In January, street crimes registered a 13% drop in crime rate – that is certainly an excellent result in the National Key Results Area (NKRA).

The figures released showed that street crime for the fourth quarter of 2009 fell by 7.6% while the crime rate declined by 3.7% in the last quarter of December.

Home Minister Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Tun Hussein has set a targeted 20% drop in street crimes by the end of this year.

There is no question that the Government has made fighting crime a priority but the public are still frustrated. With the high profile programme announced by the Home Ministry, there will be high expectations from the people. Crime victims would certainly question the effectiveness of the war against crime and even the statistics released.

That is expected because the police still need to win back the confidence of the public by making them feel safe again.

Malaysians, especially those in the Klang Valley, used to live in neighbourhoods without having to barricade themselves.

High walls, closed circuit television (CCTV) and security guards were unheard of until just a few years ago.

Now, crime seems to have become part of dinner conversations. Even police officers have become victims of criminals, especially foreigners, who do not pick their victims –simply because they do not know their targets, nor do they care.

We are such a polite nation of people that we do not even name the nationalities of these criminals for fear we kick up a diplomatic row, and merely refer to them as “foreigners”. We prefer to keep everyone guessing.

But even as the war against crime is being waged, we need to accept certain realities – street crime such as snatch theft isn’t going to disappear.

Crime cannot be eradicated, even in the nations where extremely harsh punishments are meted out. Even in holy cities, there are petty crimes because there are unholy people everywhere.

The fact is that crime cannot be eradicated but can be managed. With a stretched police force, the police will need to focus on the areas of priority.

Fighting crime isn’t just the responsibility of the police but the public as well. In the United Kingdom, community police play a crucial role and their involvement helps to ease the burden placed on the professional police; while in Singapore, the police and civil service are part of the compulsory national service.

In the UK, the community police participate in simple crowd control and traffic control. These officers are sometimes seen cycling at airports and advising travellers. They talk to the travellers, giving them tips on protecting their belongings and instilling in them the need to be alert – which helps to prevent crime.

Along the way, their presence improves the image of the police force and more importantly, there is communication with the police.

With the active involvement of the public in these countries, that means the police would not have the problem of recruitment. Volunteerism is a crucial component of crime prevention.

Without doubt, the pressure on the police has now increased as targets have been set.

Home Ministry officials and top police brass have become accustomed to receiving text messages from Hishammuddin between 1am and 3am.

There are now more anti-crime road blocks, as opposed to traffic road blocks, in major towns now. Such efforts help to instil confidence among the public and is appreciated.

The police have also picked 50 hot spots which will have police presence, backed up by 3,000 Civil Defence and Rela members, and monitored with 500 CCTV cameras. While some may argue that CCTV does not prevent crime, it cannot be denied that it helps the police in their investigations.

But the authorities must ensure that the CCTV cameras installed are able to provide sharp images. There is a need for coordination between the various agencies to ensure the systems used are effective.

In the child abduction case of Nurin Jazlin Jaziman, the CCTV visuals were virtually useless and thus hampered police effort in resolving the case.

In Selangor, which has the highest crime rate in its cities, efforts to install CCTV in important parts have been derailed by bureaucracy.

Selangor, as the most developed state, is crucial because it has the highest migration pattern involving Malaysians and foreigners.

The Selangor state government should implement the CCTV programme in a systematic manner instead of on an ad hoc basis by the various local governments.

EVERY product has a shelf life and any manufacturer will know that he has to re-brand and re-package the product every few years to make it attractive and competitive.

He also has to understand the demands of his loyal customers and at the same time meet the changing taste of new buyers, especially the young set, to keep the company relevant and profitable.

That’s a basic sales principle in every company. The same principle would be applicable in political parties.

Just take a look at established parties like the Congress Party of India, the Kuomintang Party of Taiwan, the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan, to name a few. Even the Labour and Conservative parties of England.

