But he has a good track record. With the support of
generous Malaysians, the money would usually pour in.

Once the medical treatment is over, Chong would call a
press conference for the patient to thank the people. Any excess money would
then be passed on to the next needy patient.

Often, the money comes from anonymous donors. No
questions are asked.

Those involved in non-government organisations would tell
you that funds are hard to come by these days, especially from the
corporations.

On the other hand, there are publicity seekers who want
their pictures to appear in print for donating a paltry sum.

People seeking help often head straight for a newspaper
office to tell their plight. Most are genuine cases but it is standard
procedure for editors to insist on medical records and referrals from doctors.

The media would not directly raise funds for them but
would advise them to approach a reputable organisation or person, like Chong,
to highlight their case.

As in all fund raising, a proper account is usually then
opened to ensure some form of accountability.

Like all fund-raising efforts, there would always be
abuses.

There is no foolproof system. Even the Rural Development
Ministry-run programme for the hardcore poor has been allegedly subjected to
corruption.

Generally, the public trusts social organisations more
than government agencies in the collection and distribution of donations.

Medical treatment, especially in complicated cases, has
become so expensive that professionals earning between RM6,000 and RM8,000 a
month would have difficulty meeting the expenses.

I know of one engineer who needs RM600,000 for an
operation in the United States
to save his three-month-old child who has a heart condition. The expert in Malaysia
has written off the case but, like any parent, the engineer is fighting to save
his child's life.

In the US,
he could stay for free in a hostel, run by a fast-food chain, next to the
hospital to cut down on expenses. All he needs to do is to help clean up the
hostel. He wonders why such facilities cannot be made available here.

The engineer has been going around seeking financial help
from relatives. The family income has suffered because his wife has to give up
her job as they take turns to continue the battle for their child's life.

The proposal by Health Minister Datuk Chua Jui Meng that
appeals for donations to treat severe cases be referred to the ministry's
director-general for screening and evaluation is well-intended.

Chua is correct in suggesting that the public has
complained of lack of transparency in utilising donations.

He said the media would have to refer cases to the
director-general who would examine the case and look at whether the government
hospitals had the expertise to treat the patient.

If the treatment or operation could not be performed
locally, the director-general would then give the go-ahead for the patient to
go abroad.

Based on this, the director-general would then inform the
media whether it could do a fund-raising campaign for the case concerned, Chua
said.

The method makes sense. Unknown to many, the Selayang
hospital and the Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia
hospital in Cheras, for instance, are easily better equipped than many private
hospitals.

And who says government staff is less caring? I know of a
Malay woman doctor, Dr Salmah Nordin at the Taman Ehsan government clinic in
Kepong, who skipped lunch to treat a Chinese patient for suspected liver
problems – and the other staff patiently waited for her to complete her
thorough treatment.

Such dedication speaks well of the many overworked and
under-paid doctors in government medical facilities.

Chua's proposal, however, needs some fine-tuning to
ensure practicality. One wonders whether the committee headed by the
director-general has the time and means to investigate all cases referred to
them.

Malaysians do not want government red tape to delay
urgent cases. Then, there is the question of accountability on the part of the
committee.

In fact, most Malaysians are not even aware of the RM5mil
in the National Health Welfare Fund. If journalists are not familiar with this
fund, what more the ordinary folk?

The proposal for the media to refer all cases to the
director-general also has no legal basis.

Perhaps a better solution would be to set up a community
chest, run by reputable individuals and supported by the government and private
sector. The agency can be run by full-time social workers and prominent figures
while the public can volunteer to carry out follow-up work.

Malaysians can also opt to make monthly deductions from
their wages, with the support of their employers and the Inland Revenue
Department. A proper annual report can then be presented to ensure
accountability.

There will always be a few dishonest people who exploit
the generosity of Malaysians, but don't allow them to curb our willingness to
lend a helping hand.

There are plenty of reasons to celebrate. While some
Malaysians may take national day for granted, there are thousands of foreigners
who want to remain in our country.

Sorry, we cannot allow you to join in the party because
there is no more room.

It's a lot of foreigners when they make up 10% of the
population of 22 million people in a small country. We understand the majority
want to stay in Malaysia
because there are plenty of jobs but we just cannot accommodate them.

