Author Archives: wcw

Proton drives the country to a higher level


Proton’s e.Mas 7 electric vehicles at the company’s plant in Tanjung Malim, Perak, Malaysia. — PHOTO: BLOOMBERG

IT’S an exciting time to be in Tanjung Malim, a town in Perak, which is actually nearer to Kuala Lumpur than Ipoh as it is only 70 km north of Kuala Lumpur and 120 km south of Ipoh.

Once a sleepy town, which most motorists using the North-South Expressway would just pass by without entering, Tanjung Malim has become too important to ignore.

It is now known as the Proton City, with commercial and residential activities, spread over 16 km and the home of the multi-million ringgit Proton manufacturing plant.

The national car, under the then Proton Holdings Bhd, was once near collapse as its losses ran into billions of ringgit over the years preceding 2016 due to high operating costs, declining market share and a lack of research and development.

But the change began when DRB-Hicom Bhd and China’s Zhejiang Geely Holding Group took over Proton in 2017.

They transformed the struggling national car project into a profitable entity on a growth trajectory, driven by advanced technology and improved models with increased market share.

Now, DRB-Hicom and Geely are taking Tanjung Malim to a new level with the creation of the Automotive High Tech Valley (AHTV) as its global strategic hub – the first outside China.

Both have signed a master collaboration agreement that sets forth the principles, framework and mutual commitment for AHTV.

Total investment from Proton, Geely, DRB-Hicom and the future foreign direct investors is estimated at RM32bil over 10 years to develop AHTV into Malaysia’s right-hand-drive export hub, producing vehicles not only for Proton and other Geely brands but also other original equipment manufacturers.

The AHTV has been classified as a “high impact major project” under the 13th Malaysia Plan (2026 to 2030) with the aim of making Proton City an automotive hub for the Asean region.

The focus will not just be on production but also in the manufacturing of high technology components and parts for New Energy Vehicles as well as NxGV or Next Generation Vehicles.

Malaysians can expect many ground breaking events to take place in the coming years.

Last December, Proton’s new electric vehicle (EV) was launched by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim with the first locally made Proton e.MAS 7 expected to be rolled out from the new Proton EV factory by November this year and to be followed by the more affordable e.MAS 5.

The ground breaking of the new RM82mil EV factory, which sits on a 2.25 ha site within the Proton complex, has a first phase initial capacity of 20,000 units per annum.

The concept of the AHTV has been created to propel Malaysia’s competitiveness in the automotive industry to improve competitiveness of local vendors through collaboration or joint-venture with overseas vendors.

The creation of the AHTV is in line with the National Automotive Policy 2020 and National Industry Master Plan 2030, National Energy Transition Roadmap and Low Carbon Mobility Blueprint.

Proton now plans to fully relocate from Shah Alam to Tanjung Malim by 2027.

DRB-Hicom group managing director Tan Sri Syed Faisal Albar Syed Ali Rethza Albar said: “The total Proton staff is around 8,000 with 4,000 each in Shah Alam and Tanjung Malim respectively but by 2027, Proton will relocate entirely to Tanjung Malim, save for some management staff.”

The expectation that over 8,000 workers will be based in Tanjung Malim along with their families will surely reshape the town.

The relocation will reduce operational costs, optimise efficiency and help to increase production capacity at the Tanjong Malim plant for greater economic scale.

This plant is not only a production site – it’s also seen as a strategic investment to advance green technology in the local automotive sector, creating over 3,000 jobs in Tanjung Malim.

As of 2024, about 20 vendors, both local and foreign, are operating there to support Proton’s manufacturing.

Proton is moving in the right partnership with Geely via the AHTV as the former wants to leverage on the advancement of the automotive industry in China through Geely with its high tech features, new energy vehicles and global premium brands under their wing such as Zeekr, Lynk and Co, Polestar and Smart, amongst others.

It’s a big deal that Geely has chosen Tanjung Malim as its Global Strategic Hub as the spillover impact would be tremendous, including developing public amenities for a growing population, gas pipeline for vendors, 5G connectivity for advanced manufacturers, new connectivity and possibly a railway hub for logistic support and a new North-South Expressway interchange to Tanjung Malim and, an expansion of Federal Route 1.

For the community in Tanjung Malim, a private English medium primary school has opened since March 2024 for the benefit of the expatriates and their families working there as well as a golf range and a bowling centre.

A private hospital, international school, technical training institute and hotel are in the development plans.

AHTV also wants to target top global vendors to set-up facilities in AHTV and to attract original equipment manufacturers (OEMs) there as a manufacturing hub for their own export markets.

All these are being planned and expected to be executed over the next six years.

From 2030 onwards, AHTV hopes to enhance research and development capabilities in Malaysia as well as to set up a national automotive testing centre, a vehicle testing centre and possibly an automotive museum.

Once fully developed, AHTV could potentially produce up to 500,000 vehicles annually, with 50% targeted for export. Component production is also projected to support one million vehicles by 2035.

For the long term, the development is projected to generate between 160,000 and 370,000 job opportunities, which will include the production of microchips and core component production in batteries, autonomous technologies and automotive artificial intelligence, cybersecurity, and advanced connectivity.

AHTV will shape the production of the national car to a new milestone as it was established to create an automotive system in Malaysia. It was not merely to produce the Proton cars but aims of a larger plan.

An ecosystem to manufacture a car is important, without which it will be difficult to assemble foreign cars in Malaysia.

At the same time, the multiplier effects on the economy must improve to benefit Malaysians at different levels.

But there has to be some reality checks too.

After many years of having a solid ecosystem, Malaysia’s total automotive exports is still low at 3% whereas Thailand is at 50% and Indonesia at 37%.

Yet, Malaysia is the biggest passenger car market in Asean and has the highest car ownership rate among Asean countries with 490 units per 1,000 population.

This is why DRB-Hicom, Proton and Geely want to build the AHTV; taking advantage of economies of scale from Proton and Geely’s influence in bringing global top-tier vendors to set-up shop there.

The intention is to create a vibrant hub for other OEMs to take advantage of the AHTV’s ecosystem which can naturally start with Geely producing their branded vehicles in Tanjung Malim.

Geely brands include Volvo, Zeekr, Lynk & Co, Geometry C, Radar, Emgrand, Smart, Farizon, London Electric Vehicle Company, Polestar and Lotus, among others.

In short, AHTV aims to increase its automobile production volume, export volume, upgrade local vendor capabilities in new technology areas and competitiveness while creating Malaysia as a new energy vehicle and NxGV hub for the benefit of Malaysia and the region.

As we celebrate Malaysia Day, we can certainly take pride that Proton, the national car, is in healthy shape with the support of its Chinese partner and is now poised to take the industry to a higher level.

Vision is good, but not wild dreams


Practical purpose: Penang’s LRT service is expected to connect the island’s 1.8 million residents to the million others on the mainland and vice-versa, as seen in the artist impression of its Mutiara Line project. — CHAN BOON KAI/The Star

IT is understandable for elected representatives to ask state and federal governments for projects that can bring high impact value for their constituents.