They have made serious efforts to revamp their structure and identity, sometimes painfully, after electoral defeats.

In the case of the 37-year-old Barisan Nasional, there are now calls to allow direct membership into the ruling coalition instead of members having to join one of the 13 coalition parties.

The Barisan, formed in 1973, is the successor to the Alliance, formed to fight for the country’s independence. But in 2008, the Barisan was dealt a severe blow by the opposition Pakatan Rakyat.

The shock general election results, regarded as a political tsunami, have led to numerous calls to revamp the coalition before the next general election.

The old way obviously no longer works and it cannot be business as usual. While many believe change is the only way, many leaders have found it hard to change, with some even resisting change.

Many stubbornly cling on to the old methods, believing the votes would be returned and all would be fine. In the short term perhaps, but a long-term solution is needed because even if some Barisan leaders refuse to change, the electorate has changed.

The world has changed, so has Malaysia. A younger set of voters who have no history with the Alliance and Barisan are not going to be very sentimental.

That is the reality. The voters have changed and in many instances retired off many politicians who refuse to fade away gracefully. There are still some of these old guards around who cannot read the political signs.

The leaders of the main Barisan component parties have generally supported the direct membership proposal although some have adopted a cautious approach.

Umno vice-president Datuk Seri Hisham­muddin Tun Hussein has been given the task to study the proposal.

The direct membership proposal would certainly rejuvenate the Barisan, particularly in bringing fresh talent to the coalition.

There are many who support the Barisan, especially its non-communal approach, but have reservations joining the main partners, which are communal-based parties, even if they operate on a basis of consensus and accommodation. Sometimes, it is the dialect or language usage that affects their decisions.

It’s the same with the opposition parties like the PKR and the DAP, which are dominated by one race.

There have been grumbles that well-qualified people have found it difficult to be admitted into key Barisan component parties because of delaying tactics by grassroots leaders at branch or division levels.

The direct membership into the Barisan would eliminate such obstacles for those who have faith in the ruling coalition.

But the hesitation from component parties could stem from a practical consideration – these direct members, with no affiliates to any components, could outnumber them in future.

One aspect that must be considered though is who these direct members would report to, as would be the case in any organisation; there has to be a set of rules and regulations to follow.

For example, how would the Barisan leadership discipline a direct member who is out of line as the existing supreme council members may not even be the right people since they would not be the direct member’s peers.

Another point to consider is whether they have a constitutional right for elections among themselves and if there is a need, how would they be defined?

But every proposal, no matter how noble and well-intended, would lead to a set of problems. That is the challenge but the direct membership proposal should not be dismissed.

It is good that Hishammuddin, a young leader, has been given the responsibility to draw up the possibilities.

Like it or not, the country is shaping into a two-party system. Both the Barisan and the Pakatan would be drawing up their strategies to meet this new political scenario.

The Barisan is actually ahead of the Pakatan – which is now grappling with the difficulties of parties which are ideologically poles apart working together – in putting together a coalition.

The Barisan could start off with a network of movements and non-governmental organisations. They may have different interests and agenda but if they can be brought in to work with the Barisan, that would be a major coup.

A national convention of these supporters who do not belong to any party is a start to building on the strength of these organisations. It could unearth fresh talents that the Barisan would need to sharpen its image. Endorsements from these NGOs, including community-based groups, are essential during elections.

These non-affiliates could even be appointed to some positions in government, as the PAP in Singapore has done with nominated Members of Parliament comprising professionals and non-governmental organisation leaders.

The Barisan should not be looking for yes-men and yes-women but people with credibility if it is serious in rejuvenating itself.

But the changes in the Barisan have to be done gradually for them to be accepted. The decision must not involve just the heavyweights of the party but also those involved in the running of the key parties.

The top names that were missing included Penang Free School (PFS), St Michael’s Institution, Victoria Institution (VI), St Xavier’s Institution (SXI), St John’s Institution and Bukit Mertajam High School.

