The US has now said it wants to set up a free and
democratic government after toppling Saddam. Take away the diplomatic and
political double-talk used by Bush, it simply means that the US wants to set up
a puppet government that will kowtow to the White House.

It's no longer a quick attack by the US as ordinary Americans wake up to the
fact that Bush is talking of US occupation, which may take years, while the US
finds a leader to fill the presidency. The post-Saddam scenario in Iraq is
likely to be chaotic.

For Bush, it has gone beyond merely destroying the weapons of mass destruction.
The evidence now shows that all the Iraqis have are two missiles that, Saddam
claims, have short-term capabilities only.

With Iraq having the largest supply of oil after Saudi Arabia, the temptation
to colonise Iraq is just too difficult to resist for the White House.

Blair, on the other hand, has been articulate and has done well in persuading
his listeners to support the call for war. He has said he has access to certain
convincing information on the need to attack Iraq.

While he talked about allowing the matter to be discussed further in
Parliament, the hard fact is that the decision to go to war won't be decided in
London. It's being made at the White House.

The spin about the coming Gulf war is not just being done out by Americans.
Hard-line Muslim groups are doing the same. One popular line is that it is a
war between the US and Muslims, much less a clash of civilisations.

Islamic radicals, including Osama bin Laden, are likely to benefit from such
talk because the invasion would outrage Muslims and the ranks of these radicals
can be expected to grow.

Muslim solidarity is poor in the Gulf where many Muslim countries in the
Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC), such as Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait and
Saudi Arabia, are allowing the US to use their countries as a base to launch
the attacks against Iraq. Turkey is the latest to join in.

Kuwait, which was invaded by Iraq in the first Gulf War, certainly wants to see
Saddam ousted, while Egypt receives US$2bil in aid each year and Jordan gets
US$1bil.

Some of these monarchies, which have poor human rights and democratic records,
are backing the US to avoid being targets themselves. They are not open and
free nations as Bush would want us to believe.

Many of these countries were uncomfortable with the criticism of the US at the
recent Non-Aligned Movement summit in Kuala Lumpur and had indicated their
reservations.

But Saddam should not be perceived as the underdog. He does not respect his
fellow Muslims and had tried to invade Kuwait.

His leadership record is poor but there is fear that he may be encouraged by
the global anti-war protests from peace movements.

Peace movements, especially those in Malaysia, must ensure that their aim is
clear: we do not want a war. We are not supporting either Bush or Saddam.

The calls for peace have come from all groups; even the Pope has joined the
chorus for global peace.

It is significant that the Malaysian Council of Churches is organising a peace
gathering and calling for donations for the Palestinians.

If the anti-war protests against the US involvement in Vietnam during the 60s
comprise mainly the young, this time we see the middle class and middle-aged
adding to the outcry.

Also on sale are special dishes to mark the last day of
the Lunar New Year celebrations: lontong (rice steamed in banana leaf), opor
ayam (chicken cooked with coconut cream and spices) and lodeh (vegetables with
coconut milk).

The beginning of the Year of the Goat has been good for Indonesian Chinese –
for the first time, the festival has been declared a national holiday.

To celebrate Imlek, as the festival is called, shops in Glodok, Mangga Dua, Mal
Kelapa Gading, Taman Anggrek and Plaza Senayan are decorated with Chinese
banners.

It's a far cry from 30 years ago when Indonesian Chinese had to celebrate
behind closed doors.

When President Abdurrahman Wahid came to power in 1999, he repealed several laws
aimed against the Chinese minority.

He allowed Chinese New Year to be openly celebrated for the first time, making
it an optional holiday for Chinese workers.

Chinese characters began to adorn signs in Indonesian cities and Chinese
newspapers resumed publication. It was a major reform because the Suharto
government had been so obsessed with the threat of communism that any
expression of Chinese culture was banned.

Gus Dur, as Abdurrahman is popularly called, invited the Chinese to use their
traditional names decades after they had been regulated into adopting
Indonesian-sounding names.

