OVER the coming days, the Keeper of the Rulers’ Seal, Tan Sri Syed Danial Syed Ahmad, will fulfil the duty of sending out letters to the nine Rulers, informing them of the election of the new Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

He is the only official in Malaysia who has custody and can use the Rulers’ Seal of Malaysia on behalf of the Conference of Rulers.

He is the secretary to the Rulers and oversees the scripted meetings three times a year, or at the request of the King.

His most publicly-visible role is to announce the start of the fasting period for the month of Ramadan and the dates for Hari Raya.

Syed Danial, a quiet and unassuming man, keeps a low profile. He carries out his duties professionally and competently. Ironically, he comes from Penang, a state without a Malay Ruler, and speaks Hokkien.

As Keeper of the Royal Seal – the symbol of traditional authority of the royal institution in Malaysia – he is tasked with carrying out the country’s unique election among the Rulers, and this time around, following a situation which arose from an exclusive set of circumstances recently.

It is unprecedented as no king in the country’s history has ever relinquished his responsibilities midway into his service. Sultan Muhammad V became the first Malaysian king to abdicate after just two years on the throne, his five-year tenure uncompleted.

Against this backdrop of upheaval, speculation was rife that the Sultan of Pahang, Sultan Ahmad Shah, 88, who is in declining health, may also step down.

Then on Friday, the Pahang Royal Council met to discuss the possibility of the Regent of Pahang, Tengku Abdullah Sultan Ahmad Shah, ascending as Sultan of Pahang. The meeting at a hotel in Kuala Lumpur lasted four hours.

Yesterday, it was announced that the Regent of Pahang, Tengku Abdullah Sultan Ahmad Shah, will be the sixth Sultan of Pahang on Jan 15.

This was made public by Tengku Muda Pahang Tengku Abdul Rahman Al-Haj ibni Sultan Haji Ahmad Shah at Istana Abu Bakar in Pekan on Saturday.

The nation will see Tengku Abdullah’s installation as the sixth modern Sultan of Pahang, effectively paving the way for his candidacy as the 16th Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

Based on a rotation system, the next in line – after Kelantan – is Pahang’s Sultan Ahmad Shah, followed by Sultan Ibrahim Sultan Iskandar of Johor and then Sultan Nazrin Shah of Perak. But none of these Rulers will automatically assume the throne since their brother Rulers still need to vote.

The election is carried out by a secret ballot. The ballot papers are not numbered, but are marked with the same pen and ink, and are inserted into a ballot box. Only the Rulers participate in the election.

A Ruler may appoint another Ruler as his proxy to vote on his behalf if he is unable to attend the election meeting – and on the upcoming Jan 24 meeting, it is believed the Sultan of Kelantan is likely to give the proxy vote to a Ruler.

Although there are only nine Rulers, there is a great deal of secrecy involved in the polling procedure – the Keeper of the Rulers’ Seal distributes the ballot with only one candidate.

It is very simple – each Ruler is requested to indicate a candidate’s suitability for election as Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

The Sultan of Kedah, being the most junior Ruler, is appointed to count the ballot papers together with the Keeper of the Rulers’ Seal.

Sultan Sallehuddin Ibni Almarhum Sultan Badlishah was installed as the 29th Sultan of Kedah in October. He will not be listed as nominee for the office of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

In fact, the Conference of Rulers made a video of the election process, which now sits in RTM’s archives.

The nominee must have obtained at least five votes before the Ruler presiding over the Election Meeting offers him the office of Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

If the successful nominee declines the offer, or the nominated Ruler fails to secure the required votes, the voting process is repeated with the nomination of the Ruler next in line.

The process is completed only after a Ruler has accepted the offer of the office of Yang di-Pertuan Agong and the Conference declares the Ruler as the Yang di-Pertuan Agong for the next five years.

The ballot papers are destroyed in the presence of the Rulers as soon as the result of the election is announced – in this case, the papers are burnt.

The decision of the Rulers is first made known to the Prime Minister, and Speakers of the Dewan Rakyat and Dewan Negara respectively, before it is announced to the public.

While there is an election, the nine Rulers do not campaign, unlike politicians. In fact, the general sentiment of the Rulers is that they prefer the traditional method of rotation. But in the past, some elder Rulers have corresponded between themselves to evaluate a Ruler’s interest in the role, as a matter of courtesy and to avoid potential embarrassment.

It needs to be pointed out that many of the Rulers are also related in some way because of inter-marriages within the royal households.