Yes, we know of volcanic eruptions in Indonesia
and the Philippines.
And we heard it's dangerous to walk in the streets because of the crime rate in
these two countries.

They say the politicians in Jakarta
and Manila talk too much. We have
them here too, but they are less irrational, perhaps. No, we don't have movie
heroes and beauty queens who get voted into political office.

I am sure many Malaysians would like to see some glamour
in our Parliament but most of us are not prepared to risk our votes on a bimbo
or a drunkard.

One Filipino politician has asked his government to
reclaim Sabah from Malaysia.
We all thought it was no longer an issue but it's like the late President
Marcos – both are dead but yet to be buried, as far as some elite Filipinos are
concerned.

The Filipino press has always been feisty. For the
Indonesian journalists, the newfound freedom has been a blessing after years of
being shackled.

Who cares about accuracy? Nobody is going to ask about
accountability if they run unsubstantiated reports of deaths in detention
camps. Attribution and confirmation don't seem to exist because the competition
is just too hot.

Besides, with the foreign wire agencies so much against Malaysia,
the Western press would just lap it up and repeat these unfounded allegations to
the world. And who would want to sue these publications that are not even
selling enough to pay their reporters?

We are a lucky country, for all the whining some of us
make. We may have our differences but we are tolerant and rational. We know how
to turn down the volume each time a debate gets too loud.

We seek solutions at the negotiation table to resolve our
problems. That was how we achieved our independence from the British.

Our leaders, representing the major races, fought for
independence through negotiations and not by shedding blood in the streets.

Despite criticism against our style of democracy, our
leaders have run Malaysia
well. Without doubt, we can still improve ourselves and I am sure, given time,
we will.

Sometimes, we are a little too hard on ourselves. It's
simply because most of us have never gone through really hard times.

As a nation, we have our share of setbacks but we have
never suffered greatly. We have always managed, even in the darkest moments, to
pull ourselves up.

After 45 years of independence, we can proudly say that
we have done well in many aspects. That is enough reason to celebrate.

Amien should, in fact, take responsibility for the high
unemployment level in Indonesia
instead of running down its neighbour.

After all, the man who started the reformasi movement in Indonesia,
with the support of the United States
then, was instrumental in pushing for economic and political reforms in Indonesia.

Through the fiasco of measures from the International
Monetary Fund and the government, thousands of Indonesians were thrown out of
their jobs when companies closed.

Instead of warning Malaysia,
Indonesian leaders like Amien should bear the responsibility of what is
happening to their people.

If Indonesians had been badly treated in Malaysia,
our authorities would not have theirs hands full stopping the inflow of illegal
immigrants.

With 10% of Malaysia's
22 million people comprising foreigners, mostly Indonesians, we have reached a
point where we can no longer accept more foreigners.

But Amien has missed the point – the law applies to all
illegal immigrants and not just Indonesians. It so happens that Indonesians
form the majority.

Malaysia
has continued to be a magnet for Indonesians beca-use they know there is no
future in their homeland. They know their politicians will not bring any real
changes to their country. Strangely, Amien has kept silent on Singapore,
which has similar laws, including whipping.

On our part, we need to seriously amend laws to revoke
the permanent resident status of foreigners who are caught for being involved
in criminal activities.

Last week, it was reported that the government could not
simply revoke the status because the law did not allow it. If the report is
correct, then we are saying that the many arrested Indonesian criminals with
Malaysian PR status would continue to keep that privilege.

It certainly makes a mockery of the whole exercise.

It also brings into question how much investigation has
been carried out of the applicant's background by Malaysian authorities in
approving the PR status.

A similar criticism, as expected, came from Bangladesh.

The country's English language daily, The New Paper, in a
front-page commentary also criticised Malaysia.

"What is hurting and shameful is that the illegal immigrants,
many of whom may have been just victims of cheating and exploitation of the
unscrupulous recruiting agents within Malaysia,
will be subject to beating and jail for offences for which they were not really
responsible.

"We have a good relationship with Malaysia
and that is why it is particularly disturbing that those illegal immigrants
from Bangladesh
who were engaged in construction and other fields should not have been
regularised," said the paper.

Without doubt, the foreigners who suffered the most are
the poor, those who have sold off what's left of their possessions to make
their trip here in search of a better life.