Suharto, who resigned in 1998, had forced hundreds of thousands of Chinese
families to take indigenous names in a campaign of assimilation.

It was also a racist campaign because until today, the Chinese are required to
carry a document stating their ethnic origin. The government has claimed that
it was aimed at distinguishing the local-born from the mainland Chinese.

After Suharto's New Order regime fell and the economy lay in shambles, Jakarta
exploded into madness.

The riots were worst in Glodok; thousands of Chinese were killed, shops looted
and women raped in one of the country's worst tragedies. Many families fled to
nearby Malaysia and Singapore.

Today, the ruins of burnt buildings are still in plain sight. With Indonesia
struggling to rebuild its economy, many ordinary Chinese businessmen find it
difficult to revive their enterprises.

Amid the sign of the times, Amien Rais, the Speaker of the People's Consultative
Assembly, dressed up in Chinese costume – minus the long beard of the God of
Prosperity – to deliver a speech at a shopping complex calling for an end to
discrimination against the Chinese.

The politician, who aspires to be the next Indonesian President, was once
accused by the Chinese of being a racist although his supporters claimed he was
a moderate.

No stranger to controversy, he was criticised by Malaysians when he expressed
support for the reformasi campaign in Malaysia.

In his speech, Amien likened the Indonesian people to lontong cap goh meh, a
little bit of this and that to signify the country's diversity.

At the nearby record shops, the songs of Rani, a 27-year-old Jakarta singer,
blared from the speakers.

But Rani is no ordinary singer. The daughter of a diplomat who grew up in
Beijing, she sings in Mandarin although she doesn't have a drop of Chinese
blood.

For many Indonesian Chinese, that's certainly music to their ears and with the
presidential elections due next year, the politicians are making sure their
speeches and promises would be heard too.

The sad part is the Government gets the blame from
Muslims and non-Muslims who assume that these are government orders.

When state-level Education Department directors and officers refuse to
interfere – because they themselves are sympathetic or unsure of the policy and
religious sensitivities involved – the school principal gets away with
it.

We have also read reports of non-Muslim university students facing difficulties
in organising cultural activities because of bureaucratic hindrance from
mid-level administrators.

Malay university students, on the other hand, have complained of PAS-influenced
student leaders stopping them from holding Malay cultural dances involving men
and women.

Recently, Umno vice-president Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak correctly cautioned
that growing intolerance by some Muslims towards non-Muslims and an Islamic
religious school system that preached hatred were threatening the Malaysian way
of life.

Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has spoken about the importance
of ending racial polarisation in our education system, from pre-school to
university level.

The reality is disturbing, as Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad revealed. Chinese
parents are sending their children to Chinese schools because they find national
schools too religious while Malays are sending their children to privately-run
religious schools because they find government schools too secular.

The end result is that young Malaysians are not mixing enough. Forget about
forging real relationships. There will be functional relations at work places
and businesses but they will only be superficial ties.

In the long run, Malaysians will come to view their rights and privileges from
a narrow racial and religious perspective.

Fellow columnist Shamsul Akmar of New Straits Times wrote recently how a pupil
came home crying because she had to lie in her religious class. Apparently, the
ustazah wanted to know from the class whether any of their mothers did not wear
the tudung. The poor girl was the only one in the class whose mother did not
cover her head.

Another counterpart, Zainon Ahmad of The Sun, wrote on a similar issue,
pointing out that some Muslim girls were not allowed to wear shorts during
physical exercise and sports activity. Peer pressure and other pressures, he
wrote, had caused most Muslim girls to wear the hijab.

He also pointed out that Bahasa Malaysia was renamed Bahasa Melayu after Datuk
Seri Anwar Ibrahim became the Education Minister. That, of course, robbed the
Malay language of its unification role – making it seem like a language of one
community rather than the pride of all Malaysians regardless of race.

During my student days at Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM), I was ticked
off by a hostel warden when I walked into the hostel canteen in shorts on my
first day in campus.