It must be recognised that our Malay monarchy dates to the 15th century, and is steeped in tradition and history, with great emphasis on the respect for adat, or local customs and traditions as observed by the Malays. Protocol is carried out with great care, and Rulers are expected to respect these traditions.

But while the election of the King is entirely the prerogative of the nine Rulers – excluding the Prime Minister, Mentri Besar and for sure, the public – the royal institution has now found itself grappling with the emergence of social media.

They have found themselves being scrutinised, and even subjected to criticism. Unflattering pictures have appeared, but there’s nothing much they can do about it.

While there are rules to punish Malaysians for crossing the line, the reality is that social media is now a global platform, and policing comments posted on the institution is a Herculean task.

In some ways, the institution has taken a beating with the public having expressed their displeasure over the seemingly unlimited conferment of titles such as Datuk and Datuk Seri, which has apparently made Malaysia the country with the most titled people.

Then, there are the regular outbursts on elected representatives and certain royalty enjoying lavish lifestyles at the expense of taxpayers.

But the role of our Rulers is certainly relevant and important, especially since our political institutions are weak, what with the constant bickering and the rise of extreme racial politics, where our politicians have not only failed to put a stop to these disturbing trends, but worse, have joined in this ugly culture.

Then, there is the increasing call for Malaysia to become an Islamic state and again, our politicians, worried about losing most Malay votes, cannot be counted on to make a stand.

The minority in Malaysia, ironically, can only look to the Malay Rulers to speak up and protect the existing system and structure.

At least four Rulers – the Sultan of Selangor, the Sultan of Johor, the Sultan of Perak and the Negri Sembilan Yang di-Pertuan Besar – have consistently spoken up on the importance of moderation and the need to respect our rights as Malaysians.

The election of the new King is not just being followed by Malaysians, but the world as well, and the nine Rulers will have a heavy task ahead in choosing a new King.

Of national interest: The Conference of Rulers – comprising the nine rulers, and governors or Yang di-Pertua Negeri of the other four states – meets three times a year to deliberate on matters of national policy.

THIS may have escaped many of us, but our Rulers – be they the King or Sultans of the nine Malay states – are bound by certain rules and regulations, including taking leave, as ordinary Malaysians do.

For example, if any of them were to go on leave of absence for more than 30 days, the Sultan would have to appoint his Regent to handle his duties.

Before doing so, the Ruler must inform the Council of Rulers, which will consequently make an official announcement of his plans.

The Mentri Besar will be informed of the appointment of the Regent (to take over the Sultan’s duties), as the MB would need to meet him before the weekly state executive council meetings.

So, the Ruler can’t just pack his bags and leave for more than 30 days without revealing his plans.

At the federal level, the King, too, must appoint another Ruler to exercise the duties of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, if he wishes to go on leave for a stipulated period.

So, during the absence of Yang di-Pertuan Agong Sultan Muhammad V for two months recently, the Sultan of Perak, Sultan Nazrin Muizzuddin Shah, took over the duties of His Majesty. Sultan Nazrin is the Deputy Yang di-Pertuan Agong. And for two months, Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad was required to seek an audience with Sultan Nazrin to brief him on the Cabinet papers.

As part of his duties, the King, or Acting King, is required to read up the voluminous Cabinet papers every week.

Last week, in a rare ceremony – the significance of which was lost on many Malaysians – Sultan Nazrin left Istana Negara, two months after exercising the duties of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

Sultan Nazrin, and Raja Permaisuri Perak, Tuanku Zara Salim, attended a departure ceremony before leaving the palace grounds about 5pm on Dec 31.

The ceremony, held at Dewan Seri Maharaja, began with Dr Mahathir reading out the letter of thanks before Sultan Nazrin, followed by the presentation of souvenirs by the prime minister and his wife, Dr Siti Hasmah Mohamad Ali, to the royal couple.

About 500 officials and staff of Istana Negara waved the royal couple off as they left the palace grounds for Istana Hinggap Perak.

Not many of us will remember or care about the event, but it was historic.

Like all ordinary Malaysians, our Rulers are required to perform certain roles, beyond their ceremonial functions.

While we have KPI (key performance indicators) and appraisals (conducted by our superiors), in the case of the King, he will be judged by his fellow Rulers.

The Conference of Rulers – comprising the nine rulers, and governors or Yang di-Pertua Negeri of the other four states – meets three times a year to deliberate on matters of national policy.