So are schools that perform well in examinations like Chung Ling High School and Jit Sin High School.

Over in Sabah and Sarawak, the grumblings are equally loud. From Sabah, for example, the Tshung Tsin Secondary School, All Saints and the Kota Kinabalu Secondary School must surely be wondering why they were left out.

In Sarawak, my colleagues insist that St Joseph Secondary School, St Thomas Secondary School and Kolej Tun Datu Tuanku Haji Bujang are deserving names.

Established schools, especially the missionary schools, have produced some of the country’s prominent figures.

These former students remain active in contributing to the well-being of the schools, particularly in fund-raising.

The Chung Ling old boys have the best network with associations all over the world. No Malaysian school can match theirs.

Lost shine

The top 20 list was decided on six criteria – excellent academic achievement, well-known alumni, consistent participation in national and international level competitions, linkages with colleges and universities, networks with other local and international schools, and having measured against national and international benchmarks.

These were the standards that were used for the selection of the High Performance Schools (HPS) for education.

The first batch has been announced and as expected, it has kicked up a storm, which would lead to better competition, if one looks at it positively.

A debate over the list would also encourage schools to take a hard look at themselves and their rivals.

At least 30 more schools would be named next year and 50 by 2012, to make up a total of 100 in three years.

The minus point is that these top 20 schools would now be perceived as the cream and would attract stronger enrolment – it would defeat the elitism of the country’s then premier schools.

Schools like SXI, VI and PFS have lost their shine simply because of the ruling that students must come from nearby locations.

In the past, these schools attracted students from all over the state and those with ties to the schools, especially their parents, were given preferences which strengthened the old schoolboy ties.

For example, at one point, almost all the top editors of The Star came from SXI. Of the seven group chief editors of the newspaper, four came from SXI.

In the 1970s, your alma mater was an important criterion for employment, especially for some big employers in Penang.

The same could be said about employers in Kuala Lumpur, where old boy rivalry conti­nued to exist, even decades after they had left school.

Such was the strong bond among the alumni. That was when schools were named after personalities and not street names or locations.

Those were the days when the motto of many schools, especially missionary ones, were in Latin. A simple letter from the Brother Director then was powerful enough to get you a place in Harvard or Cambridge – that was how strong the international connections were.

But that elitist era is over. The Govern­ment rightly wanted to treat all schools as equals but in the process, the identity and the history of these schools were weakened.

By the 1980s, the residential schools were built and with the financial backing of the government, there was no way the normal secondary schools could compete with them.

Past glories

The residential schools were simply like the elite British boarding schools with the best teachers and facilities. Today, these residential schools dominate the top 20 list.

The Malay College Kuala Kangsar, essentially a boarding school started by the British to produce the Malay elites, has remained on the list. Certainly, there would be no dispute over its standing.

Likewise, Tunku Kurshiah College in Seremban.

Painful as it may be to the former students of the established schools, some are merely living on the glories of the past.

Despite their strong history, many have lost out in their performance in the public examinations to the newer schools.

But the HPS list is a serious matter. It is not just a matter of prestige and recognition.

There’s the RM700,000 financial incentive on top of each school’s annual allocation from the Government. A whopping RM20mil has been set aside for these schools.

While the schools named must fight to keep their positions, the Government should also expect other schools and the public to challenge how these schools were chosen.

The 67-year-old devotes almost all his time to serving his neighbours, acting like an elected representative – if not more effective than one. The residents call him up for everything, from domestic disputes to maids running away, and they expect him to solve their problems.

Yew: He had to retire from competitive badminton when he was only 28 because he tore his Achilles tendon.

His passion is in organising community protests against the construction of high-rise buildings in Damansara Jaya in the name of redevelopment. It’s a thankless job but Yew, who is still hale and hearty, is familiar with being unrecognised and unappreciated.

Not many in the neighbourhood, including the older ones, are aware that Yew is one of Malaysia’s greatest sports legends.