However, that does not mean these lawmakers can simply ask and expect these requests to be met, especially if these infrastructure projects are hugely costly.

In recent weeks, two proposals have grabbed headlines: Perlis Mentri Besar Mohd Shukri Ramli calling for the setting up of an airport in Chuping, Padang Besar, by 2040; and Langkawi MP Datuk Mohd Suhaimi Abdullah asking for a light rail transit (LRT) system on the island.

Both ideas may sound impressive at first glance – symbols of ambition and development – but a deeper look reveals a troubling disconnect from economic realities and public interest.

Let’s start with Perlis. To be fair, the MB proposed the airport to be ready only in 16 years’ time.

He was not asking for one in the immediate future.

The facility is aimed at serving tourists and travellers from Thailand as the state believes it has to accommodate future air needs as well as boost investor confidence, the Mentri Besar claimed.

But Perlis is Malaysia’s smallest state by both area and population – it is home to just over 250,000 people, although the size of the population may increase within a decade.

The reality is that Perlis is only an hour’s drive from the Sultan Abdul Halim Airport in Alor Setar.

Building a new airport in this context is, at best, redundant. At worst, it’s a gross misallocation of public resources.

Airports require long-term financial commitments, including sustained operational funding for costs such as security, maintenance, staffing, and environmental management.

Unless there is compelling evidence of unmet demand for air travel – be it from tourism, business, or cargo – building an airport in Perlis is akin to building a stadium in a town without a team, as one report said.

It would help if the PAS lawmaker could justify the proposal with compelling facts and figures.

Then there’s Langkawi. The Bersatu MP’s proposal for an LRT system might sound practical, especially since the island’s traffic congestion is a pressing issue.

But let’s not forget: Langkawi is a small island with a population of under 100,000.

In 2023, Langkawi welcomed 2.82 million visitors and they certainly used the roads.

Langkawi remains a tourist destination, not a metropolitan hub.

What it needs is smarter, sustainable mobility – not a billion-ringgit rail system that will see more empty carriages than actual commuters.

In contrast, the population of Penang is about 1.8 million with a huge number living on the island.

About 800,000 people live in the urban areas of George Town alone and the broader Greater Penang metropolitan area – which includes southern Kedah and northern Perak – has around 2.6 million residents, according to reports.

The Mutiara LRT, a 24-station light rail transit system, will be coming up in Penang with a 29.5km line that will connect George Town city centre with its southern suburbs of Jelutong, Gelugor, and Bayan Lepas and eventually with a link towards Seberang Prai across the Penang Strait.

According to reports, the estimated cost is capped at about RM16bil to RM17bil as of July 2025, mostly from market conditions such as land acquisitions, since 2016.

To put it simply, Langkawi does not have the number of passengers to justify the building of an LRT. Maybe a city tram but certainly not an LRT line.

Effective public transportation must be tailored to actual needs.

Langkawi deserves improved bus routes, more frequent ferry services, and ecofriendly shuttle systems that would provide far greater returns on investment.

LRT systems, however, are necessary only in dense urban environments with high daily ridership.

Langkawi, with its sprawling resorts and modest resident population, simply does not fit that bill.

Again, the Langkawi MP was speaking with no data-driven details to back his idea.

He may have appealed to his voters but to many Malaysians, it sounded like he did not do his homework. Did he do feasibility studies and look at the return on investments (even granted that most LRT systems around the world take a long time to recoup the initial investment, if ever)?

The most important fact, though, is this: LRT systems are meant for cities with large populations to reduce road congestion.

It is acceptable for our lawmakers to have vision but we also need leadership that is grounded in data, sensitive to local needs, and committed to spending public money responsibly.

Vision is important but it must be matched with pragmatism.

There is little point in having airports which are empty as no airline wants to fly there because the volume is too small, or empty LRT stations because there is insufficient ridership.

The Kedah government, meanwhile, has been pushing for an international airport in Kulim although the Penang International Airport is merely an hour away by road.

The state PAS government hasn’t been able to convince many people that an airport in Kulim will complement the Penang airport. Having an airport in Ipoh isn’t going to excite anyone either.

As the Free Malaysia Today news portal said, with one each in Kulim, Penang and Ipoh, it would mean three airports over a distance of less than 150km.

If there is any airport that deserves an immediate upgrade, it is the Tawau Airport in Sabah, which is bursting at its seams.

In 2024, it ranked as the eighth busiest in Malaysia, handling close to over two million passengers, including many tourists from China who use the airport to travel to nearby Semporna.


It is good to hear that the Transport Ministry has begun plans to upgrade the airport.

Semporna, the gateway to the Mabul and Sipadan islands, needs a massive cleanup as it is embarrassingly dirty, with almost zero decent facilities, including clean toilets at the pier – but that’s another story.

With Visit Malaysia 2026 taking off soon, let’s focus on projects that need immediate attention instead of dreaming of grandiose projects such as airports. No runaway dreams, please.

The innocent must be protected


The woman who attempted to attack the Sultan of Perak, Sultan Nazrin Shah, on the grandstand during the state-level National Day parade last week being remanded at a police station in Ipoh. — Bernama

AS a trainee reporter at the news desk of The Star’s Penang bureau, I was expected to pick up the requirements of the trade in every section, with the first three beats being the courts, hospitals, and police stations.

I had to learn basic legal reporting, beginning with the Magistrate’s Courts before working my way up to the higher courts.

I had to persuade the prose-cuting officers to let me look at the piles of charge sheets, and be able to correctly use terms like defen-dants, prosecutors, counsel (never counsels when referring to lawyers, the editor would bellow), remand, summoned, detained, arrested, injunction, sentences, and appeals, among others.

At the police stations, there were daily briefings, usually by the officer in charge of the police district (OCPD), on the interesting crime cases of the day. But the real excitement was when actual crime broke out, especially robberies, and we could rush to crime scenes.

Now this is where all of us were taught the sacred rule: Our news reports must not mention the race of perpetrators and victims, especially in rape and murder cases, to avoid fanning racial tensions.

The mainstream media has always done this and will continue to do it to prevent racial profiling and maintain social harmony in a multiracial society.

Most mainstream Malaysian media outlets follow these editorial guidelines that advise against including race unless it is specifically relevant to the context of the story.

In investigation reports filed by the police constables, the details such as name, age, address, and race of the suspects are mentioned for investigation purposes but never for publication.

But social media has ignored all these rules. It has become common to see police reports with these details going viral.

Worse, assumptions are made and rumours pushed on online platforms to whip up racial tensions.

When race is mentioned in crime stories, it could reinforce negative stereotypes about certain communities, lead to misinformed generalisations, and stir public resentment or distrust between races.

It is highly regrettable then that Perak PAS assemblyman Hafez Sabri would not even apologise like a true gentleman with genuine remorse after having wrongly claimed on his Facebook page that a Chinese woman had lunged at His Royal Highness Sultan Nazrin Muizzuddin Shah during a National Day celebration in Perak.

The woman, later revealed to be Malay, is said to have a history of psychiatric treatment and drug- related cases, and had reportedly tried to hug HRH on stage but was immediately restrained by security officers.