It is truly a unique institution, which is officially established by Article 38 of the Federal Constitution, and is the only such institution in the world, according to the Malaysian National Library.

Malaysia is also the only country where the Rulers elect the King and his deputy every five years or when the positions fall vacant (either through death, resignation, or removal from office).

In between, the Rulers can also meet among themselves for special purposes to discuss matters of paramount importance – without the presence of the mentris besar, Chief Ministers and governors – as they did last week.

What is of public interest is Article 38 (6), that “the members of the Conference of Rulers may act in their discretion in any proceedings relating to the following functions, that is to say –

1. the election or removal from office of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong or the election of the Timbalan Yang di-Pertuan Agong;
2. the advising on any appointment;
3. The Yang di-Pertuan Agong shall be elected by the Conference of Rulers for a term of five years but may at any time resign from his office by writing in his hand addressed to the Conference of Rulers or be removed from office by the Conference of Rulers, and shall no longer hold office on ceasing to be a Ruler;
4. The provisions of Part I and III of the Third Schedule shall apply to the election and removal of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

In our history, Kings have died while in office, including the Yang di-Pertuan Besar of Negri Sembilan, Tuanku Abdul Rahman Tuanku Muhammad, who was installed as Malaysia’s first King on Sept 2, 1957. He died in office on April 1, 1960. All of us must know him as it is his portrait that is on all Malaysian ringgit notes.

The nation’s 11th Yang di-Pertuan Agong, Sultan Salahuddin Abdul Aziz Shah, also died in office. Sultan Salahuddin, who was then Sultan of Selangor, passed away in November 2001.

But it will be unprecedented if any King would step down midway, either on his own or by being removed by his fellow Rulers, as allowed under the Federal Constitution.

Under Articles 32 and 33, Part 1 of the Third Schedule, on the election of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong,

1. A Ruler is qualified to be elected King unless:

2. The Conference of Rulers shall offer the office of Yang di-Pertuan Agong to the Ruler qualified for election whose State is first on the election list described in section 4 (of the Federal Constitution) and, if he does not accept the office, to the Ruler whose State is next on the list, and so until a Ruler accepts the office.

In matters with such seriousness and deep ramifications, the Rulers would want to decide on the future of the institution on their own. Political leaders would have no say, and it will be up to them if they wish to keep to the tradition of convention in the unique rotational system or begin something unprecedented.

The Federal Constitution is clear – the Rulers have full discretion – “the election or removal from the office of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, or the election of the Timbalan Yang di-Pertuan Agong; The advising on any appointment.”

The events that will unfold over the coming weeks will be of national interest.

A comfortable number: PH may not command a two-third majority in Parliament but it does not need to worry as there is a new norm in Malaysia’s democracy – the electorate also wants a strong opposition.

NO matter how Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia leaders attempt to justify the defection of Umno lawmakers into the party, it still sounds unconvincing and hollow.

It’s even more incredible that Pakatan Harapan component leaders, who once frowned upon these political frogs – having previously been victims of such crossovers themselves – have attempted to bend their stand, casting their long-held principles to the wind, and are now peddling the move.

Yes, politics is a numbers game. Most of us aren’t naive, and we understand the need for PH to strengthen itself, except that, the PH government isn’t in danger of collapsing.

It doesn’t command a two-thirds majority in the Dewan Rakyat, but that is a new norm in today’s democracy as the electorate detests seeing an overwhelmingly strong government.

The PH government has been able to form the federal government with ease, without having to cut deals with any minority parties because it has a comfortable majority.

So, voters are now expected to believe that defection is also part of the democratic process – where people are free to join any party they like. This also means that party leaders are free to accept or reject any applications for memberships.

Bersatu has said that in the practice of democracy “we do not need to reject any parties wishing to join Pakatan Harapan, as it is not certain that they (former Umno leaders) will join Bersatu, as some may join Parti Warisan Sabah, or maybe PKR, Amanah or DAP.”

If it was the other way around, where PH component party MPs were to cross over to Barisan Nasional or PAS, it’s doubtful that such a line would be used. Instead, accusatory press statements of betrayals, violations of trust and integrity, and of course, being labelled frogs, will all be flying fast and furiously.

There is no doubt that MPs like Datuk Seri Mustapha Mohamad, with his impeccable record of national service, ministerial experience and integrity, is a gem to the PH. However, the same can’t be said about some of them, which is indicative of their imminent crossing over, or at least, their hopes to leap over.