I did not know I had committed an offence. The other students, including the
Muslims, did not complain but the warden was unhappy and openly expressed his
unhappiness.

That was not all. The Chinese students wanted a separate section in the
canteen, saying it was inconvenient for them to travel to Kajang from the UKM
campus in Bangi for ''economy rice.''

Despite the support of the Muslim canteen operator, who saw the business
prospect, some administrators objected. It was only after much appeal that the
students succeeded – thanks to Vice-Chancellor Datuk Dr Yusuf Nor.

Dr Yusuf, who went on to become a Cabinet Minister, had moderate views and
sympathised with the minority Chinese students.

The students, members of the Chinese Consultative Committee that organised the
canteen, later ran into trouble. The committee, of which I was a leader, was
banned by Anwar because it was an unregistered communal-based group.

The other committee leaders were the present MCA Youth secretaries-general: Loh
Seng Kok, political secretary to Datuk Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik, and Liow Tiong
Lai, the MP for Bentong.

I understand a similar group like the CCC is now functioning in UKM with the
blessing of the university authorities.

All these cases did not involve government policy, merely restrictions imposed
at implementation level by racist officials. Moderate Malaysians should not be
afraid to speak up against any form of extremism, whether racial or
religious.

Let's not allow extremists, whether Malays, Chinese or Indians, to hijack our
education system – the moderate Malaysian way of life must be allowed to
flourish.

The MP for Rantau Panjang Abdul Fatah Harun applied for
his son to study in Sekolah Menengah Kebangsaan Agama Naim Libanat from Sekolah
Menengah Ugama Maahad Muhammad (Boys).

Limbungan assemblyman Zainuddin Awang Hamat moved his daughter to Sekolah
Menengah Kebangsaan Kamil from Sekolah Ugama Maahad Muhammad (Girls) a year
ago.

The late PAS president Datuk Fadzil Noor, vice-president Datuk Mustaffa Ali and
information chief Azizan Abdul Razak reportedly sent their children to
government-owned religious schools as well.

Abdul Fatah admitted in a newspaper interview that he decided to transfer his
son to a government-owned school to give him a better education but in a
face-saving move he also said ''it is to test the truth in the Education
Ministry's assurance that all students from SAR would be accepted into its
schools.''

There are 66,000 students in secondary-level SAR and 8,000 at primary level in
about 260 such schools nationwide. Parents have been given until Feb 6 to
transfer them to government-run schools.

The ministry, which carried out an analysis of the Penilaian Menengah Rendah
2002, found the performance of SAR students to be very poor. Only 3.5% of SAR
students obtained Grade A in Mathematics compared with 21% in national schools.
For Science, only 2.2% in SAR had Grade A against 15.4% in national
schools.

About 44% of SAR students obtained Grade E for English, which means they did
not even reach a minimum competency level. Another study, carried out by
Universiti Sains Malaysia and Universiti Utara Malaysia, found that SAR
students had difficulty getting jobs because their education was too focused on
religious studies.

The education of our children is too serious a matter to be used for political
reasons.

This is not confined to PAS. At the height of the controversy between the DAP
and MCA over the relocation of SRK Damansara to Puay Chai II, one vocal
oppositionist was found to have sent his children to another school.

Despite his vociferous support for the Damansara school, he preferred to enrol
his children elsewhere. Even when the matter was reported by the media, he
continued asking the villagers to protest against the relocation while their
children studied in a container instead of a proper classroom. But when the
villagers found that their children could not sit for their examinations,
opposition party activists quickly washed their hands of the entire episode.
The MCA, which had been at the receiving end, had to solve the predicament of
the children.

It's the same with some Malay nationalists and Chinese educationists. Many
prefer to converse in English with their children at home but portray
themselves as champions of these languages to the public. It is well known that
they, too, send their children overseas for a western education. Despite their
rhetoric, Malaysia, Indonesia, China or Taiwan are certainly not on their
list.