In his clarification, the Manjoi assemblyman insisted he was acting out of pure love for the Sultan when he rushed to Facebook with the “breach of security” alert.

According to news reports, he claimed his “only mistake” was trusting an “early source” who fingered the wrong ethnicity. He insisted that he corrected the error within minutes.

But anyone who read his lengthy statement could only conclude he was still using the blame game narrative, with fingers pointed at “irresponsible, malicious actors and people with bad intentions”.

His “apology” lacked remorse and gave the impression that he was more interested in getting out of the tight spot caused by his huge blunder, and he offered no explanation for why he had to mention race. Worse, it was an admission that he jumped on rumours and gave no serious thought to his words, which could inflame racial tensions.

This PAS state lawmaker has not learned from the mistake of Kepala Batas PAS MP Siti Mastura Muhammad, who lost a defama-tion case brought by DAP leaders Lim Kit Siang, Lim Guan Eng, and Teresa Kok. She had made claims linking them to the late Com-munist Party of Malaya leader Chin Peng.

The High Court, which ordered Siti Mastura to pay hefty damages to each of the three for her remarks during a 2023 speech in Kemaman, Terengganu, which was circulated on social media, described her claims as defamatory, baseless, and reckless.

Although the general elections is still two years away, Malaysians would have noticed the huge number of racial postings on social media.

Whether the resentment is manufactured or otherwise, there are many who have blatantly ignored the rules on race, religion, and royalty with their racist postings.

As lawmakers, we would expect them to be more responsible about their statements and actions. Instead, they have opted to fan racial elements – even if it is concerted lies or just hearsay – to win the support of their community while trying to portray themselves as religious personalities.

The Malaysia Communications and Multimedia Commission must be commended for its swift action. It has reportedly hauled up Hafez, who is also the PAS Youth deputy chief, and three others.

The three had their statements recorded for “false and racially charged” social postings over the incident.

Surely these PAS leaders do not expect the majority of Malaysians to vote them into power, although they like to think they are the government in waiting.

That brings us to the next lesson: We now have influencers who think that everyone can be a journalist.

Many do not realise that it is a widely followed practice not to name suspects until they are formally charged in courts.

There are no laws governing this, and in fact the media has named suspects occasionally, especially well-known personalities, for the sake of public interest, but those arrested need not necessarily be the culprits – that’s why they are called suspects.

However, there are strict laws when it comes to the young. It is legally prohibited to name minors implicated in crimes. It’s not because the media and government want to protect them or their elders, as many ignorant netizens implied in the Zara Qairina Mahathir case.

Exploring rocket town Hainan, China’s gateway to space


The writer at the lobby of Hilton Wenchang where models of Chinese rockets were set up for sale. — Photos: FLORENCE TEH

A call from a Beijing-based Chinese journalist friend came suggesting I should make a quick trip to Hainan, China’s southernmost island province, to watch a rocket launch.

“Hainan is just a few hours away from Kuala Lumpur, so here’s your chance to see a real rocket blast. You don’t have to travel all the way to the United States or Russia to see this,’’ he said.

The only problem was that he could not give me the exact date of the lift off as he couldn’t find the details. He apologised and said that the Chinese authorities were often secretive of such information and that the best way to find out was to call up the hotels by the beach, facing the Wenchang space launch site.

When I approached my local travel agent, she was of no help as she had no idea there were rocket ascents in Hainan, but she did promise to call her Hainan counterpart.

A few days later, the agent called back to say that most of the launch crew had made bookings for a week at the Hilton Wenchang.

“It is most likely that during that one week, the rocket would be launched. You just have to take your chances,’’ the agent said.

Now, there was no way I could book a room there for a week, as the rates had gone up by quite a bit during that period, so an urgent call was made to Beijing again.

More calls and WeChat messages were exchanged and soon, it was narrowed down to three possible dates, with the launch time likely to be at 8.30pm.

That seemed reasonable as I would be able to explore Hainan – dubbed the “Hawaii of China” as it is well-known for its palm-fringed beaches, coconut groves, and luxury resorts – during the day and be back at the hotel in the evenings.

Hainan has long been a destination for vacationers seeking sun, sea, and serenity with its white sand coastlines and subtropical forests.

But unknown to the world, except in China, Hainan is actually fast gaining a reputation as a world-class spaceport, with space tourism as one of its main products.

My wife and I arrived in Hainan via AirAsia, which flies direct from KLIA Terminal 2, hoping to see the countdowns and launch pads.

“You must get a balcony room with a beach view, and just watch the awesome sights and sounds from the room. It will be the best view. That way, you don’t have to jostle with the crowds who will gather at the public beach,’’ my reporter friend reminded me.


White beaches, palm trees and the rocket launch pad. A perfect view from the balcony of Wenchang Hilton in Hainan, China.

To ensure my dates were when the launch was “most likely to happen”, he doubled-checked with his colleagues in the Hainan bureau, and they assured him that it was on and that “it will happen”.

The Wenchang Space Launch Centre, operational since 2016, is the only coastal launch site in China. Most launches take place in desert sites.

The Hainan location allows for the launch of the country’s largest and heaviest rockets – like the Long March 5, which carries modules for China’s Tiangong Space Station and deep-space missions to the Moon and Mars.

Unlike many space facilities around the world, Wenchang’s launch pads are remarkably accessible.

There’s a public beach that’s just a short walk away from the main launch site, where curious onlookers and local families gather to watch the countdowns, to hear the engines roar to life, and to see the rockets pierce through the sky in dazzling displays.

The anticipated day finally came. Roads were sealed. Only vehicles ferrying registered hotel guests were allowed entry into the hotel area.

Space workers in their uniforms were seen walking around the lobby and restaurants. My wife, who speaks Mandarin, asked if the launch would happen. Their lips were sealed but they sportingly smiled and nodded their heads.


The rocket lift-off event at Wenchang, as seen from the writer’s hotel balcony.

The hotel had set up a counter selling miniature rockets, badges and other souvenirs, which was another sign that the launch was on.

There were rocket models in the lobby, and the afternoon tea served cakes and other sweet treats in the shape of astronauts and spacecrafts, though for a pricey RM200.

By 2pm, locals arrived at the public beach with folding chairs and picnic baskets, turning the shoreline into a festive arena. Children waved flags and tourists scrambled for the best camera angles.

Finally, on Aug 22 at 8.25pm, I looked at the balconies next to our room and saw that they were already filled with guests.

Then, the countdown began. When it hit zero, a thunderous roar filled the air. The rocket lifted slowly at first, then accelerated into the clouds, leaving behind a huge column of fire and a trail of awestruck gasps.

It was loud and hot, yet completely unforgettable. I couldn’t believe how close we were to seeing it all. There was no need for binoculars or distant observation decks.

What I also found unbelievable was that there was only a short mention of the launch on the local TV news channel that evening.

One of the hotel restaurant workers, a local, shrugged at my excitement, saying the rocket launches were mainly satellites by the private sector, and that these take place every few months.