Bersatu deputy president Datuk Seri Mukhriz Mahathir explained that the issue was not about strengthening the numbers in Bersatu, but it will be difficult to convince the majority of Malaysians.

As it stands, 17 MPs have resigned from Umno, which drastically reduced its number of MPs from 54 to 37. It’s a foregone conclusion that more will follow suit.

PKR has the single largest number of seats with 50, followed by DAP with 42. Some MPs have already been accepted into Bersatu, taking its MP count from 13 to 16.

So, it’s ironic that the component party with the least number of seats is holding the top government post of Prime Minister.

But let’s be honest, too – without Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, it remains a moot point whether PH would have won the general election.

Dr Mahathir was the glue that bound other component parties, and he pulled it off with aplomb.

Six months since the historic elections, and he has remained the most popular politician, a feat no one can match.

Those of us who lived through his 22 years of leadership can vouch that Dr Mahathir has become even more popular, and surely, more powerful than before.

Tired of the endless politicking in Malaysia, many Malaysians want him to lead the country for as long as he can, even though they know, deep in their hearts, that’s a tall order.

His successor will have to be one capable of holding the PH government together.

He has repeatedly said that he will pass the mantle to Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, and yet, there has been lingering speculation and doubt, if the latter will succeed.

Conspiracy theories exist, casting suspicion and creating imagined plots in their wake. Those with their own agendas, claiming close quarters with the powerful elites, obviously want their masters to stay on in power forever, or hope they ascend the throne soon.

It’s this company that Dr Mahathir and Anwar need to be wary of, as it could be detrimental.

Both are also old-school politicians. Dr Mahathir, after over 22 years, left the political stage upon retirement, and Anwar was incarcerated for 11 years, with three prison sentences.

The world has changed since their glory days. Dr Mahathir seems to still want to re-boot projects, including costly ones, such as the national car, when the world wants to rid cars from the roads. The crooked bridge between Malaysia and Singapore has also stuck its head in there.

We have returned to fighting with Singapore, like a bad video stuck on the ‘pause’ mode, except that VHS and the VCR have long vanished. We have also gone back to Looking East – which is really, just Look Japan.

The Japanese have the best civic culture of honesty, cleanliness and orderliness, which we must emulate, but the reality is that China has overtaken Japan, and many other nations in the economic stakes.

The world has changed – goes the narrative at the start of Marvel super hero movies.

Likewise, Anwar has plenty to catch up on, as many of his well-connected figures around the world have either retired or were disposed by their voters.

Malaysia itself has changed, and a new generation of leaders and voters has since surfaced, those who have never known these leaders of yore until the recent general election and Anwar’s release from jail.

The old formula, especially the political ones, is hard to stomach. And the frog culture is surely not cool at all.

These political dramas have sucked the wind out of us – the continuing violation of promises, and abrupt reversal of decisions.

Malaysians were promised a New Malaysia, with a new political culture, and new way of life, but the old bad ways are creeping back in, and derailing the reforms we need so badly.

“Political ethics,” which was a frequently used term by the new leaders when they were in the opposition, have given way to “compromise political deals,” with promises of carrots, for sure.

The year that comes to an end, 2018, has been one that brought hope, a refreshing air and optimism to Malaysians, and we hope the next year will bring us together to face the enormous challenges ahead.

It will be an economically-challenging 12 months, with nasty turbulence along the way. So, the last thing Malaysia needs is endless and meaningless politics. We have had enough of these antics and theatrics. So, buckle up for 2019!

The writer wishes Malaysians a Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year. He will take leave but be back next year.

Classy: The Islamic Arts Museum certainly fits the world class tag. Not only is the building beautifully designed, the exhibits are of the highest quality.

Class and culture can’t be bought at online malls or picked up from the nearest grocer, unfortunately. You either have it or you don’t. 

TAN Sri Syed Mokhtar Albukhary is probably one of the most reclusive tycoons in Malaysia. He rarely makes public appearances or gives press statements.

Those lucky enough to have met him will tell you that his favourite rendezvous point is either the meeting room of a hotel or the Islamic Arts Museum in Kuala Lumpur.

His meetings, which start late in the evening, are usually lined up until the wee hours of the morning, and while they involve government leaders, businessmen and his closest executives, he is just as at home entertaining them sitting in an ordinary coffee shop, sipping tea.