In the next general election, Malaysians can be sure that issues like the SAR
and the use of English to teach Science and Mathematics would be exploited to
whip up communal sentiments.

PAS campaigners have said clearly that they would complain about the
government's decision not to fund SAR schools but hide the fact that many of
their leaders prefer government-run schools.

The Chinese educationists would harp on the use of English to teach these two
subjects in Chinese-medium schools, by claiming that the MCA allegedly sold out
the Chinese community.

The Barisan formula to keep Chinese but have extra classes in English to teach
these two subjects is still not good enough for this group, although the
majority of parents with children in Chinese schools are happy with this
win-win formula.

The four Chinese-based Barisan parties, led by the MCA, had campaigned hard to
keep this formula, even at the risk of upsetting fellow members but their
reasoning was finally accepted by the Barisan supreme council.

The new school year has already started and children are learning to cope. But
come election time, education will be made an issue again.

In the end, the politics of consensus and accommodation that has stood the test
of time since the formation of Malaysia will get the endorsement of the
majority of Malaysians.

As in all poison-pen letters, there is no evidence to
back the allegations but plenty of unsubstantiated juicy bits. The writer has
remained anonymous, probably to avoid legal suits and other
complications.

Claiming that these brothels were akin to the United Nations with callgirls
from several countries, the letter bears photocopied business cards of the
''managers'' of these brothels.

The letter, accompanied by maps showing the location of these hotels, provided
details of the operating hours and even a price list.

Blondes from Uzbekistan
and other former Soviet states seem to fetch a higher price than women from Indonesia
or China.

Those named in the letters are obviously not amused. The politicians have
lodged police reports to clear their names, claiming it was a scam to tarnish
their reputations.

The poison-pen letter has been sent to Selangor Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Dr Mohd
Khir Toyo, who is very concerned about what is happening in the state and is
determined to embark on a clean-up.

As a start, he is ordering liquor companies to tone down on excessive
advertising, especially those showing scantily dressed women.

''If the char koay teow is really good, customers will patronise the coffee
shop irrespective of whether it has huge beer advertisements or not,'' he said.
He has a point.

Coffee-shop owners have protested against the move requiring them to seek
approval from the local government to put up liquor advertisements. Some claim
it would affect their business.

It is unlikely that their business would suffer but the coffee-shop owners may
lose sponsorship, particularly in putting up stalls and signboards.

The state government is obviously more concerned with public complaints that
budget hotels and spa centres, fronting as sex dens, are sprouting up.
Housewives claimed that their husbands patronise these brothels.

The authorities have ordered a crackdown on such outlets, particularly those
operating near residential areas.

Last year, Selangor police caught 1,842 foreign women – a three-fold jump from
605 arrested in 2001. Of those caught last year, 758 were Indonesians, 402
Chinese nationals, 310 Thais and the rest were from Myanmar,
Uzbekistan, Cambodia,
Russia, the Philippines,
Poland and Vietnam.

Ops Kelawar, launched on Dec 22 to close down entertainment outlets using guest
relation officers, is expected to intensify over the next two weeks.

The order from the state government is to revoke the licences of errant outlets,
seal the premises and cut off water and electricity supplies.

The police, who carried out 1,171 raids last year, said that only 78 of the 300
entertainment outlets in Selangor were registered. Petaling Jaya had the most
number of unlicensed outlets at 111, followed by Kajang (32), Ampang (28) and
Klang (24).

Dr Khir said that public response to anti-vice measures had been positive,
especially from parents.

In fact, Wanita MCA national chairman Datuk Dr Ng Yen Yen has suggested that
colleges with a substantial number of students involved in vice should be shut
down.

The Anti-Corruption Agency should investigate how these unregistered outlets
have managed to operate without any interference.

Ops Kelawar would be meaningless if vice syndicates are able to operate again
later.

Anti-vice measures should be on-going and not limited to a particular period to
pacify the public. Prosecute the rogues behind these syndicates and not just
the sex workers.