A check online indeed showed three launches this year and many locals were no longer excited about these events, “except for the out-of-town local tourists”. My wife and I were the only foreign guests at the hotel.


The writer with his wife, Datin Seri Florence Teh at the Aeronautics City in Hainan.

A record was set between July 30 and Aug 4, when “two launches were carried out within five days”, according to reports.

One big attraction that awaits public opening is the Hainan Science Museum, also called the Hainan Science and Technology Museum, in Haikou. Here, there are galleries within the futuristic six-storey building displaying space technology, ocean science, and mathematics, as well as a few interactive zones.

The design of the building resembles an “updraft” (rising warm air current), with fluid, cloud-like shapes, inspired by Hainan’s tropical rainforests and futurism, according to news reports.

But for now, tourists only have the Astronautics City to visit, which is a modest museum but decent enough.

Since we were already in Wenchang, a quiet “rocket town”, we had to try its Wenchang chicken, a dish so famous it inspired the Malaysian favourite, Hainanese chicken rice.

My verdict? Well, we may be light years behind China in terms of rocket science but as a consolation, our Hainanese chicken rice is way, way better!

The steamed chicken in Hainan is tough as they are free-range chickens. They do not have our chilli sauce as a condiment nor do they use thick caramel soy sauce. The steamed chicken is also pretty plain and dry, really.


One simply has to try the chicken rice in Hainan as that’s where it originated, but the writer still prefers Malaysian chicken rice.

What about durians in Hainan? No, it’s not going to happen for a long, long time as they still rely on imported Thai durians.

Haikou, the capital of Hainan, is also known for its Instagram-friendly colonial-era buildings at Qilou Old Street, reflecting both European and Chinese influences, and restaurants.

Further south, the more well-known resort cities like Sanya offer five-star luxury, snorkelling, and rainforest hikes.

But for Malaysians, all these will not really excite most of us… but seeing a rocket lift off in front of our eyes is definitely worth experiencing.

Hainan is just a little over three hours by flight from KL and not many realise that the place is geographically the closest Chinese province to Malaysia.


Haikou’s Qilou Old Street is a charming town with colonial-style buildings.

Street protests – a tale of two nations

WHEN it comes to protests, Indonesia and Malaysia, both nations with predominantly Muslim populations, have striking contrasts.

Both countries have seen large-scale public mobilisations in the past two decades, but the tone, tactics and outcomes of these movements differ significantly.

Many Malaysians have been following closely the protests in Jakarta and other cities which have turned ugly. It has degenerated into anarchy and deadly, with at least three deaths as I write this.

The buildings of the Dewan Perwakilan Indonesia (DPI) and those at regional levels are under siege while a police building in Jakarta has been set on fire.

The home of a House of Representative member, who had made an insensitive and arrogant remark, was ransacked by an angry mob. His luxury cars were damaged while looters took away his expensive watches and bags.

Police officers have been assaulted and their vehicles attacked in riots sparked after a 21-year-old ride share driver was run over by an armoured police vehicle.

The street anger is directed at two institutions — the DPI members and police. Both are accused of being corrupt and incompetent.

For Indonesians, the last straw was when the DPI gave themselves a hefty housing allowance and other perks, and it was an amount which the ordinary struggling Indonesian cannot imagine.

The representatives approved for themselves a steep increase of 50 million rupiah (RM12,900) per month in housing allowance – nearly 10 times the minimum wage in Jakarta.

That was not all. Other perks which angered the people included rice allowance reportedly at 12 million rupiah (RM3,000) a month for these politicians. Later though, lawmakers insisted it was only 200,000 rupiahs (RM52) a month.

Worse, DPI members were also filmed dancing away happily inside the august chamber following President Prabowo Subianto’s annual state address which was followed by light hearted musical performance by university students.

The timing was very bad. The frustrated public took the spontaneous dancing by many lawmakers as a celebration of the perks they received.

The dancing was regarded as “blatant privilege by tone deaf politicians” in the midst of national woes such as rising taxes, increased unemployment and soaring living costs.

The wanton display of wealth and lifestyle of these political elites also showed their detachment from social reality.

According to a report, quoting a private source analysis, the average monthly salary in Indonesia stood at 3,094,818 (about RM800) while others suggested that the median monthly wage, across the nation, was at just 1.425 million rupiah (RM366).

Indonesian protests are usually led by labour and student leaders and they often take their grievances to the streets in huge numbers. The difference this time is that it is unusually explosive with no end in sight.

Protests there tend to be more confrontational — often descending into violent clashes between demonstrators and security forces.

The big difference from Malaysia is that our protests — even massive rallies like the one by Bersih for electoral reform —are typically peaceful, disciplined, and middle-class-driven.

The question is: Why?

One possible answer may lie in the economic and socio-political makeup of these nations — particularly the role of the middle class.

Indonesia has a long and storied tradition of mass mobilisation as a vehicle for political change.

From the anti-colonial era to the Reformasi movement that brought down Suharto in 1998, protests have often carried the weight of national transformation.

This legacy has made street politics a normalised — even romanticised — expression of democracy, while in Malaysia, until recent years under the Anwar Administration, protests were regarded as a potential spark for riots.

In Malaysia, the groups which organise demonstrations are shaped by a more consolidated and economically secure middle class.

In urban centres like Kuala Lumpur, protests tend to be led by professional-class Malaysians who operate within a more institutional political culture. Movements like Bersih were notable not just for their size, but for their orderliness. These were protests for reform, not revolution.

Working Malaysians cannot afford to spend too long in the streets, which means protests are short and usually take place during weekends.

This is unlike Indonesia where protests last longer as many labour segments still tend to be more informally structured.

The Malaysian middle class prefers to use its economic position to push for change within the system — through the courts, civil society, and, certainly at the ballot box. The legal and electoral systems remain legitimate.

We still have faith and respect in our institutions especially the judiciary and the police, unlike in Indonesia, where they are seen as high handed and insensitive to the marginalised.

Our protests tend to be carefully planned, image-conscious, and restrained. Violence would immediately de-legitimise the very political leverage the middle class seeks to wield.

Even during the recent “Turun Anwar” protests, the main organiser, PAS, used its “marshals” to ensure the participants followed the rules.

To the credit of Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, whose reformasi movement also took to the streets, he ensured the police did not shut down streets or the MRT stations although the “Turun Anwar” protests targeted him.

In the past, there would have been heavy police presence with water cannons used to disperse the protesters while ring leaders would be arrested on the eve of the demonstrations.

Laws such as the Sedition Act and Sosma, while controversial, still exist, but the draconian Internal Security Act is gone. The ISA, for one, made the cost of violent dissent extremely high.

The delicate balance of Malaysia’s multi-ethnic society is another factor. It has instilled a broader cultural aversion to political disorder, which many fear could ignite deeper tensions.

The New Economic Policy has been questioned for its implementation but it has also rightly created a huge Malay middle class base.

Businesses and housing estates have become more multi-racial by ensuring bumiputra participation and ownership, and that takes away racial identity.