But whatever the circumstances, there is no excuse for
entering a country illegally. The punishment meted out by Malaysian authorities
is not for ordinary workers only but also the employers.

Government officials found to have worked with such
syndicates should also be punished to serve as a reminder about the need to
stay away from corruption.

The country's security is our priority. There is no place
for greedy officials who are prepared to put the nation's stability at risk.

In fact, the Bangladeshi newspaper charged that the
"recruiting agents were also aided by a section of corrupt Malaysian officials
without whose support they could not have been able to send these people in.

"While these hapless people are punished, those who
exploited them – the recruiting agents and corrupt officials – remain outside
the reach of justice.

"There are reports of Malaysian employers being in league
with these agents as they could employ these people at low wages," it added.

While this newspaper did not back these allegations with
evidence, we should not take them lightly. Many of us, in fact, have heard of
such allegations although not many are prepared to come forward to substantiate
them.

Indonesia
and Bangladesh
are certainly unhappy with the deportations but Malaysia
merely wants foreign workers to work here with proper documents.

Our country certainly needs foreign labour but an orderly
and transparent system is required to ensure that only genuine workers are
allowed into the country.

Playing to the gallery, Jacob skipped bilateral talks
between Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad and Indonesian President
Megawati Sukarnoputri in Bali last week and flew to Jakarta
instead in ''disgust,'' according to press reports.

Two months ago, Jacob had attacked Trade and Industry Minister Rini Soewandi
whom he accused of discouraging investment by siding excessively with
labour.

Without doubt, the deportation exercise against illegal workers has generated
emotional response from the Indonesian media.

Megawati described the issue as a ''top hit'' while the republic's media
continued its hostile stance towards Malaysia.

So it came as no surprise when a deal between Malaysia
and Indonesia
over procedures in the deportation of illegal Indonesian workers could not be
signed during the talks.

Malaysian Foreign Minister Datuk Seri Syed Hamid Albar downplayed the issue,
saying ''it was not finalised.''

Besides blaming Hassan, Jacob also accused the Indonesian Ambassador to Malaysia,
saying he had ''done nothing to help the workers.''

The Indonesian Foreign Minister has hit back, saying Jacob had failed to come
up with proposals that would have resulted in both sides signing a memorandum
of understanding.

The Jakarta Post, in its front page report on Friday, claimed that ''thousands
of illegal workers were arriving in various parts of the country from Malaysia,
mostly in poor circumstances.''

''Many came home penniless while others had bruises after suffering caning at
the hands of Malaysian officials, a harsh punishment imposed under the new
immigration law, which came into effect on Aug 1.''

That is, of course, inaccurate. Until Friday, seven foreigners had been ordered
to be caned for entering the country illegally. Of the group, only one is an
Indonesian.

One Indonesian TV station, quoting a worker staying in Malaysia,
even alleged that his children had been refused schooling after 20 years in Malaysia.

I find that hard to believe. The common complaint by Malaysians is that
Indonesians, unlike other nationalities, seemed to be able to secure their
permanent resident status rather easily.

So much so that many of us are furious when we read of Indonesians, with PR
status, getting arrested for serious crimes.

There are many well-qualified and law-abiding foreigners, especially those
married to Malaysians, who have problems just extending their stay in this country.

Dr Mahathir has correctly said that Malaysians are feeling ''uneasy'' over the
presence of foreigners in Malaysia,
who now comprise 10% of its 22 million population.

It may be a little inconvenient and even costly, in terms of production costs,
following the amnesty programme but national interest is more important.

We need to balance the interest of the country and that of the private sector.
Never forget that cheap labour comes with a heavy cost.

I think Malaysian taxpayers are already burdened with foreigners who use our
hospitals, schools and other facilities.

Diseases such as tuberculosis which had been wiped out have returned to this
country with the foreign workers.

Then, there is the security cost which Malaysians have to put up with. There
are Indonesians who want to earn an honest living here but there are also many
who commit serious crimes.

The Malay petty traders in Chow Kit have been displaced long ago by the
aggressive Indonesians.

The true cost of using foreign labour, in reality, has not been properly
quantified. For far too long, we have been lenient in allowing the entry of
unskilled foreign workers from Indonesia
and Bangladesh.

Employers, used to making money by paying lower wages to foreigners, should not
ignore these hidden costs.