Otherwise, it would give the impression that the real culprits have not been
punished.

As I walked along the corridors, memories of my
schooldays came flooding back. My daughter then asked why many features at SXI
were not found in her school.

She was fascinated by the chapel, the statues of La
Salle brothers and the energetic school band playing nostalgic tunes
such as the Saints Go Marching In.

Although we grew up together in SXI, in many ways we had
become strangers over the years. But we left behind our jaded spirits and over
the course of that evening we exchanged memories and naughty jokes of time
together in school.

While many of us now have expanded waistlines and
receding hairlines, our former teachers seemed to look the same.

Many of them could not recognise or remember us, as we
were neither the brightest nor the most notorious, but we were certainly
thankful to them for the education they gave us.

They were good teachers, with a sense of mission and
dedication. They had studied in SXI and eventually became teachers in their
alma mater. Even after having retired from the school, they continued to play a
role there.

The Christian brothers who taught us – many of them are
still around – instilled in us a sense of discipline. Although they did not
spare the rod, most of us are thankful to them.

Despite the many strokes of the rotan meted out, we always
felt that the punishment was justified.

One friend was still complaining about a certain
discipline teacher who slapped him in the face for no apparent reason. Until
today, he still cannot forgive the teacher.

But that was the difference between the Christian
brothers and the other teachers.

The school has certainly produced many prominent figures
such as former Penang Chief Minister the late Tan Sri Wong Pow Nee, former KL
Datuk Bandar Tan Sri Kamarulzaman Zainal and lawyer Karpal Singh, who sent his
children to study there as well.

SXI, like St Michael's Institution in Ipoh
and Victoria Institution in Kuala Lumpur,
were premier schools. Today, most have probably lost their shine.

Previously, most parents who studied in these schools
would send their children there as tradition – until the Education Ministry
began to place students in schools according to their addresses.

The academic performances of these schools, in some ways,
have dipped because the students would now come from a particular area. Some
schools, located in more affluent areas, have fared better because of the
advantages these students enjoyed and this had helped boost the school's exam
results.

But for many of us who walked out the gates of SXI on
finishing our secondary school, we will always hold our heads high because we
are the sons of St Xavier's.

For now, Lim Boo Chang (Datuk Kramat) and Tan Cheng Liang
(Jawi) are not entitled to enjoy the benefits and support of the MCA as
independent representatives.

More hurting to their self-esteem would be the sitting
arrangements at the State Assembly – they would likely have to sit with the
opposition members.

While some politicians have continuously called for the
two to be expelled, the decision to suspend them indefinitely is possibly the
most practical option.

If a fixed suspension was made, it may not satisfy some
Barisan leaders who reckon that a harsher punishment should be meted out.

Let's not be too quick in calling for their sacking. It
should be noted that to be suspended indefinitely, the two Penang MCA leaders
could still harbour hopes of being accepted into the MCA. That is only possible
if they abide by the rules of the coalition.

They can be sure that their actions, particularly at the
State Assembly, will be closely watched by Barisan leaders, including the Prime
Minister and his deputy.

If the two were to be expelled, the MCA would have more
difficulty in influencing them.

There are some politicians who feel that sacking the two
would send a message to other parties, arguing that the structure of Barisan is
of utmost importance, but others may simply want it for political expediency
and to make the MCA less vocal.

Amidst the controversy, we seem to have forgotten that
Barisan has lost out because it now has two representatives less.

The message of the duo's suspension is loud and clear
-Barisan will not tolerate any form of dissent among its ranks. To disagree is
one thing but to be openly defiant is unacceptable.

Component parties must understand that they rely on one
another.

Although Barisan assemblymen were elected because of
concerted efforts by all component parties, the popularity of these
personalities are equally important factors, even if we feel that there is no
shortage of people aspiring to be Barisan candidates.

Penang Island
is a small place and the popularity of a politician among the grassroots does
make a difference. Many young people may not have heard of C.Y. Choy but the
former Socialist Front mayor retained the Pengkalan Kota state seat for several
terms as an independent candidate.