No one in Malaysia, especially the majority middle class, wants to rock the boat. For all the grumbling and whining, life in Malaysia is much better and comfortable than many countries.

While Indonesia and Malaysia may appear similar on the surface, the protest cultures reflect deep differences in class dynamics, historical trajectories, and state-society relations.

Our trust in institutions, the capacity of the state to manage dissent, and the memory of what protest has meant in a nation’s past, including the May 13 racial riots of 1969, remain deep in our psyche.

As one analyst put it, in Indonesia, a protest is a battle cry but In Malaysia, it’s a carefully negotiated message.

He said how people protest tells us a great deal about the health of their institutions, the fears they carry, and the futures they envision.

On National Day, as I wrote this, like many Malaysians, I feel grateful and thankful that I was born here. This is my home.

Let no one, even for a moment, think that we should emulate the ways of the Indonesian protestors. This is not how we manage a crisis in Malaysia.

Let the Indonesian riots be a lesson to all governments.

In unity we rise


Kita semua anak Malaysia: Let us honour the sacrifices of all communities in building Malaya and now Malaysia. There would have been no independence if the Malays, Chinese, and Indians did not work together for it, and no Malaysia without Sabah and Sarawak. — FAIHAN GHANI/The Star

LET us all hold our heads high today. It is our National Day and this country belongs to all of us – not just to politicians who tell us what to do, and worse, try to divide the people of Malaysia,

Without us, the ordinary people, these bad actors wouldn’t even be elected.

So on this special day, let us take pride in our nation’s journey.

Let’s ignore the rising use of race and religion as political tools that threaten to undermine the harmony that ordinary Malaysians have worked so hard to build over decades.

Because amid the noise and negativity, one truth shines through: the Malaysian spirit remains strong – resilient, generous, patient, and full of heart.

While a minority may seek to divide us, millions of Malaysians continue to live in unity every single day.

The doctors and nurses in our hospitals do their best to heal us without caring in the least about the colour of their patients’ skins.

Let’s not forget the soldiers, the policemen, and firemen who ensure our safety every day.

Malaysians in uniforms have sacrificed their lives for the country. Many did not hold high ranks when fighting the insurgents in the jungles. Who are these divisive politicians and cybertroopers to insinuate that they were not loyal to Malaysia?

These were the “Type C” (as the Chinese are often referred to online now) who had courage, compassion, and charisma, and were committed to fighting for our country.

Then there are the teachers who work hard to ensure our children get the best education. The majority are Malay and they even teach in vernacular schools, and they deserve our appreciation. They are not the best paid of civil servants and certainly they deserve better.

When we achieved independence in 1957, it was the Malays, with their magnanimity, who accepted the immigrant races to be citizens as our forefathers worked out the social contract. The Malays joined the civil service to administer the country, especially in education and security, and the Chinese played a huge part in the economy to build up the coffers of a young country, which many said at the time did not have a chance of making it.

The early Indians built infrastructure, established rubber estates, built roads, and managed railways and ports.

These are the real heroes of Malaya and now Malaysia; not dim-witted politicians who whip up emotions and anger.

Let us honour the sacrifices of all communities by building a nation that is inclusive, just, and united.

Malaysians work together, study together, pray alongside one another, and celebrate each other’s festivals with genuine joy.

The real Malaysia lives not in the speeches of politicians, but in the small, daily acts of mutual respect and shared humanity that take place in homes, schools, workplaces, and communities across the nation.

This is the real Malaysia that we must celebrate and protect. Let us all remind ourselves of these simple acts that we often take for granted.

Do not let selfish politicians who use race and religion to divide rob us of today’s special Merdeka celebrations.

This year, as we commemorate 68 years of independence, it is unfortunate that some political bullies have stolen our joy. Some of us have lost the enthusiasm to put up the national flag.

But National Day must be about more than just waving flags and singing patriotic songs. We need to reflect deeply on the values that have held us together – and the values we must now reaffirm if we want to move forward as a mature and united nation.

Tolerance, forgiveness, and moderation must be at the heart of our national conversation. Kita semua anak Malaysia.

Let us not allow the actions of a few to define the spirit of the many. Let us champion stories of kindness, courage, and togetherness.

This is our country, and as my journalist friend Leslie Lau put it: “There’s more to life than arguing over who’s right or whether the government is unfair or who’s racist or not.

“But really, I love this country, warts and all, and appreciate the diversity, sights, sounds, and all. So maybe in this independence month, could we just stop arguing for one second and just enjoy our lives lah.’’

That means teaching our children that being Malaysian is a blessing – and with that blessing comes a responsibility to be better citizens, better neighbours, and better people.

Let’s accept what Malaysia is about, and that includes its imperfections, and the many differences.

It means embracing the differences, even when we don’t fully understand them, and accepting the facts, even when we whine and grumble.

In a country as diverse as ours, tolerance is the glue that binds us – it is what allows us to live together, worship freely, and celebrate our differences without fear or prejudice.

We have always forgiven and that, too, is vital. Over the years, our nation has faced moments of tension and missteps.

Forgiveness means choosing healing over hatred. It allows us to move forward as a united people willing to learn, grow, and reconcile.

Perhaps most importantly, we must reject voices that seek to provoke and divide, and instead elevate those who advocate for reason, balance, and unity.

There would have been no independence if the Malays, Chinese and Indians did not work together for it, and no Malaysia without Sabah and Sarawak. Never forget this.

Selamat Hari Kebangsaan, Malaysia.

Use diversity to unite, not hate


Strength in diversity: There are hundreds of thousands of flags that have been correctly put up across the country, including in Chinese new villages like the Bukit Merah New Village in Ipoh and tourist spots like the Kuala Lumpur Library (below). — RONNIE CHIN/FAIHAN GHANI/The Star

MALAYSIA certainly deserves better as we celebrate 68 years of independence next week.

We remain stuck in the toxic politics of race and religion, with some politicians unable or unwilling to let go of these addictions.

Over the past one month, we have watched sadly deliberate provocations that keep race and religion at the heart of all political discourse.

It is not even subtle but an open incitement mainly aimed at winning the votes of the predominantly Malay audience.

For decades, political actors have skilfully used identity to entrench themselves in power, distract from governance failures, and stir emotional loyalty.

Today, the stakes are higher than ever because the Prime Minister leads a multiracial party, PKR, with the three main races represented in the top echelon. Unfortunately, though, it does not command the majority of seats in Parliament.

Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim is stuck in a difficult position of having to deal with partners in the unity government, which includes former opponents, some of whom have now started to test his leadership by taking shots at his government.

There is a general election in two years and these parties wish to remain relevant in the eyes of their members and voters.

There are Umno Youth leaders who have also crossed the red line with their constant intimidating postures and remarks.

The minority races, especially the Chinese and Indians, find these racial actions disturbing.

The series of incitements over upside down Jalur Gemilang in some shops, unfortunately owned by small-time Chinese traders, have marred this year’s celebrations.

Instead of advising these businessmen to put right the national flags, these people chose to confront them aggressively and angrily, to put up videos inviting racist comments, to lodge police reports, and stage protests.

