russian
Federation. However, Moscow
is not willing to grant independence to the territory because it is
criss-crossed by oil pipelines serving the vast new oil riches of the Caspian
Sea.

September will remain a black month for terrorism in
different ways. For older Palestinians, they will remember the formation of the
Black September terror group, so named because it  was formed in that month after radicals felt
betrayed by Jordan
where they had sought refuge from the Israelis.

BLACK SEPTEMBER

Sept 5, 1972:
11 Israeli Olympic team members die at the Munich Games.

Sept 4, 2000:
Car bomb outside apartment in Dagestan, Russia,
kills 64 people.

Sept 8, 2000:
Bomb in nine-storey building in Moscow
kills 94 people and injures 150 others.

Sept 13, 2000:
Bomb at apartment near Kremlin kills 118 and injures 200.

Sept 11, 2001:
Attack on the World Trade
Center in New
York.

Sept 4, 2004:
Over 300 people, mostly children, die in Beslan,
Russia, in hostage drama.

Sept 9, 2004:
Bomb blast in Jakarta kills nine
people and injures over 100.

The glimmer of hope for Anwar and his family became
stronger in the last 48 hours before the verdict, prompting speculation of some
kind of a deal.

A family friend of Anwar narrated how Datin Seri Dr Wan
Azizah Wan Ismail sent word turning down a weekend dinner invitation because
she would likely be overseas with Anwar after his release.

Then, there was a senior DAP leader who predicted
confidently at a party gathering that Anwar would be released. There was no
second-guessing, not even a cautious qualification, but a bold prediction.

Still, on Wednesday night, as reporters called up Anwar's
lawyer Sankara N. Nair for confirmation on what they had heard over the
grapevine, the former policeman-turned-lawyer was guarded, saying he did not
want to harbour false hopes and he had heard of such talk too many times.

But, as the BBC reported, Nair proceeded to spell out in
detail the next day's schedule of press conferences, passport application and a
possible journey to Germany
for surgery. As the correspondent reported, he certainly did not sound like a
man who would accompany his client back to jail.

Mildly surprised – that was the reaction of Tun Dr
Mahathir Mohamad at a press conference at his Petronas
Towers office on Friday shortly
after Anwar was freed. That, perhaps, best summed up the sentiments of many in
the political and media circles.

Anwar, 57, is now at the crossroads. He has to decide
which direction to take. He has had plenty of time to reflect on the political
avenues before him.

Among the factors he would have considered are the
massive mandate for Abdullah, the humiliating defeat for PAS and the disastrous
outing for Parti Keadilan Nasional in the recent general election.

Some of the key issues of the reformasi movement – such
as fighting corruption and restoring credibility to key institutions – have
been given immediate attention by Abdullah.

Anwar had often complained about the lack of independence
of the judiciary. Ironically, before the Federal Court bench met to decide on
his appeal, Anwar applied to disqualify two judges, Justice Abdul Hamid Mohamad
and Justice Tengku Baharudin Shah Tengku Mahmud, from hearing his case.

He felt that Abdul Hamid would be biased while Tengku
Baharudin lacked experience as he was only appointed early this year. In the
end, these two judges decided in his favour.

But the most important factor which would have the
biggest impact on Anwar's political future is the positive sentiment for
Abdullah. With the release of Anwar, the opposition has lost a big issue.

His conviction had, in some ways, clouded foreign opinion
of Malaysia but
with the new development, the perception of Malaysia
would certainly change in the eyes of many foreign leaders and investors.

The immediate indicator was the boost in the stock market
on Friday but let us not discount the buoyant economy. That aside, the world
has been positive towards the reforms being carried out by Abdullah and all
this has been reflected in the endorsement from major leaders.

Anwar can choose to lead a multi-racial opposition with
ties to PAS and DAP but given the Islamist party's conservative stance and
insistence on setting up an orthodox Islamic state, he would have a big
headache. The DAP has learnt its lesson, in the most bitter way, and would shy
away from such a commitment again.

Another option is to rejoin Umno. These are still early
days and the matter has not been brought up, according to sources in Putrajaya,
but nothing is impossible in politics.