Gerakan politicians, in their white short-sleeved shirts,
are known for their humble approach and ability to interact with the people
while their MCA counterparts are seen as grassroots workers moving around their
constituencies on motorcycles.

Penangites expect their assemblymen to speak up for them.
That explains why the bulk of active non-government organisations such as the
Consumer Association of Penang and Aliran come from the state.

Boo Chang and Cheng Liang obviously irked the state
Gerakan leaders who must have felt that they went overboard in their criticism.
Then, there is the political equation between MCA and Gerakan.

While the two politicians have been punished, the PORR
issue – the root cause of the controversy – still remains. Penangites must
accept the fact that their island needs a traffic dispersal scheme.

It cannot be denied that driving in Penang
is a nightmare and the problems are piling up every day. For a project of such proportions,
houses would naturally have to be demolished to make way.

Penangites, in general, have no quarrel with traffic
dispersal projects but they want more details, including how toll will be
collected and the extent of the socio-economic impact.

It would help allay the people's apprehension if more
information is forthcoming, especially now that the state government has
admitted it would be one of the most expensive traffic projects. Penangites
cannot be blamed if they fear that the financial burden would eventually be
passed to them as users.

If the state government feels that it need not take a
populist approach on the PORR because the long-term benefits are more
important, then it should adopt a more pro-active approach.

First, it needs to win the support of a large number of
the Barisan assemblymen and, second, find out why a large section of Penangites
are not comfortable with the project.

The Penang government should take
a leaf from other state leaders. In Selangor, Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Dr Khir
Toyo went to Puchong to speak to residents who had protested against the
building of a market on their football field – and scrapped the project on the
spot.

In Johor, Umno politicians helped 10,000 residents,
mostly wage earners, who had received notices to vacate their homes to make way
for a new Customs, Immigration and Quarantine complex.

And the Cabinet relocated the RM1.5bil garbage
incinerator following protests from residents.

In the case of the PORR, the affected residents have
approached Barisan assemblymen, both from Gerakan and the MCA, because they
feel only Barisan has the clout to respond positively.

That is the best compliment Penang Barisan can have – and
the coalition must live up to the expectations of their voters.

The Sultan, who has won support for his reforms, also
decided that there would be no recipient for the Justice of Peace award. JPs
are often regarded as second-class magistrates.

Over the past one week, the media has continued to report
on the steps taken by him to improve the standing of the royal household while
full-page interviews have been published in the run-up to his official
birthday.

The Sultan had earlier announced he had revoked the
Datukship of two businessmen and that his royal household would limit the
number of Datuks to 40 a year. It is understood that the Sultan and Mentri
Besar Datuk Seri Dr Mohamed Khir Toyo personally vetted the list of 300
nominations for Datukship.

The message from the Sultan was clear: Work for these
titles. These titles are not for sale.

According to a state official, the Sultan had all the
background information of the 300 names, including the political standing of
some Umno leaders recommended for the title and whether they were qualified to
be Datuks.

Many nominations submitted by top Barisan Nasional
leaders for the titles were struck off by the Sultan despite the
recommendations of these politicians.

"He surprised us with his knowledge of these nominees. In
some cases, he dismissed the perceived influence and contributions of these
nominees, saying they were not ready to be Datuks. He really did his homework,"
said the official.

The action of the Sultan has even attracted the attention
of the Singapore Straits Times which reported "when the ruler of Selangor
voiced his disquiet recently over the quality and quantity of Datuks, he was
speaking on behalf of many Malaysians" as many Malaysians had made "snide
remarks that the titles could be bought."

Earlier, Mingguan Malaysia,
in its editorial, had questioned how unknowns, in their 30s, were made Datuks
and what these people could have achieved at such a young age.