This is not the first time that the Jalur Gemilang has been wrongly put up but this is probably the first time that we’re seeing such bullying tactics.

It is commendable that the Attorney General’s Chambers has warned Malaysians against vigilantism in cases involving the improper display of the Jalur Gemilang, amid the furore over Umno Youth’s protest in Kepala Batas, Penang, over the matter.

The AGC said vigilantism could include raiding premises, spreading personal details, or making unfounded accusations on social media.

The AGC also warned the public against provoking or issuing threats against the individuals or organisations concerned.

There are hundreds of thousands of flags that have been correctly put up across the country, including in Chinese new villages, Chinese associations, and Chinese vernacular schools, yet these political thugs chose to pick on a few wrong ones and amplify it to become an explosive issue.


It that were not enough, last week, we read of a Bersatu leader posting a “delayed” congratulatory post on the appointment of Comm Datuk M. Kumar as the director of Bukit Aman’s Criminal Investigation Department, saying “this shows that Malaysia has started to embrace the Malaysian Malaysia concept’’.

The politician also cited the promotion of Datuk Johnny Lim Eng Seng as a lieutenant general in the armed forces.

He claimed if the concept continued to be accepted by the government, Malaysia could soon have its first non-bumiputra Chief Justice, Armed Forces Chief and Inspector General of Police.

Anwar has rightly rebutted that, pointing out that the majority of high-ranking police officers are Malays, including the IGP, deputy IGP, and other directors of various departments.

Comm Kumar, who has an excellent track record, is just the CID chief and it is bewildering that he has been targeted.

How can we even encourage non-Malays to join the armed forces and police if they perceive that they have few chances of being promoted to a senior post?

In June, a PAS grassroots leader also made a racist statement about the appointment of the three-star lieutenant general in a social media post, warning of “the political rise of the nation’s largest minority group”.

He also wrote in his Facebook posting of a hypothetical news story of Malaysia welcoming its first ethnic Chinese PM.

Both these small-time leaders have the same script and narrative, aimed at insinuating that the PM, the head of a multi-racial party, is compromising with the other races.

Rather than fostering unity in a multiracial nation, identity politics has devolved into a toxic tool for populism.

Every minor issue – from music festivals to retail products – is now open to being framed as an attack on faith or culture.

What should be policy debates are routinely hijacked by identity-driven outrage. The real consequence? A shrinking space for reason and a deepening divide in our society.

Unfortunately, this reliance on racial and religious narratives comes at a high cost.

First, it undermines economic development. Malaysia continues to lag in innovation, regional competitiveness, and talent retention.

A system that prioritises ethnic patronage over meritocracy is simply unsustainable in a globalised world. This is 2025 and we are going to welcome 2026 in a few months but we are still stuck in pre-1957.

Second, it paralyses governance. While the rakyat struggle with rising living costs, declining education standards, and stagnant wages, political attention is disproportionately consumed by manufactured controversies over identity.

Something is hopelessly wrong when PAS’ Kuala Terengganu MP Datuk Ahmad Amzad Hashim was more interested in questioning the PM on his choice of batik when Anwar was presenting the 13th Malaysia Plan (13MP) in Parliament.

The MP posted a message on his Facebook page asking why Anwar chose to wear a batik shirt with an Indonesian design instead of Malaysian batik.

Then, with egg on his face, he had to apologise when it was pointed out by batik entrepreneurs that Anwar had indeed worn local batik attire.

We would have expected the PAS MP to post questions related to the 13MP as well as to make detailed proposals.

Instead, he was more interested in the PM’s shirt. Even if Anwar chose to wear something from Indonesia, should it be an issue?

Then there was PAS president Tan Sri Abdul Hadi Awang, the Marang MP, who implied that Kuala Lumpur’s problems were due to DAP and the unity government, reciting a poem in Malay containing the line: “KL is problematic due to DAP, Pakatan Harapan, and friends.’’

It is most unfortunate that taking simple, lazy political pot shots rather than pushing serious proposals backed with data has become a habit of these incompetent politicians.

Third, and perhaps most worrying, this reliance on racial and religious narratives erodes trust.

The constant emphasis on ethnic and religious differences chips away at the social fabric.

Interethnic solidarity – a strength Malaysia once celebrated – is being replaced with suspicion and withdrawal.

Malaysians are not asking for too much. We just want leaders who prioritise shared progress over communal fear, and a national conversation that values evidence over emotion, ideas over identity.

We need to discard the old narratives and old politicians. But our voices need to be louder so they can be heard. Do not be afraid of political bullies and racist politicians.

Racial division may still win elections, at least in the short term, but we must end it.

If Malaysia is to truly move forward, we must retire the politics of identity as a crutch for power.

Let race and religion be part of our Malaysian identity – but as something that unites us because of common values, not weapons in our politics.

Legacy of warrior kings


Haider Ali (left) and his son Tipu Sultan were part of India’s colonial struggle in the 18th century. — Photos: IAMM

THE textbooks on the history of India’s struggle against colonial rule often begin in the 19th and 20th century national movements. We are familiar with names like Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru.

But there were princely states and leaders who challenged the European powers, especially the British, long before these better known nationalist Indian figures.

In southern India, two famous names were Haider Ali and his son, Tipu Sultan, the rulers of Mysore in the 18th century.

Their legacies are complex and contested, but they remain symbols of indigenous resistance, innovation, and the assertion of sovereignty in the face of relentless colonial aggression.

The exhibition More Than a Day As a Tiger, The Legacy of Haider Ali and Tipu Sultan of Mysore (1761-1799) is currently being held at the Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia (IAMM) in Kuala Lumpur.

Haider Ali’s rise to power in the mid-18th century is a classic example of meritocratic ascent in a world dominated by hereditary privilege.

Born into a modest background, he rose through the military ranks of the Kingdom of Mysore through sheer tactical brilliance.

Haider Ali was one of the earliest Indian leaders to understand the strategic threat posed by European trading companies, particularly the British East India Company.

He modernised Mysore’s army, employing French military advisers and incorporating European-style training and weaponry, including rocketry, which would later gain fame under his son.

His ability to hold his own against the Marathas, the Nizam of Hyderabad, and the British made Mysore a formidable regional power.

Upon Haider Ali’s death in 1782, his son Tipu Sultan inherited not only a kingdom but a vision – a fierce, unyielding resistance to British encroachment.

Tipu Sultan’s reign was marked by both military ambition and domestic reform. A devout Muslim and deeply committed ruler, he embraced scientific innovation, global diplomacy, and administrative reform.

His court welcomed French engineers and Persian scholars, and his foreign policy included alliances with the Ottoman Empire and France, attempting to create an anti-British axis long before such ideas became popular in India.

Among the most famous diplomatic exchanges of the 18th century was Mysore’s delegation to the Court of King Louis the 16th.

Tipu Sultan is perhaps best remembered for his four Anglo-Mysore wars against the British, particularly his valiant defence during the Third and Fourth Wars.

In 1799, Tipu Sultan died fighting at the gates of his capital, Srirangapatna, a death seen by many as the ultimate act of patriotism.