As the courts punish illegal immigrants who defy the law, every step must be
taken to guard our coastline.

The Home Ministry is reportedly waiting for the delivery of more sophisticated
boats, which is commendable.

At the same time, the authorities must act against black sheep in agencies who
allegedly demand money from foreigners at roadsides, construction sites and
plantations.

These foreigners are often too timid to report such extortions to the Anti
Corruption Agency but many employers have heard of such stories and because
these allegations are not reported and substantiated, these culprits are
allowed to escape unpunished and perhaps encouraged to carry on with their
corrupt practices.

The government's action against illegal foreign workers can only be successful
and sustained if the public and private sectors seriously do their part to make
it work.

Not too long ago, I attended a wedding where he was the
master of ceremony. The listeners, comprising family members and friends, who
attended the occasion were obviously very proud of him.

He has been the most successful person in his small village where most of the
residents are labourers, hawkers and factory workers.

The young man was quite impressive in his public speaking until he attempted to
speak in English. I understood that he had always scored A's in his English
paper in public examinations but his oral expression of the language did not
reflect the results he achieved.

He could not speak a sentence in English correctly. In short, it was an
embarrassment, although most of the Hokkien-speaking listeners were not aware
of it.

I cringed at the thought that this upstart might one day represent Malaysia
at medical conferences overseas and present working papers.

Unless he seriously makes an effort to improve himself in the language, he
would be speaking broken English forever.

The fact is that students, irrespective of race, would never be able to fare
well in English unless they converse in the language with one another or within
the family.

This medical student comes from a home where no English is spoken and Wah Loi
Toi, the Chinese channel in Astro, is the family's only window to the world –
which unfortunately means China,
Hong Kong and Taiwan.

In contrast, the pupils at some Chinese schools, such as Puay Chai primary
school and Catholic High School in Petaling Jaya, speak to one other in English
outside their classes because English is widely used at home.

Moreover, English is taught in Year One in many Klang
Valley schools while most Chinese
schools, especially those in new villages, begin this subject in Year Three.
So, it is not unreasonable to say that learning English has been a struggle,
too, for Chinese school students as it has been for those from national schools.

But it cannot be denied that Chinese school students have always excelled in
Mathematics and Science because of the strong foundation at primary level. Most
parents and teachers attribute this to the use of the Chinese language because
the drilling, in remembering the multiples and formulas, is done in a
''sing-song'' manner.

Parents with children in Chinese schools understand the need to improve the
standard of English but they are concerned as to whether using English would
affect the successful method of teaching these two subjects.

In 2000, Chinese primary schools scored 91.2% passes in the Year Six
examination against 75.2% in national schools and 73.9% in Tamil schools. For
Science, it was 83.8% against 77.5% in national schools and 73.8% in Tamil
schools. In the case of English, it was 63.3% in Chinese schools, 56.7% in
national schools and 45.6% in Tamil schools, reflecting the need to improve the
language in all three systems.

The government has correctly decided that a political solution be sought to
deal with the issue. It is best that Barisan Nasional leaders from the MCA,
Gerakan, Sarawak United People's Party and the Sabah Progressive Party sit down
with Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad and his deputy Datuk Seri
Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to decide on the best solution.

The vernacular newspapers should not attempt to give any emotional twist to the
issue. We should be clear that the government's intention is simple – to
improve the proficiency of English in schools – and Malaysians fully support
the idea.

The question now is how the educators should carry out this plan to improve
English in schools without affecting a teaching method that is widely acclaimed
to be successful in Chinese primary schools.

Unlike leaders of the Dong Jiao Jong education movement, who feared the use of
English would jeopardise the character of Chinese primary schools, most parents
who send their children to Chinese schools simply want their kids to perform
well without letting politics get in the way.

They realise that even at international level, it is acknowledged that Chinese
students out-perform American and British students when it comes to Science and
Mathematics.

The demand for places at Chinese primary schools has increased simply because many
parents, especially the English-educated ones, understand the need for their
children to be proficient in Chinese in view of the expanding China
and Taiwan
markets.

The economic pull is certainly stronger than the racial factor. Likewise, our
parents sent many of us to English schools previously because the
English-educated had better employment opportunities compared to those from
other mediums.