Most times, he is seen in long-sleeved batik shirts, simple pants and sandals.

Last week, he turned up at the museum – which he takes great pride in – to mark the institution’s 20th anniversary, an event graced by Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

Unknown to most guests, the timing couldn’t have been better, as the billionaire had celebrated his 67th birthday just days earlier.

The museum is the businessman, entrepreneur and philanthropist’s pride and joy. Even after all that he’s achieved, he still never tires of sharing his humble beginnings.

Born on Dec 12, 1951, in Kampung Hutan Keriang, Alor Setar, the third child of Syed Nor and Sharifah Rokiah became involved in his father’s cattle business while in school.

But an outbreak of hand, foot and mouth disease hit the family business hard, forcing Syed Mokhtar to abandon his studies a few months prior to completing Form Five, as his family couldn’t afford the examination fees.

Undaunted, and with money saved from working with his father, Syed Mokhtar ventured into business on his own.

While most Malaysians know him as a businessman, less is known about his philanthropic work. When Syed Mokhtar brought home his first salary of RM1,500 as a rice trader in 1974, his mother reminded him that while they lived a humble life, there were others in the community who were poorer. She encouraged him to keep half for the family and distribute the remaining RM750 to 15 needy families in their community.

Two decades later, in 1996, he founded the Albukhary Foundation and today, the museum remains its primary beneficiary.

I haven’t met a Malaysian businessman who would invest in a museum with so much gusto. Syed Mokhtar is truly an exception.

Most politicians use the phrase “world class” flippantly to describe a variety of things. They probably like the word, or would like to think of themselves as important in setting standards. Or worse, they just have unimaginative speech writers.

The words barely ring true in the end. Many so-called world class facilities, in the realm of politicians, have ended up disgraceful endeavours ailed by poor maintenance, either due to funding shortages or corruption.

Some institutions have only remained world class structures because those entrusted with overseeing them fail to realise that content matters, not just the buildings.

But the Islamic Arts Museum certainly fits the world class tag. Not only is the building beautifully designed, the exhibits are also of the highest quality.

Funded by the Albukhary Foundation, the Islamic Arts Museum earned the title of being the top museum in Malaysia and the 10th in Asia in 2014 in the TripAdvisor Travellers’ Choice awards for museums around the globe.

The awards honour top travel spots worldwide based on the number of reviews received from TripAdvisor travellers to Asia, Europe, South America, South Pacific, Britain, the United States and Malaysia.

Award winners are determined using an algorithm that evaluates the quantity and quality of reviews for museums worldwide, collated over a 12-month period.

“Some of the world’s most significant cultural institutions are represented in the Travellers’ Choice museums, thanks to the feedback shared by millions of travellers around the world,” said TripAdvisor chief marketing officer, Barbara Messing, in a statement.

Featuring some of the world’s finest art, scientific discoveries and historical events, these world-class attractions offer both educational and enriching experiences, Messing said.

The Museum of Qin Terracotta Warriors and Horses, Shaanxi, China; Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum, Phnom Penh, Cambodia; and Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum, Hiroshima, Japan, were the top three museums in Asia.

Curiously, in all my visits to the Islamic Arts Museum, I have seen more Western visitors than Malaysians, many of whom are drawn to the information about the exhibits. The museum houses 7,000 artefacts, so reading everything is clearly a painstaking and time-consuming process.

It was opened on Dec 12, 1998 – on Syed Mokhtar’s birthday.

It’s a high point, not just for the museum, but also for Malaysia. The Albukhary Foundation is currently financially supporting a gallery of the Islamic world at the prestigious British Museum in London and is finding itself a permanent feature there.

A large inscribed panel at the entrance of the exhibition relays how the foundation has been promoting goodwill through education and cultural heritage for the past 40 years.

True to the foundation’s spirit, it has always stressed that it has been “promoting scholarships for Muslims and non-Muslims alike” and aspires to “bridge further understanding between cultures and faiths”.

At the museum’s anniversary celebrations on Friday, the tone of moderation and understanding permeated the venue, and certainly, it is reflections like these that Malaysia desperately needs at this point.

It was a joy to see a multiracial crowd of Malaysians thronging the place and feeling comfortable in an Islamic museum.

While the most popular portion of the museum is where the famous mosques of the world are presented in miniature form, the section on Islam in China is surely one of the highlights of any visit.

This area shows how Chinese and Islamic influences merged to produce some exquisite artworks, including cloisonne wares and calligraphic scrolls.