He was called the Tiger of Mysore by the British for his fierce resistance and he adopted the tiger as his royal emblem as a symbol of courage, strength, and fearlessness.


Rare heritage: A pair of flintlock pistols with a snarling tiger design on their buttcaps belonging to Tipu Sultan are part of the IAMM exhibition. — Photos: IAMM

His now-famous quote, “It is better to live one day as a tiger than a thousand years as a sheep”, has immortalised him as a martyr in the struggle against colonialism.

Yet both Haider Ali and Tipu Sultan’s legacies are not without controversy. Critics, particularly from certain modern political factions, point to Tipu Sultan’s treatment of some Hindu communities and question his role as a “secular” hero.

However, such critiques often ignore the broader context of 18th century warfare and governance, where religious pluralism coexisted with realpolitik.

In truth, Tipu Sultan patronised temples, issued land grants to Hindu institutions, and employed Hindus in high offices – decisions rarely highlighted by his detractors.

What Haider Ali and Tipu Sultan accomplished was remarkable for their time. They envisioned a militarily strong, technologically advanced, and economically independent state.

Their use of rocketry predates its adoption in Europe, and their administrative systems laid the groundwork for future governance models.

Tipu Sultan’s interest in industrialisation – state-run factories, coinage reform, and silk production – shows a ruler thinking far beyond the constraints of his age.

His defeat in 1799 marked a turning point in Indian history. With Mysore’s fall, the British tightened their grip on southern India, paving the way for eventual dominance.

Tipu Sultan’s death was front-page news in the United Kingdom with much of his possessions taken from India immediately after his death for fear they become symbols of a martyr. Until now, the UK government has not let them go.

The legacy of Haider Ali and Tipu Sultan, however, continues to inspire. They remind us that resistance to colonialism didn’t begin with 20th-century nationalism – it was born in the forts and battlefields of Mysore.

The IAMM must be commended for its efforts to hold this exhibition. According to museum director Syed Mohamad Albukhary, it took over 20 years to collect Tipu Sultan’s very rare belongings and to study his achievements.

“Like most people, there was a time when we knew very little about Tipu Sultan, and even less about his father, Haider Ali.

“More than two centuries ago in southern India, there was a Muslim dynasty that lasted for fewer than 40 years but still changed the world,” he said.


The legacy of Haider Ali and Tipu Sultan continues to inspire centuries later. — KAMARUL ARIFFIN/The Star

Tipu Sultan died before he reached 50 at the hands of the British and two centuries later, “It is the artistic legacy that provides the strongest reminder of the two rulers. The artefacts that Tipu Sultan left behind still seem important – the more we see them, the more fascinating their story becomes.”

An object that took the IAMM almost 10 years to obtain an export licence for was an important personal “sporting hunting gun”, which was a favourite weapon of Tipu Sultan’s.


An artefact that took the IAMM almost 10 years to obtain an export licence for is TipuSultan’s favourite ‘sportinghunting gun’ with its intricate tigercarvings. — The Star

Two cannons at the exhibition had been displayed outside Powis Castle in Wales for more than 250 years.

In the words of Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, who opened the exhibition: “Some of the artefacts are on display for the first time since they were looted from Mysore more than 200 years ago. The collection is a rare gathering of his world, perhaps the largest accumulation ever shown.”

Haider Ali and Tipu Sultan remain towering figures in Indian history. They were warriors and administrators, reformers and resistors.

In an age where alliances were fragile and power dynamics fluid, they built a state that challenged the mightiest empire of the time.

Their story is not just about resistance – it is about the assertion of dignity, innovation, and vision in the face of overwhelming odds.

More Than a Day As a Tiger, The Legacy of Haider Ali and Tipu Sultan of Mysore (1761-1799) exhibition is on now at the Islamic Arts Museum of Malaysia in Kuala Lumpur until Jan 11, 2026.

Jalur Gemilang and the rise of political bullies

MALAYSIANS have read a lot about the many bullies in our country, mostly in schools, hostels, and workplaces, as well as online.

But what is less talked about are the political bullies and their disturbing posturing.

If there is a ranking, these bullies, who shamelessly call themselves Yang Berhormat, must be the worst.

We expect elected representatives to bring people together, to mediate disputes, advise those who erred and be charitable.

We would like them to be exemplary role models to younger citizens but many fail miserably.

Instead, they become agitators, issue warnings, are confrontational and intimidating, and, most pathetically, turn into racists as they pick and choose their targets.

All bullies have some common traits: They target people they perceive as weaker, they love to dominate, and feel a need to control others to boost their own self-worth or mask insecurity.

Bullies often target individuals who are different – by race, gender, sexuality, disability, etc.

Needless to say, they have low empathy and probably suffer from some form of psychological problem.

If we dig deeper, it wouldn’t be surprising to learn they had been victims of bullying themselves or suffer from a chronic inferiority complex.

They have difficulty understanding or caring about how others feel; such emotional detachment makes it easier for them to harm others without remorse.

As political leaders, they probably have a dismal record on ideas and achievements, thus bullying gives them a temporary sense of superiority or confidence.

To conceal their poor performance, bullies often act out to impress peers or climb the social ladder.

They may thrive on the reactions they get from an audience, especially from comments sections online.

They really don’t deserve space in the media but social media news portals, hungry for eyeballs, have given these losers generous space to shout in.

These media portals do not even bother to moderate their comments section – by right, those who post nasty, racist remarks should be hauled up to face sedition charges.


Hot political issue: People putting up the Jalur Gemilang in their neighbourhood. Unfortunately, there may be Malaysians who are afraid to put up the national flag this year in case they make any mistakes and do it wrongly. — The Star

In Malaysia, playing the racial and religious cards is the fastest way to become communal heroes.

Those who do so seem to be able to attract many admirers with their aggression and impulsiveness.

They fan a racial angle with their inflammatory statements, postures, and gestures, with warnings of protests, and of course, keep the police busy with their many reports.

In the latest case, this recalcitrant politician has even given the authorities an ultimatum and a deadline to act by.

There must be no space for political bullies with their prejudices and intolerances. We shouldn’t keep silent and let such cowardly behaviour continue.

Many of us are working towards a kinder, progressive, and moderate Malaysia.

How can we recite the tenets of the Rukun Negara when political bullies blatantly disregard “achieving and fostering unity in society’’ and have no “courtesy and morality” as enshrined in the nation’s principles?

As we prepare to celebrate National Day in two weeks, there should be an air of celebration with Malaysians coming together, with reminders that we are one as Malaysians.

In my neighbourhood, I have been taken aback that my household is the only one that has hoisted the Jalur Gemilang and the Selangor flag.

The other houses are devoid of flags for reasons I cannot comprehend. Have my neighbours lost their enthusiasm – or are they afraid of putting them up wrongly?

It will be sad if we have come to a point where Malaysians – especially shopkeepers – choose not to fly the Jalur Gemilang out of fear lest they make a mistake and that mistake becomes a hot political issue.