Well-to-do Chinese families sent their children to study in the United
Kingdom when the exchange rate was more
reasonable because degrees from Taiwan
universities were not recognised here. They were regarded as second-class
graduates because Taiwan
was then an economic backwater.

Should the Education Ministry decide finally that English must be used in the
teaching of Mathematics and Science in Chinese primary schools, then every
effort should be made to ensure its success.

The Education Ministry must go ahead with the move to emphasise the use of
English in schools. For a start, there must be an increase in English
lessons.

Like Bahasa Malaysia,
English should be a compulsory subject to pass in public examinations. Unless
it is required, students will never put their heart and soul into studying the
language, no matter how much we tell them about the global importance of
English.

It has also been reported that some visitors walked 1km
from the nearest LRT station and jumped across railings to cross the highway to
the museum. They are certainly a spirited bunch.

There have also been reports that about a dozen people fainted in the 200m-long
queues outside the museum.

The Exploring Ghosts: Mystery and Culture Exhibition which opened on June 26
has so far attracted – or lured – over 300,000 visitors, a record for the
museum, and will be extended another month.

Many have questioned the massive interest among Malaysians in ghouls and
supernatural beings in this era of globalisation.

But it comes as no surprise to me. It has a lot to do with our psyche,
regardless of race. Consider this: the feuding factions in the MCA spent 14
months quarrelling over allegations of phantom members.

Foreign political scientists can be pardoned if they have never come across
such a term. Phantom members are those who have died but their names are still
on the rolls, thus the term.

But the politicians were grumbling over members with different addresses and
those supposedly untraceable. These phantoms, it seems, are alive but cannot be
traced.

Politicians who are used to disappearing acts after the elections are, of
course, familiar with the term "ghost writers."

The term refers to academics, journalists and special assistants of politicians
who write impressive speeches for their bosses to read out.

Come every election, the ruling coalition would often be accused of using
"phantom voters" but when the Opposition wins they strangely ignore their
earlier claims, saying the people have exercised their democratic right.

But not before both sides hurl abuses and allegations during campaigning, with
insults like syaitan and iblis. It's frightening but true in the Malaysian
political context.

And when the political temperature shoots up, politicians have been known to
flash the jari hantu (middle finger) to their rivals.

Should the ruling party lose, the Opposition would then justify its actions by
saying the former never had a "ghost of a chance" in the first place.
Opposition politicians would have conveniently forgotten that they often cry
wolf.

Sometimes, articles and even books are written by these unseen figures in the
name of these politicians. Occasionally, these figures appear in public but
like the penunggu or spirits, they are supposed to stay behind the scenes.
Those akin to the hantu tinggi, the press can often pick them out if they crane
their necks a little.

Lately, Malaysian crime reporters have come up with a new term – phantom cars.
It refers to vehicles that were "registered" but did not have any documents to
show at the Road Transport Department (JPJ).

Last week, The Star reported that the police smashed a syndicate – comprising
JPJ officers, used-car dealers and a mechanic – involved in forging and
falsifying the registration of military vehicles with those of suspected stolen
and smuggled vehicles.

And if you think that's the end of the Malaysian obsession with the underworld,
you're wrong. Next month, the Chinese community will celebrate the Hungry Ghost
festival where the King of Hades is supposed to roam the streets in search of
food.

Understanding the importance of the event, no Chinese politician in Penang
would want to miss any of the dinner gatherings. The penalty for being absent
can be grave.

I beg to disagree. I think the Barisan has performed very well in these two
constituencies, never mind if they managed only to win one seat.

The important point here is that Barisan managed to win the Pendang
parliamentary seat and reduced the majority of PAS in the Anak Bukit state seat
sharply.

One should bear in mind that these two areas were held by
Datuk Fadzil Noor, who was the PAS president and Opposition Leader. Both
constituencies were regarded as opposition strongholds.

But the results of the by-elections on Thursday night showed they are no longer
as impenetrable to Umno as some in the opposition ranks might want to
believe.

Despite the expected sympathy votes for PAS after Fadzil's death, the party was
unable to stop the swing towards the Barisan in Pendang while in Anak Bukit,
the ruling coalition put up such a strong contest that many of its campaigners
thought the seat was theirs.

Towards the end of the campaigning, even many PAS supporters conceded that they
had lost Anak Bukit but might retain Pendang. Some Umno leaders even predicted
boldly that the Barisan would win both seats.