Donating is always the easier option, but to put up a truly world class Islamic museum, with thousands of artefacts, and maintaining regular publications on the arts takes some doing.

Add the emphasis on multiethnic influences of Islam and not merely Arabic, now that’s a remarkable feat.

PAS president Datuk Seri Hadi Awang addressing the crowd at the Icerd rally in Kuala Lumpur on Saturday.

MALAYSIANS are a very strange lot. Not all of us, mind you, but a big portion of us seem to find it easy to contradict our own behaviour and thoughts.

It’s like some form of dissociative identity disorder. While that is exaggerating a little, it’s at least a milder version of the condition, which, scarily, slips in without us even knowing it.

It’s like we suffer from a multiple personality disorder because of complex psychological conditions, which disconnects us from our thoughts, memories, actions, feelings or sense of identity.

Those of us who outright reject blame on mental health reasons accuse us of hypocrisy.

Take, for example, how when Malaysians travel overseas, we proudly declare our nationality, even when damning news about the nation has us cringing in embarrassment.

By now, most foreigners also think there is no retirement age in Malaysia.

We must explain that the rules don’t apply to legislators since they make the laws, and that there will only be one 93-year-old who can be a Prime Minister – twice.

We fill up immigration forms without a second thought. Nationality – Malaysian. That’s it! And when we bump into fellow citizens overseas, we break into smiles because we feel a sense of camaraderie among us as fellow Malaysians.

From our conversations, be they in Bahasa Malaysia, English or some Chinese dialect, we can quickly suss out the Malaysians in the crowd, and we feel pleased that we are together in a foreign land.

But the minute we are back in Malaysia, there are those of us who seem to transform, as if possessed and controlled by a demon. Suddenly, we are no longer Malaysian first.

We are Malay, Chinese or Indian first, or Muslim, Buddhist, Christian or Hindu first.

It doesn’t help in Malaysia – strangely, nowadays, even more than six decades after independence – we are asked to state our race and religion when filling up forms.

In most developed countries, it’s an offence for any employer or government to ask a potential employee or a citizen to state his or her race, religion or even gender, as it’s regarded as an intrusion into a person’s privacy.

But no, not in Malaysia. We are still required to state our religion and race because these statistics apparently assist the government in carrying out various programmes.

Of course, we can all agree on being devout and pure Malaysians during National Day celebrations, and especially during sports events.

When our national football team or badminton hero Datuk Lee Chong Wei plays, we’re all swept up by the hysteria of patriotism.

And, honestly, why do we put up with politicians who have pretty much looted the country and incited racial hatred to save their own skins, and who now have the audacity to put on straight faces and claim they are doing so in the name of the race and religion?

None of them gave a second thought to race and religion when they stole the people’s money, so it must be shocking that huge numbers of people still actually believe in this political/religious propaganda.

But despite our racist and religious biases, we barely complain when enjoying public holidays on the auspicious days of various faiths in this country.

That glut of off days earns us the reputation for being one of the countries with the most public holidays.

For the first time now, we heard Kelantan declared today a public holiday to boost attendance at the protest against the implementation of the Inter-national Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (Icerd) in the federal capital yesterday.

We have heard of cuti sakit (medical leave), cuti kahwin (marriage leave), cuti bersalin (maternity leave), and we now have cuti protes (leave to protest).

I’m sure many of us are curious how the state government could have reached this decision.

The question that begs to be asked is, does a person’s race, religion or gender matter if the person is competent, able and carries out his or her responsibilities with integrity? The answer is “no”.

What we have seen in Malaysia is that those who have created the loudest racket about race and religion are the ones who have been charged with draining the country’s wealth, which is ironic. And the size of the anti-Icred rally yesterday proves that race and religion still make handy weapons.

It also doesn’t stop those who whip out the race and religion cards from targeting their fellow Malaysians, from instilling fear that the Malays are in danger of losing their rightful and privileged places.

While this is all pure fiction, it is necessary that moderate and rational Malay leaders convince their community about what the Icerd is all about, particularly since other Muslim countries have ratified it.

The federal government’s booboo was announcing its intention to ratify it before gathering consensus and building confidence was done.

This allowed the government’s political opponents – Umno and PAS – to attack Pakatan Harapan. And whether we like it or not, these two parties are doing what they ought to as the Opposition.

It is also their right to stage a protest rally, an entitlement in any form of democracy.