I hope they won’t emulate my friend, analyst and columnist Prof Dr Mohd Tajuddin Mohd Rasdi, who has said he will not fly the national flag in his home and on his car this year in case of potential sabotage. He does not want it made into a political tool to incite hatred.

“We are supposed to love our flag with pride but the current reactions to those who made mistakes regarding the flag have become a political tool to attack others and incite hatred.”

Flying the Jalur Gemilang upside down is a serious matter, and getting the flag wrong, with missing stripes or points on the crescent are also offensive errors, but they are not unforgivable.

Many of these angry politicians barely squeak when it comes to more serious wrongdoings like corruption.

Why can’t these politicians just walk to these shops or places of worship and just adjust the flags correctly and explain to the people how they went wrong?

Instead, the politicians choose to be arrogant bullies in their videos to prove to their audiences that they have to teach these purported “disloyal Malaysians” a lesson.

The offenders they pick on always happen to be Chinese, and as a minority race, they become perfect targets for bullies.

Yet these self-proclaimed communal heroes quickly hide their tailcoats and do a Houdini disappearing act when their own political party members make the same error.

Can we expect the party members of these YBs to lodge police reports against their own and to insist that an apology is not sufficient?

There is also a need for the police to be seen to be fair or not react because of pressure from certain politicians. We expect our men and women in blue to be fair.

In May, two Sin Chew Daily editors found themselves handcuffed after the paper printed an incorrect illustration of the Jalur Gemilang on the cover, with the police having to call up 42 witnesses for the silly mistake.

Surely the police did not need to handcuff them, giving the perception of an overreaction.

The same month, it was reported that Terengganu PAS had to say sorry for mistakes in the national flag that was part of a logo designed for a gathering.

Around the same time, there was another blunder in an official document which contained an inaccurate depiction of the Jalur Gemilang, resulting in several senior officers of the Education Ministry’s examination board being transferred.

Last week, the same illustration gaffe was made on social media by Terengganu Umno Youth and certainly the apology by its chairman, Tengku Haphiz Tengku Putera, is sufficient.

A viral image showing the Malaysian flag being flown upside down at a district police headquarters also resurfaced last week. The police had to explain that it was a 2016 incident and not a recent one.

The point is, even the police can make a mistake and why not, after all, the police constable responsible for raising the flag is also a human being who can err.

The national flag was, in fact, flown upside down at a National Day rehearsal in 2022 because there was an error in raising it, according to news reports.

There will be such mistakes made by Malaysians, regardless of their race or political affiliations. To err is human, to forgive is divine.

I would be more concerned with Malaysians who fly a tattered Jalur Gemilang.

My friend Anas Zubedy wrote that these errors “are not always acts of disrespect – but are often human error.

“When such incidents occur, especially involving our beloved Jalur Gemilang, our response matters.

“Do we react with anger and suspicion, or do we pause, reflect, and choose to respond with understanding and wisdom?

“This is where we must return to the very spirit of the four colours of the flag.

“Let blue guide us to unity and calm. Let white remind us to be sincere and honest in our assessment. Let red give us courage to correct with dignity, not to shame. And let yellow inspire us to act with grace and respect, as our royal traditions teach.’’

To these bully politicians and those who habitually make racist remarks, my question is: Do you even make it a point to put up the Jalur Gemilang in your homes every year?

Certainly, Malaysia and Malaysians deserve better quality leaders. These bully politicians don’t deserve our votes in the next elections.

Angkor Wat in the wet season is not just cooler, it is less crowded too


The author and his wife enjoying a great view of Angkor Wat. During peak holiday seasons, this may not be possible as there would be more tourists. — Photos: FLORENCE TEH

The trip to Cambodia’s Angkor Wat was unplanned. A Singaporean friend working in the aviation industry had just returned from Siem Reap and said that it was possible again to take a direct flight on AirAsia to the Cambodian city from Kuala Lumpur.

The route had been put on hold during the pandemic, and was reinstated in July 2024, though perhaps not many were aware of it.

The friend said that Siem Reap’s gleaming international airport was near empty and that I should take advantage of the quiet season and visit the place.

However, he did not tell me that it was the rainy season, and I too didn’t do my research before booking the trip.

I blamed myself for the oversight. After all, the heat and humidity in KL in June was unbearable so why would it be any different in neighbouring Cambodia?

When my family and I arrived in Siem Reap, we were greeted by heavy rain. But that didn’t kill my enthusiasm… until I asked my tour driver if we should wake up early to catch the sunrise at Angkor Wat.

“Sir, tomorrow it’s raining, no point waking up early. Tomorrow’s sunset… I don’t know, it’s still raining, maybe,” he said casually. By then, everyone was in complete silence and a little disappointed as we continued our journey to the hotel.


The author taking the chance to pose next to a pool of water showing a reflection of the temple.

After a good breakfast the next day, we were feeling more upbeat, so we decided to still make our way to the majestic Hindu-Buddhist temple complex, regardless of the weather.

Armed with our umbrellas, we chose to get splashed by the puddles or even get stuck in the mud if such a thing would happen, than be confined to our cold hotel rooms.

And it was a good thing we did, too as the rain wasn’t so bad in the end. The rainy season here – usually from May to October – carries a reputation that makes many travellers delay their Cambodian adventures.

But it also means wonderful hikes in the lush green forests, going through uncrowded temples, and enjoying monsoon-soaked sunsets that made my heart pause. Though visiting Siem Reap during this season was unplanned, I can confidently say that it turned out well for us.

Let’s start with the biggest misconception of travelling during the rainy season: that it rains all day, every day.

It doesn’t.

During my stay, at least, most mornings were dry and breezy – ideal for cycling around the temple complex or exploring local markets.

The rain came in the late afternoons or early evenings in dramatic, cinematic bursts. Think tropical downpours that cool the air, rinse the dust off ancient stones, and that last just long enough to finish one drink, before the skies clear again.


The stones at Nokor Thum or Angkor Thom covered in moss.

It may not be a good comparison but to me it was much like the rain in London, where it comes and goes fast.

Visiting the Angkor Wat temple complex in the wet season gives you the feeling of seeing them as they once were – alive with water, wrapped in foliage, and free from camera-toting crowds.

My guide, an avid photographer, kept pointing to the pools of water to remind me to take pictures of the reflections of one of the world’s most famous religious structure for my Instagram.

In the absence of the crowd, Angkor Wat was blissfully quiet in the morning, and we covered many parts of the complex without having to compete with other tourists. The air was cooler and we saw many ponds filled with blooming lotuses, while water buffalo waded through flooded rice fields.

Ta Prohm, the famous Tomb Raider temple, looked especially otherworldly with its moss- covered walls glistening after the rain.

Tree roots shimmered, stones dripped, and the echo of distant thunder made the jungle setting feel more primal than polished.

And let’s be honest – travelling during the off-season was cheaper and better as hotels offered lower rates and you could simply walk into any restaurant without a reservation.

So, I’m glad we embraced spontaneity and booked the trip. In return, we got a Siem Reap that’s softer, slower and soulful, with a more mystical Angkor Wat to boot.


You can catch creatures like this lizard at the complex during the wet season.