After all, Dr Mahathir was once sacked from Umno. The
obstacle this time, however, is a new party ruling that bars members who had
left the party and had campaigned against Umno from rejoining.

Anwar has been a Keadilan adviser but has never held any
post. He can also argue that he never left the party because he was sacked.
Interestingly, his right-hand man, Azmin Ali, said there had been no serious
invitation from Umno while Dr Wan Azizah skirted the subject by saying that
Anwar was released not to join Umno.

Upon his release, Anwar said he must "take cognisance of
the fact that Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi must have allowed
some latitude for the judges to act professionally and freely. But this is only
the beginning."

It would not be wrong to suggest that the Malay community
has long wanted the Anwar issue to end. With his acquittal, it has come to a
formal end.

National unity and reconciliation should be the priority
and, given Anwar's appeal and abilities, it would be a waste if these factors
were not taken into account.

No one expects Anwar to retire or go into exile. In all
likelihood, he will be a major political player but he may find himself shut
out for a long time. His corruption conviction, which he finished serving last
year, bars him from holding electoral office until 2008 (elections would likely
be called a year earlier).

Much water has passed under the bridge after six years.
The days of street demonstrations and angry politics are over. A new prime
minister, known for his open ways, non-antagonistic politics and moderate approach,
is at the helm. It is time to move on and, by now, Anwar must have decided
where he wants to go.

Journalism is a tough job. I remember my editors telling
me, when I first joined The Star, to think hard whether I was committed to the
job. For sure, I would not become a rich man.

Journalists, they advised, were also not popular figures.
Politicians and officials would try to impose on, even intimidate, newsmen with
their views to suit their agenda while readers, with their broad range of
views, can never be satisfied.

I have learned that you can get e-mails and letters
heaping praises on you but would also get the same amount of replies from
people who were aghast with what you have written, especially when there are
elements of race and religion.

Over the past 20 years of my career, I have been
threatened, either verbally or in writing, simply because some people do not
agree with what I have written. This unhappy lot included those who professed
to champion the freedom of speech.

On one occasion, a prominent politician openly called me
and a colleague all kinds of names in front of an audience of thousands at a
stadium. But we have regarded such incidents as an occupational hazard.

Police reports have also been lodged and, in some
instances, the police have stepped in and even investigated. One angry reader,
who wrote a series of nasty letters, turned out to be a 65-year-old retired
teacher.

The police traced him even though he hid behind a
pseudonym.

We did not have the heart to pursue the matter and told
the police that we wanted to let the matter rest. But we told the angry reader
that we respected his right to disagree with us as we live in a democratic
country.

That aside, journalism must be the only profession in
Malaysia where reporters have to face a slew of laws – the Printing Presses and
Publications Act, the Official Secrets Act and the Sedition Act, to name a few
– in the course of their daily work.

So last week, the fraternity had a nasty jolt when the
Human Rights Commission of Malaysia (Suhakam) announced that it plans to set up
a media complaints committee.

Instead of devoting its resources to helping dismantle
the laws constraining the media, Suhakam has, instead, chosen to put another
barrier on the press. The last thing we need is another monitoring body or
mechanism to watch over the press.

The Home Ministry, through its publications unit, is
already doing that. Now, we have Suhakam wanting to set up another unit to do a
similar job. Hey, we thought we were on the same side!

Suhakam commissioner Prof Datuk Hamdan Adnan, a
journalism lecturer, said there had been complaints of the media violating the
privacy of an individual or a family.

He said these complaints included those from people such
as transvestites, the disabled and orang asli who were unhappy at the way the
media has portrayed them.

A National Press Club official put it aptly: "Suhakam
shouldn't bite off more than it can chew. Suhakam already has too many issues
on its plate that remain unresolved."

The media would prefer to be self-regulating but until
some of these laws are repealed, or at least amended, there are bound to be
objections from the media over the setting up of more monitoring bodies. The
proposed Malaysian Media Council, for example, continued to be debated
precisely because of this reason.

On Aug 7, 2002,
Suhakam chairman Tan Sri Abu Talib Othman reportedly said that the commission
would recommend that the Government review laws governing press freedom as soon
as possible after examining them. Citing the laws involved, he said the
situation was now different and the relevant laws should be reviewed.