And the organisers of the anti-Icerd protest must be commended for the orderly and peaceful gathering.

It was a huge and impressive turn out, and they exercised their democratic rights.

And lo and behold, those in the government who asked them to stop the rally, were themselves embroiled in illegal street protests previously.

And, of course, these former ministers now on the Opposition bench, used to criticise street protests, saying it disrupted businesses and contributed to millions of ringgit lost, and that such demonstrations should be confined to stadiums.

All this reasoning is now conveniently forgotten.

Many PH supporters, who used to take part in Bersih protests, have also questioned the need for demonstrations, saying they trigger fear and public disruption.

So there you go. In Malaysia, we suffer from many health concerns, not just diabetes and obesity, which is among the highest in the world, but also, mental disorders.

Political amnesia must rank highly for many of us, and we must be wondering how in an increasingly religious Malaysia, up until last year, corruption was running riot.

Surely a country that is so fearful of God, would not be so sinful.

Many things make little sense in Malaysia, but we still love this place because there is never a dull day.

IF we were to believe the hype whipped up by some politicians following the formation of the new government, the Malays in our country are in danger of losing everything.

Planting fear and, using race and religion, has always been an effective emotional political weapon.

Throw in threats of racial riots and soon, the temperature shoots up. It doesn’t help when counter arguments come in the form of equally distasteful racist remarks.

These shenanigans usually only involve a handful of desperate politicians, likely the ones who lost in the general election, or are being investigated for corruption. Then there are some very loud co-operatives – presumably paid – who amplify their voices through social media.

Only the ignorant would believe the incredible claims made up by these politicians.

In Malaysia, almost all the institutions are dominated by Malays, including the civil service, police, army and the government. Just take a cursory look at the racial makeup of the Members of Parliament and senators at the Dewan Rakyat and Dewan Negara.

Of the country’s 30 million-plus population, more than 60% are Malays, and those numbers will continue to grow while that of the Chinese and Indians keep shrinking.

The Chinese population in Malaysia has consistently been declining from the early days of independence, from 37.6 % in 1957 to 24.6% in 2010, and 21.4% in 2015, due to a lower birth rate as well as a high level of emigration in recent decades.

According to a news report in 2016, by 2030, the number of Chinese – the second largest ethnic group after the Malays – in Malaysia will drop to third place after the bumiputra and foreign migrant workers.

A huge dip in the birth rate of the Chinese to 1.4 babies per family in 2015 from 7.4 in 1957 and a sharp rise in the numbers of foreign workers, are now threatening the Chinese’ position as the second largest grouping in Malaysia.

The report, quoting projected data from the Department of Statistics, said the population percentage of local ethnic Chinese will shrink to 19.6% in 2030, from 24.6% in 2010 and 21.4% in 2015.

The Chinese percentage is also projected to fall further to 18.9% in 2035.

In the report, Chief Statistician Datuk Dr Hasan Abdul Rahman said that although the Chinese population will increase to 7.1 million people in 2040 from 6.6 million now, the percentage compared to the Malays and Indians might decline to 18.4% in 2040.

In terms of numbers, the other two ethnic groups are projected to rise, with the bumiputra outdoing everyone else.

The bumiputra population is anticipated to increase from 19.2 million in 2015 to 26 million by 2040, and Indians from two million to 2.3 million.

The bumiputra population is anticipated to increase from 61.8% to 67.5%, and Indians from 5.5% to 6.4%.

This huge Malay demographic simply means that the Malay electorate will be significantly broad.

Looking at the country’s 1.6 million-strong civil service, Bernama reported in 2016 of then Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Shahidan Kassim saying that as of December 2014, the ethnic composition of the civil service was as follows: 78.8% Malays, Bumiputera Sabah (6.1%), Bumiputera Sarawak (4.8 %), Chinese (5.2 %), Indians (4.1 %), Other Bumiputera (0.3%) and Others (0.7%).

In the case of the powerful police force, then Home Minister Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi said in 2016 that the police needed more non-Malays to enlist as they currently make up only 5% of the 133,212-strong force.

“Of the total, 80.23% (106,871) are Malays, while Chinese make up only 1.96% (2,615), Indians 3.16% (4,209), Punjabis 0.21% (275) and others 14.44% (19,242),” he told Parliament.

The Malaysian Army, Royal Malaysian Navy and Royal Malaysian Air Force are also overwhelmingly populated by Malays. According to a news report, the Malaysian army comprises 98.3% Malays and 0.2% Chinese with officers making up 96.2%, out of which 1.4% are Chinese.