He was one of the members of the victorious 1967 Thomas Cup team, and they won the prize in what could be described as the fiercest and most emotional contest in Thomas Cup history.

With Malaysia leading four matches to three in the best of nine series, the play had to be suspended during the eighth match due to unruly crowd behaviour.

The 15,000-strong Indonesian crowd at the Senayan sports hall was fanatical. The Malay­sian players were abused and jeered while slippers and bottles were thrown at them on the court. Even torchlights and camera flash lights were reportedly shone on them to distract them and make them lose their focus on the game.

Indonesia’s Rudy Hartono, not yet 18 then, had just made his debut in the Thomas Cup, certainly the most important international badminton competition in the world.

The chaotic night ended with the Inter­national Badminton Federation giving a 6-3 victory to Malaysia.

Today, members of the 1967 team – Yew, Teh Kew San, Tan Yee Khan, Ng Boon Bee, Billy Ng, Tan Aik Huang and Tan Aik Mong – are still around.

So is Rudy Hartono, now 60 years old and a pastor at the Bethel Church in Jakarta.

But while we have been quick to reward our younger sportsmen and sportswomen with titles and money, we seem to have forgotten, if not neglected, those who did better in the past.

They were international giants in international competitions, not flash-in-the-pan winners at regional events. Swimming the English channel would hardly be a feat compared to what they have done.

Except for Teh, Yee Khan and Boon Bee, who have each received a Datukship, the rest – Yew, Billy Ng and the Tan brothers – are still unrecognised. The fact that they did not seek recognition, such as a Datukship, does not mean we should forget their glorious past.

I am told that they are occasionally invited to badminton events but they normally end up in the stands, not the VIP area.

Another time, one of the 1967 greats took a visiting English badminton player to watch the current national team. A prominent player gave him the cold shoulder but Rexy Mainaky, the Indonesian coach of the Malay­sian men’s doubles, recognised the elderly gentleman and took time to show him around.

Yew, for example, had to retire from competitive badminton when he was only 28 because he tore his Achilles tendon. Left without financial support for treatment, it also meant the end of his career.

Teh, who captained the 1967 team, worked as a clerk at the Penang Municipal Council and had to take unpaid leave to play badminton for the country.

In 2008, Yew and Billy Ng – perhaps suddenly remembered by the sports bureaucrats – were inducted into the Olympics Council of Malaysia (OCM) Hall of Fame.

Other former sports personalities inducted were Shaharuddin Jaafar, the 1965 SEAP Games gold medallist in cycling, and Datuk Malek Noor, a six-time winner of the Mr Asia crown in the heavyweight category.

The members of the 1967 badminton team are now in the twilight of their lives. They won’t be around with us for long.

Malaysia owes it to them to recognise this special breed of fighters who refused to be cowed by an intimidating crowd.

They kept the Jalur Gemilang flying even at the most difficult moments because they believed in themselves and the country. They knew they could not let Malaysians down.

Their nerves were certainly made of steel and their mental preparations must have been the toughest in Thomas Cup history.

Let’s not let the 1967 team down, just as they kept our faith and hope in them then. Those who have not been accorded titles should be recognised – and soon.

There is this perception that seeking an appeal at the Court of Appeals to overturn the decision of the High Court would be a quick fix.

It won’t be because confidence and trust have been shaken. Angry Muslims feel the High Court decision was reached because the judge was a non-Muslim.

So, we can expect the same kind of reactions if the majority of the three sitting judges are Muslims, even if the judgment is legally sound.

The Muslims would be receptive to the decision if it favours them but the Christians, who want to use Allah in reference to God, would be dejected and make assumptions that the court hasn’t been fair.

Religious differences, especially theological ones, have gone on for centuries without any conclusion and, in most cases, we just respect each other’s beliefs. But one fact remains – we hold on to the principles of our faiths.