Last week, the Malay Mail provided the breakdown of
Datukships conferred – the figures for Kelantan and Sabah are for 2002, and the
rest for 2001: Johor (1), Kedah (40), Kelantan (25), Negri Sembilan (55),
Pahang (105), Perak (60), Perlis (20), Selangor (90), Terengganu (20), Malacca
(60), Penang (59), Sabah (55), Sarawak (12) and Federal Government (43).

It is good that the media has continued to give attention
to the issue because serious steps must be taken to ensure that the honour is
not diluted. Datukships have a long history as they were used as early as 1400,
during the Malacca Sultanate, to refer to people with high standing in society.

The Datukships as a conferred title began in 1800s,
during the British colonial era, when the state of Malaya
adopted the various constitutions. Since then, it has been a tradition that the
rulers and Yang di-Pertuan Negri confer Datukships of varying ranks – such as
Datuk Seri, Datuk Paduka, Datuk Wira, Datuk Panglima and Datuk – on Malaysians
on their official birthdays.

The general consensus among Malaysians, including those
who are Datuks, is that it's time the Council of Rulers give serious thought to
drawing up a guideline on the rewarding and revocation of Datukships, including
those convicted of criminal offences.

It should also be an offence for Malaysians who use
titles not conferred by the rulers of Malaysia
on their documents and that the authorities must insist on proof from people
who want to use this as a prefix to their names.

One local Chinese magazine recently reported that a
businessman from Johor managed to include his Datukship title, conferred by the
so-called Sultan of Solo, in his passport.

We are not sure whether the report is accurate but, if it
is true, then the Immigration Department must investigate the matter.

There is certainly a need to limit the number of titles
given in order to maintain their prestige and value.

As the people of Selangor celebrate the birthday of their
new Sultan over the weekend, they would be doing so with renewed pride.

Expressing his support for Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr
Mahathir Mohamad's directive to all banks to provide loans to small
entrepreneurs, Abu Bakar said only a few banks had been helpful.

On Thursday, Dr Mahathir said the Government had to issue
this directive because local banks were not interested in providing small loans
despite the availability of funds.

Dr Mahathir said that while banks felt it was more
profitable to provide big loans, small businessmen were to be blamed too as
they sometimes failed to service their loans.

The Finance Minister, in his Hari Raya message over
television, urged businessmen to be more responsible in repaying bank loans.

Over the past one week, newspapers have carried plenty of
news about the ways of loan sharks, and Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri
Abdullah Ahmad Badawi came out to say the government had directed the police to
investigate the operations of these shady characters.

Abdullah said he was saddened over an incident in
Seremban last week where a couple and their four-year-old son died three days
after they swallowed paraquat to escape harassment by loan sharks.

While there are businessmen who turn to loan sharks for
quick loans to tide over a financial hitch, there are Malaysians who seek such
loans to repay their gambling debts.

These gamblers know the consequences, particularly the
high interest and the possibility of being beaten for failing to pay up.

Then there are those who have committed themselves to
these loan sharks because they live beyond their means and not because they
have business loans to worry about.

While newspapers have run advertisements from licensed
moneylenders – we should not equate them to loan sharks – the latter have been
brave enough to put up notices in busy areas such as Puduraya. According to the
Housing and Local Government Ministry, there are about 2,000 licensed
moneylenders.

Abdullah has correctly said that the people, especially
those from the lower-income group, should go to financial institutions set up
by the Government.

He said the Government had many schemes, such as the Tekun
programme and Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia,
where traders could apply for loans for their business activities.

Political parties, trade associations and non-government
organisations should work together to publish a list of financial institutions
and agencies that offer such loans.

The media could also play its role by publishing such a
list with information on how the lower-income could apply for these loans. It
would go a long way in helping ordinary folk.

Moves should be made to encourage Malaysians to join
cooperatives where they can apply for quick loans to overcome their financial
difficulties.

The Government and the police should act first to plug
the loopholes as loan sharks are said to be well connected and influential.