It has been more than two years since that statement.
Nobody knows whether Suhakam has managed to work out anything beyond the
rhetoric but the likelihood is that everything has remained very much the same.

The bottom line is that Suhakam has taken the job of
regulating the press without even first consulting the editors. The business of
running the press should be left to the journalists.

Even his bold decision to speak at the world gathering of
church leaders in Kuala Lumpur
raised eyebrows among conservative Muslims.

The presence of a Muslim leader at a Christian function
in the Arab world, particularly in Palestine
and Jordan,
would be normal but in Malaysia
we have become more religiously sensitive over the years. Unnecessarily so, I
may add.

As an example, a young, idealistic non-Muslim lawyer
complained about the blaring of prayers from a nearby mosque. There was a hint
of intolerance, without doubt.

During my first year in Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia,
I was placed in a first-floor apartment in campus. Moving into my room, I was
happy it came with a balcony, which meant I would have plenty of fresh air.

Later, I noticed that the apartment directly faced the
hostel surau and the speaker was positioned towards my room. For the first few
days, my sleep was interrupted but within a week I was no longer affected.

My Indian roommate and I slept like a log every night. We
accepted the call to prayer as being part of our rich culture rather than a
nuisance.

Growing up in Air Itam, Penang, I
used to go to the Cathay coffee shop in Paya Terubong
for nasi kandar. I still think it serves the best coffee in town.

As the coffee shop was often full, the Malay, Chinese and
Indian customers would share tables for our favourite Penang
fare.

It did not matter that the coffee shop had other stalls;
the Muslim customers would eat at the same table with the Chinese or Indians
who might be eating char koay teow or pork mee.

To the Malay customers, the coffee shop culture was as
part of the diversity in Malaysia.
For sure, their grievances of national issues are the same, even if they come
from different faiths!

Such tolerance continues today but increasingly we hear
of Muslims and non-Muslims showing their reluctance to sit together for a
simple meal.

We receive complaints about local authorities dragging
their feet in granting permission for religious buildings, especially churches,
even in areas where the majority of the residents are non-Muslims.

The position of the Government and political leadership
is clear. So is the Constitution on the rights of non-Muslims, but some middle
and lower-level bureaucrats have made it difficult because of their prejudice
and narrow-mindedness.

Recent court decisions have not helped clear the
confusion over the position of minors being converted to Muslim if a parent
embraces Islam while the partner chooses to retain his or her religion.

Abdullah, displaying his sincerity as a leader of all
Malaysians, had suggested the setting up of an inter-faith council, saying he
was a Muslim who wanted to initiate a dialogue with Christian friends.

It was important, he said, to talk in a world that "has
become increasingly difficult to do so", and we should realise that religious
tolerance went beyond mere co-existence. There was another reminder: promoting
moderation was not easy because many people practised their faith in absolutist
terms.

This is certainly true of some Christian preachers in Malaysia
who can be unnecessarily harsh on some Chinese customary practices, sometimes
causing family discord.

The Prime Minister has said what he has to say. There
have been efforts by many groups to initiate inter-faith dialogue but none has
made any headway.

Non-government organisations such as Aliran and the Bar
Council had arranged seminars on common religious values years ago, including
one on "Belief in God", by the former, in 1980.

Even the book One God Many Paths – that emphasised common
values among major religions – was published by Aliran.

But a credible inter-faith council, represented by
responsible leaders of the various faiths in Malaysia,
still cannot take off.

Such a council could deliberate on prickly issues such as
religious conversion, building places of worship and dissemination of religious
materials in a moderate and consensual manner.

The council could then organise programmes emphasising
national unity, tolerance and common values.

Such effort would cut off the bigots, irrespective of
their religion, who prefer to preach that their religion is more superior than
the others.

These are the disruptive extremists who exploit the
reluctance of the silent majority to speak up.

They place obstacles and conveniently push their agenda
down the throat of moderate Malaysians.

It is obvious that the religious NGOs have failed in
trying to set up an inter-faith council. Perhaps it is time the Government
takes the lead.