The strategists in Umno and PAS and even intelligence sources had assessed the
ground feeling inaccurately. So did members of the press covering the
by-elections who told their colleagues in Kuala Lumpur
that the Barisan would win Anak Bukit but would lose in Pendang.

Some aides of ministers, at one point, even dismissed the cautious prediction
of the reporters, saying the Barisan would sweep both constituencies as PAS
officials stubbornly insisted that they would win both seats too.

There will be some disappointment and relief among the campaigners, depending
on the outcome they had expected. Many will not want a draw between Barisan and
PAS, preferring a clear win.

But if PAS had expected a clear endorsement of its controversial hudud law,
which provides for amputation for theft and death by stoning for adultery among
other forms of punishment in Terengganu, then it is wrong.

The votes from the Chinese electorate were solidly against PAS, with many
openly telling the press that their biggest misgiving was the hudud law. It is
a point conceded even by PAS president Datuk Abdul Hadi Awang.

PAS had also fanned protests against the use of English to teach Science and
Mathematics at their ceramah, attempting to convince their listeners that the
language was unimportant.

It is sad that the PAS leaders, with their closed minds, had attempted to
denigrade the language and ignored the long-term benefits of learning the
language for political expediency.

The Barisan's victory in Pendang and the reduced majority of PAS in Anak Bukit
should be a loud message to the PAS leaders to re-evaluate their radical, if
not unsound, policies.

The results of the by-elections have shown how crucial the votes of the Chinese
and the Thai communities are. In the next general election, the non-Malays will
continue to be the decisive factor.

It is clear that PAS can only rely on the Muslim votes with its radical brand
of Islam while the Barisan is able to win broad appeal with its liberal and
moderate politics.

No doubt Barisan has its flaws and there is much it needs to improve but the
Chinese community will continue to be wary of PAS and the inability of its
partners, Parti Keadilan Nasional and Parti Rakyat Malaysia,
to check the party.

The task, if any effort is made at all, will become difficult now that the
party's leadership has been taken over by Hadi, who is a hardliner.

The firebrand has made no apologies for his remarks against other religions,
particularly Christianity. It is sad that Hadi is blind to the multi-racial,
multi-religious and multi-cultural composition of Malaysia
by stirring up radicalism among the Muslims.

Derogatory remarks made against Barisan leaders have been defended by PAS
leaders with gangster tactics openly carried out to intimidate Barisan
campaigners.

Opposition sympathisers who often claim that Barisan employed unfair tactics
should think again. Never assume that men in religious clothing and are seemingly
pious are unable to deploy dirty political tricks – they just cover themselves
better. Don't forget, they are also the same ambitious politicians.

On a brighter note, the victory in Pendang and the reduced majority of PAS in
Anak Bukit are a clear indication that the Barisan's consecutive victories in
the by-elections of Indera Kayangan and Ketari were no flukes.

There is also the unmistakable swing of Malay votes back to the Barisan, in
addition to the increasing support of non-Malays, including those who had voted
for the opposition in the 1999 general election. But Malaysians can expect the
same kind of tough and bitter campaigning between Umno and PAS in the next
general election, particularly in the rural heartland.

In the run-up to the 1999 general election, there was no shortage of opposition
politicians, who appeared along with their PAS counterparts at ceramahs,
singing the same tune.

Trips were organised by some misguided Chinese groups to
Kelantan and Terengganu to convince the voters that the two states were role
models of what PAS wanted to achieve.

They blamed the media for the extremist image of PAS, saying these politicians
could be trusted. They were, of course, wrong and had the Chinese voters
supported the opposition front in 1999, we would be in dire straits now.

Last week, PAS president Datuk Abdul Hadi Awang announced that the Terengganu
government would impose the controversial hudud law on non-Muslims as
well.

The PAS hardliner said the hudud law would cover non-Muslims when ''every
citizen understands them.''

That, of course, is very subjective. More so in Terengganu where non-Muslims
are a minority and will not figure much when the Islamist party decides that the
citizens are ready to live with the hudud law.

In pushing for the hudud law in the face of strong public opposition, Hadi has
shown total contempt not just for the Federal Constitution but for public
sentiments.