That’s a far cry from the pre-independence days when the police, especially, had a decent number of Chinese, which was instrumental in our successful thwarting of the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM) insurgents and urban terrorists.

It was the infiltration of these Chinese policemen into the CPM, with the many dangerous and highly classified covert operations of the police Special Branch and military intelligence, which defeated the CPM.

From the 1960s to the late 1970s, non-Malay armed forces personnel comprised about 30% of the total manpower while the navy and air force, excluding the army, had a higher percentage. Over the years, this figure gradually dropped to the current 5%.

Certainly, no one is blaming the government for this situation since it has openly encouraged non-Malays to join.

The responsibility of defending the country and the people should be shared by all Malaysians, so, it would be terribly unfair if this mammoth burden is only shouldered by the Malays. However, a combination of factors, including perceived low chances of promotion, has deterred many non-Malays from joining the ranks.

Despite the tiny representation of the non-Malays in the services, especially the police, the men and women in uniform have performed professionally.

Non-Malays feel secure and protected, even in the wake of incidents involving Malay attackers, and this must be remembered.

And in the case of the economy, despite the large number of Chinese businessmen who continue to be listed among Malaysia’s richest, it has long been acknowledged that the Malays are now firmly in control of major banks, government-linked companies (GLCs) and top posts in the private sector.

According to Prof Dr Terence Gomez, the GLCs hold sway over some RM1 trillion ($333 billion) worth of investments. According to his research, the seven GLCs control 35 of the top 100 listed companies in Malaysia, whose combined market capitalisation accounts for 42% of the market cap of all the listed companies on Bursa Malaysia.

Many of these companies operate in key sectors of the economy, such as utilities, infrastructure, property and telecommunications. For example, some of MoF Inc’s key assets and investments include Petroliam Nasional Bhd, Khazanah Nasional, UDA Holdings Bhd, Keretapi Tanah Melayu Bhd, MRT Corp Sdn Bhd, Syarikat Prasarana Negara Bhd, SRC International Sdn Bhd as well as several development financial institutions. Khazanah Nasional’s investments include CIMB Group Bhd, UEM Group Bhd, PLUS Malaysia Bhd, Iskandar Investment Bhd, Tenaga Nasional Bhd, Axiata Group Bhd, Telekom Malaysia Bhd, TIME dotCom Bhd, IHH Healthcare Bhd, Astro Malaysia Holdings Bhd, Malaysia Airports Holdings and Malaysia Airlines Bhd.

But while these Malays, on the surface at least, seem to be enjoying power and high income from government-linked companies, many ordinary Malays in the rural and urban areas, sadly, still struggle daily.

The years of affirmative action have created a broad base of the middle class, which is crucial and essential for a stable Malaysia, but many of the effects have not fully trickled down to the destitute.

It’s these Malays who need help the most, and surely, they are the most deserving, too, but wealth has been plundered and looted by corrupt politicians who are now preaching the politics of hatred to their audience.

Cut off from the access of rational and sound arguments in Bahasa Malaysia, the rhetoric of race and religion has found faithful listeners who buy into their bluff of Malays being threatened and in danger of losing their rights in the country, a privilege belonging to them solely, and no other Malaysians.

Having a Finance Minister of Chinese ethnicity and an Attorney General of Indian origin are enough to trigger fears, never mind the fact that the government machinery is entirely Malay. And suddenly, ICERD has taken over 1MDB as the prime issue of the country.

Never mind if their listeners can’t even pronounce the acronym and are largely clueless to what it’s all about, but for some reason, they seem convinced it takes away Malay rights and Islam.

Politicians in this country, including those in power now, are no angels, although they would like to be viewed as the new breed of Malaysian politicians supposedly blind to race.

Many have used the race and religion card themselves, even staging massive protests, but are now criticising the opposition for the same thing. It’s a classic case of the pot calling the kettle black.

In some ways, some of our new ministers have also failed to handle the civil service well, given the crass way they have dealt with the more experienced and knowledgeable senior government officers.

Instead of winning them over – as they, too, settle into the new political dynamic and culture – some inexperienced ministers, with their new-found power and authority, ignore their advice.

Malaysia has been drained of copious amounts of money as a result of looting, so, we really have no time for any hysterics, as we need to get back to the economy race and lift our heads high again.