Whatever decision the higher courts make, it would be almost impossible for the Government to impose on Christians how they should refer to God in their prayers, especially within the premises of the churches.

But we cannot let this issue stop the various religious groups from working together. They must learn to agree to disagree and then move on to other areas of cooperation.

Common values

As men and women of God, they need to demonstrate to their flock that there are many paths to God. We can call Him different names but in the end, He is the Creator and it is His work that we need to uphold.

Upholding the principle of God and the unity of Man – instead of preaching conflict and separation – is surely shared by all faiths. Which right-minded person would quarrel over this?

Worshipping God is surely more important than worshipping personalities, whether they are politicians or bloggers.

We cannot claim to be faithful and pious with the strictest standards on our dressing, rituals and diet, yet close an eye to racial chauvinism, fanaticism and all the ills in this country, especially corruption.

How do we reconcile our belief in God if we openly allow such practices to go on?

Why would corruption be so rampant in this country if we are such a seemingly religious and pious nation?

There are areas of common values that all religious leaders should channel their attention to, namely corruption, poverty, injustice, poor planning and implementation, racial discrimination and blatant stealing of our country’s resources.

Surely, we expect them, as Muslim or Christian leaders, to make such pronouncements in their speeches or sermons regularly. Aren’t all these values important?

All of us are guilty in some aspects by focusing on the narrow-minded interpretation of our religious beliefs and ignoring the universal values.

Worse, most of us dare not point out the mistakes of our religious leaders when they are wrong, especially in their interpretation of the holy books, because we think ourselves inadequate theologically.

But we need to move on, as we try to seek a consensus over the Allah controversy, and that includes the setting up of a National Consultative Council on Religious Harmony.

There is no one body that encompasses all faiths at present, which means that contentious and critical issues involving inter-faith relations have not been resolved at the onset.

Such a body, if it exists, would be able to propose ideas and suggestions to the Cabinet and Parliament for consideration.

The Consultative Council should be headed by the Prime Minister, the minister in charge of religion and national unity, the leaders of the main political parties representing the ethnic groups, opposition leaders and various relevant religious leaders.

The Yayasan 1Malaysia, headed by Dr Chandra Muzaffar, has pushed for this proposal as it would be an effective channel of communication among the different religious groups.

We need to hear each other out, especially our fears and anxieties. Over the past weeks, I have had the opportunity to speak to the country’s top leaders, Muslim editors and colleagues on the frustrations of the Christians.

Many were genuinely surprised that Christians have difficulty setting up churches and that many churches are located above coffee-shops and in factory areas which are hardly conducive for services.

At one discussion, one Muslim newspaper editor openly supported my call that local authorities should stop throwing the spanner at Christians who want to set up churches.

In fact, many churches have been renamed “pusat or centres”, replacing the word “churches” because of the insistence of these local authorities but churches have never created a row.

The crosses on the front portion of many churches have long disappeared because of rules imposed by bureaucrats. This must be another surprise to many of our Muslim friends.

Keeping an open mind

They, in turn, have told me of their concerns why Allah was regarded as exclusive by them in their usage, and fears that Allah, a term so sacred to them, would be abused by others.

They understand the references made in Arab countries and even in Indonesia but they also want Christians to look at it in the Malay­sian context, especially in the peninsula.

They want their Christian brethren to appreciate that they do not want to emulate the Arabs and that the local texture and environment needs to be understood.

It would not be wrong to say that this is the majority view.

The fact remains that there are many issues we need to sit down to discuss, hear each other out and resolve, including terminology to ensure consistency.

For example, non-Muslims cannot use the word “Allah” but the state anthems of most states have the word “Allah”.

An all faith council would allow the leaders to interact and understand each other better, and in the process, perhaps forge a friendship which would enable issues to be resolved more effectively.

Irrespective of our religions, our ego, pride and prejudices are certainly regarded as sins, and perhaps we can look at issues better if we start with that understanding.