Worse still, he made offensive remarks about Christianity. He quoted a report
from the Daily Mail, an English newspaper known for sensationalism, that 80% of
male and female church leaders had sexual relations outside marriage and that
90% of them had engaged in unnatural sex.

He had singled out the report in the context of stressing a point on social
problems among church leaders.

Hadi's remarks are indeed provocative and seditious. Even with recent reports
of Catholic priests being involved in sex scandals, especially in the United
States, the majority of these Christian
leaders are committed to the faith and their service to the followers.

The majority of them have dedicated their lives to helping the people,
irrespective of their faiths, particularly in education through the missionary
schools.

The Catholic church has also been in the forefront in setting up old folks
homes and schools for the blind, something very evident in Malaysia.

Hadi, who is the Terengganu mentri besar, also pointed out that the Federal
Constitution was drafted by Lord Reid, a Christian, when debating the hudud
bill.

I cannot understand why Reid's religious background should be a factor. The
point is that the Federal Constitution, based on common law, has worked well
for this country.

It has been amended many times to suit the times but, more importantly, the
secular laws have been well accepted by the majority of Malaysians. The Federal
Constitution, which received the support of the main ethnic groups, have
guaranteed the rights of Malaysians, irrespective of their race and
religion.

For the Chinese community, the Federal Constitution erased questions about
their citizenship rights. They also enjoyed the right to vote, like their
fellow citizens of other races.

That right cannot be taken from them and the fact that they are Buddhists or
Christians have little relevance to their rights but the same cannot be said
about the hudud law.

The decision by the PAS-led Terengganu government should serve as a lesson to
opposition supporters, who back PAS for the sake of opposing the government,
without thinking of the consequences.

It is good that Malaysians have stood up and voiced their objections against
PAS's hudud law. The four Umno state assemblymen in Terengganu should have
voted against the bill instead of abstaining.

But the voters in Pendang and Anak Bukit in Kedah can express their protest
against the hudud law by rejecting PAS at the ballot box.

The PAS-controlled state has also said that all female
models were required to wear the tudung (headscarf) in posters and other forms
of advertisements.

The Terengganu government recently reportedly said that it wanted hotels and
chalets to build separate swimming pools for men and women. At the same time,
it wanted to ban bikinis.

Interestingly, the Terengganu government only denied these reports after many
Malaysians, including Culture, Arts and Tourism Minister Datuk Kadir Sheikh
Fadzir, reacted angrily to the suggestion.

But it stubbornly refused to back down from its proposal to ban singer Siti
Nurhaliza from performing at a concert in conjunction with the water festival
in the state.

PAS officials boycotted the closing ceremony of the event, saying cultural
dances involving male and female dancers were not allowed.

However, thousands of other Kelantanese had the good sense to ignore the PAS
leaders by deciding to have a good time at the festival.

Non-Muslims have always stayed away from matters relating to religion but they
have become increasingly concerned by the actions of PAS.

The ban on unisex salons affects non-Muslims. It is a clear infringement of
their rights and there is no reason why they should be subjected to these
laws.

Similarly, non-Muslims have no reason to follow the ruling of separate payment
counters because there is no need for a husband and wife to be separated while
shopping together.

The decision requiring all female models to wear the tudung in advertisement
posters is another move to disregard the rights of the minority.

It is strange that non-government organisations and human rights groups that
have been so critical of the federal government have been silent on these
issues, presumably reluctant to offend their political ally.

Except for the DAP, which has disassociated itself from PAS after realising it
is impossible to change the mindset of PAS leaders, others have unashamedly
stayed away from even the mildest form of criticism.

It seems it is all right to criticise Barisan Nasional but when it comes to
PAS, one must be prepared ''to understand and convince them.'' Never mind if
they ride roughshod over the minority in the two states.

Where are the foreign groups that have been so outspoken on the threat against
the civil rights of Malaysians?

The series of announcements by the two PAS state governments appears to be a
deliberate move in the run-up to the PAS general assembly in Kota Baru at the
end of the month.

It also appears to be an attempt to reinforce its Islamic image, particularly
to appease its grassroots members, following speculation that a general
election may be held next year.

Although some PAS leaders genuinely want to win over the non-Muslims,
especially the Chinese, the recent decisions of their colleagues will not help
the Islamist party.