Amendments to the Money-Lending Ordinance 1951 are
necessary to give police specific powers to act against loan sharks because the
authorities have no specific laws to turn to at present. With these amendments,
the police would be able to investigate, arrest and charge persons for loan
sharking.

It is necessary to look at these loopholes because we do
not want suspected loan sharks to get off the hook on legal technicalities.

There is an urgent need to protect ordinary people who
turn to loan sharks out of desperation but at the same time, more information
must be made available at public places, such as pasar malam and community
centres, on how they can obtain easy loans from authorised agencies.

More powers must be given to the police and the courts,
including custodial sentence and whipping, to weed out these "sharks" that
cruise the sea of desperation.

Barely 24 hours later, a developer from Malacca, who was
appointed a Justice of the Peace last month, allegedly brandished his pistol at
a motorist after a minor misunderstanding.

The case of the two businessmen should serve as an
eye-opener to other title-holders, reminding them of the need to behave
properly, in accordance with the dignity of the title.

It is hoped that the Sultan of Selangor's decision will
be emulated by his fellow rulers as only the Sultan or Yang di-Pertua Negri can
revoke a title, award or medal conferred on an individual.

Honours and awards must be taken seriously because these
decorations are a part of our rich tradition. These awards, which date back to
the Malacca Sultanate period, are only bestowed on the official birthday of the
King or state rulers.

The investiture is conducted by the King or the rulers in
person in the presence of the Prime Minister or Mentri Besar, reflecting the
importance of the occasion. These awards are conferred on Malaysians who are
deemed to have contributed to the state or country.

But over the years, many Malaysians have felt that the
Conference of Rulers should give greater thought to the awarding of these
titles to protect their prestige.

Any person who has been convicted, for example, should
not be allowed to keep his Datukship. It makes a mockery of the system when a
person is still referred to as Yang Berbahagia or addressed as Datuk when he is
behind bars or had been jailed.

Similarly, those who have fled the country because they
are being sought by police should have their titles revoked. After all, if
these Datuks have nothing to hide, there is no reason for them to run from the
law.

In fact, the police and Official Assignee should screen
the background of those nominated for Datukship, JPs and other awards.

There should also be a limit to the number of Datukship
given out each year to maintain its prestige as well as an age limit for
recipients.

The general sentiment among Malaysians is that there are
too many Datuks, especially titled businessmen whose contributions may just be
their financial commitment to charities.

Lately, we have read of impatient businessmen who
allegedly buy their Datukship from dubious rulers from Mindanao
in the Philippines.
The conferment of these titles is held at hotel function rooms and there
appears to be no shortage of businessmen who are prepared to pay for these
medals, although they are not recognised officially.

As it is not an offence to put a Datuk honorific on their
business cards, these businessmen are ready to be thick-faced about it. After
all, not everyone would check the authenticity of these titles.

The Sultan of Selangor is also angry with motorists who
display fraudulent state crests and has asked the Road Transport Department to
check on this.

It is a timely move as we now see motorists displaying
all kinds of crests and emblems, from so-called shooting clubs to youth clubs,
on their vehicles. Some of these clubs could be non-existent.

In the past, only members of the Bar Council, Members of
Parliament, assemblymen and Datuks are allowed to display these crests, which
are registered by the various organisations. The state councils of Datuks keep
a register of the various vehicles approved to use these crests.

If that's not enough, it is now a norm to see stickers on
most cars, supposedly representing Bukit Aman or the Ex-Policemen's
Association. Perhaps these people assume that the police will not summon them
if they commit a traffic offence.

While the Sultan of Selangor did not address the position
of JPs, many Malaysians have questioned the basis of awarding this title, which
is recognised in all Commonwealth countries.

The JPs, who have the authority of second-class
magistrates, are expected to be noble people with some standing – and education
– in the community.

Age and financial standing alone should no longer be the
main criteria. We expect our JPs to have a sound education, preferably a
university degree, so they can perform their duties effectively.

The Sultan of Selangor may be the newest ruler but he has
shown he is responsive to the people's feelings.