The Chinese community may be troubled by the MCA leadership crisis but they
will support Barisan Nasional under the leadership of Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir
Mohamad.

The two factions in MCA may be going through a testing period but given enough
time, the healing will work as party president Datuk Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik and
his deputy, Datuk Lim Ah Lek, must understand the need to reconcile to ensure
the interest of the Chinese community is protected.

The MCA leaders now have a chance to search their hearts during this
cooling-off period and work towards winning back the support of the Chinese
voters.

But for PAS, it will have to face the onslaught not just from the MCA and
Gerakan but also its former ally DAP.

Dr Mahathir's popularity is at an all-time high while the
opposition front comprising PAS, Parti Keadilan Nasional and Parti Rakyat
Malaysia is in disarray. Keadilan itself is struggling to keep intact following
a series of resignations of its top leaders.

The popularity of PAS has been deeply eroded after the Sept 11 attacks in New
York, particularly when it called for a jihad (holy war) against the United
States for retaliating against the Taliban regime in Afghanistan.

The involvement of several PAS grassroots members in the Kumpulan Militan
Malaysia jolted many Malaysians, particularly moderate Muslims, and caused many
to reassess the kind of politics propagated by the Islamist party.

The DAP, understanding the sentiments of its core support among the
non-Muslims, tried to save itself by pulling out of the opposition pact but it
has yet to recover from the effects of working with PAS in the 1999 general
election.

It took a beating from Chinese voters, with several top DAP guns being
defeated.

The Barisan Nasional component parties, particularly the MCA and Gerakan, need
to take advantage of a weak DAP. Come September, when the memories of the first
anniversary of the New York tragedy are replayed, strong emotions would be
evoked again.

But the Sept 11 factor would fade away among Malaysians if Barisan decides to
wait longer to call for elections. One week in politics is a long time, as the
saying goes.

On the economic front, there is now renewed interest in the Kuala Lumpur Stock
Exchange and there is talk that the foreign buyers would return strongly to our
counters.

The property market, especially at the high end, seems to have rebounded with
news reports of buyers having to ballot for semi-detached and bungalow units in
freehold areas of the Klang Valley.

Despite initial fears of massive retrenchments following the slowdown in the
United States, the situation has been well managed by our government.

Dr Mahathir's standing in the international community has changed tremendously
since Sept 11. If he was treated with suspicion previously for his strong
actions against suspected extremists, particularly in using the Internal
Security Act, there is now greater understanding.

He is seen as a moderate Muslim leader in a progressive Islamic country who
wields considerable clout among Islamic nations. The hosting of the recent
Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC) meeting in Kuala Lumpur has certainly
boosted his credentials.

Clearly, the US is seeing Malaysia in a different light with the country now
being described by the White House as the regional ''beacon of
stability.''

Next week, Dr Mahathir will travel to the United States where he will meet
President George W. Bush. The high-profile meeting is important because it will
ease the strained relationship between the two countries.

Dr Mahathir will have a busy schedule, including a meeting with the influential
editors at The Washington Post and meetings with White House officials and
senators.

On the local front, the MCA will need some time to work on the peace agenda.
All players at all levels must realise that there is more at stake than a fight
over party posts.

A divided MCA will not be good for Barisan as it gears itself for the next
general election. Gerakan must also appreciate that it needs the MCA during the
election and that the fight in the MCA does not benefit the Penang-based
party.

There is still a great degree of unhappiness among Chinese voters towards the
MCA for its bitter factional fight. Party leaders, whether they like it or not,
have to come together.

Unity gatherings involving grassroots leaders and Chinese guilds can be
organised to forge unity and to show that they can close ranks to face a common
enemy.

Within Umno, its elections (one due next year) have always been exciting
affairs but party members may spend too much time campaigning, which would not
augur well for Barisan.

It is speculated that Dr Mahathir may want to call for the general election
before the Umno polls.

Another factor to consider would be the progress of the delineation exercise by
the Election Commission involving the creation of more parliamentary and state
constituencies.

The proposal, once completed, will have to be approved by Parliament. These new
seats would then have to be identified before the general election is
called.

But the consensus among many Barisan leaders is that the general election is
not that far away and preparations should start now – it is a perception that
is shared by the Opposition.

Last week, Dr Mahathir dropped a hint by saying he will be defending his Kubang
Pasu seat in the next general election.