The support for the MCA has been eroded because of the
fight. However, the DAP is not gaining any mileage simply because the Chinese
community is peeved with its brand of politics.

The MCA leaders cannot preach the importance of unity, at community or
grassroots level, if they are incapable of maintaining unity themselves.

The peace formula must thus be given a chance to work. It is not a question of
whether Team A or Team B won – the winner must be the MCA.

Party leaders, especially at division level, may not fully welcome the ''status
quo'' formula, but sacrifices have to be made for peace, stability and unity in
MCA.

The larger picture is important as preparations are being made for the next
general election, speculated to run before the full five-year term in
2005.

The top leaders from both sides must now go on a nationwide road show to face
the wrath of the grassroots and to explain why the peace plan is
necessary.

On Tuesday, MCA president Datuk Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik said all MCA leaders at
the division, state and national levels would remain in their posts until the
next party elections in 2005.

He said there would be no contest in MCA's 166 division elections. The same situation
will apply at state, Youth, Wanita and national levels.

Urging the grassroots to work towards the no-contest arrangement, he said the
central committee unanimously adopted the decision.

Over the past few weeks, behind-the-scene negotiations were carried out by,
among others, Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, the aides
of the Prime Minister and businessman Tan Sri Lim Kok Wing.

As with all negotiations, there were bumpy moments but the final result has
been achieved – the MCA leadership crisis has come to an end.

Dr Mahathir and Abdullah have played a crucial role in ensuring that the final
touches were agreeable to all to ensure that the peace agenda is
accepted.

It is now important for the respective MCA leaders to explain the significance
of the peace plan. There will be grudges and glitches, no doubt, but these are
minor problems that can be sorted out.

There will be cases like the eight Youth leaders who have passed the age limit
of 45 years old, and whether exceptions should be made to these cases.
Representatives from both sides can sit down to resolve such internal
problems.

Then there will be some divisions where the incumbent may have lost his right
to keep his post because he may have lost his branch post, but these are
rare.

The majority of the 166 divisions would probably remain the same with the
status quo formula. The central committee members, irrespective of which
faction they represent, will keep their positions for the next three
years.

Dr Ling remains as president and Datuk Lim Ah Lek is still his deputy. The four
vice-presidents – Datuk Dr Fong Chan Onn, Datuk Seri Ong Ka Ting, Datuk Chua
Jui Meng and Datuk Chan Kong Choy – keep their positions.

These are talented leaders and if one were to look at the real issues behind
the leadership crisis, there is really nothing substantial in the first
place.

There should be no witchhunt and sincere efforts must be made to ensure that
the spirit of the peace agenda is worked out. As Abdullah said, let bygones by
bygones.

As with all families, there will be times when quarrels break out among the
members but they need to come to their senses and compromise.

It has been said that we can choose our friends but never our relatives.
Whatever their differences, MCA leaders must work things out even after harsh
words have been exchanged.

The media can also play its role by not pitting one MCA leader against another.
Instead, let the healing process work in the interest of the Chinese community
and the nation.

As MCA leaders regain their composure and sieve through the countless rumours
being circulated, they should set their sights and resources on ensuring the
success of its projects – the setting up of Universiti Tunku Abdul Rahman and
the expansion of Tunku Abdul Rahman College.

More importantly, both sides must keep in mind that thoughtless words can wound
as deeply as any sword but wisely spoken words can heal.

To compromise is not a sign of weakness but of strength and maturity. No MCA
leader should feel ashamed to give peace a chance.

According to the findings of the purported survey, Najib
obtained 4,887 votes (62.54%), Muhyiddin 1,099 votes (14.06%), Abdullah 792
votes (10.14%) and Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah 571 votes (7.31%).

Without saying more than the figures, PAS has conveyed the message that Pak
Lah, as the Deputy Prime Minister is called, trails behind the others in
popularity.

The respondents of the survey are likely to be PAS supporters and the
credibility of the survey should thus be taken lightly, but Umno leaders are
not amused.

Over the past week, several senior Umno leaders have denounced the findings and
at the same time pledged their support for Abdullah.

There will be those who asked why such a display of allegiance is necessary
when the PAS survey has no basis. This is something Umno leaders must think
about before taking action.

Those who been fuelling the speculations of an impending fight obviously have
an agenda. For PAS leaders, they would love to see Umno leaders squabbling over
party posts as it would take the heat off the opposition party.

A bitter quarrel, as what is happening in MCA, will erode confidence in Umno
and certainly have a negative impact on voters.

PAS wants to attack Abdullah, who is also Home Minister, because he is one of
the few Umno leaders with Islamic credentials.

Abdullah, who graduated from Universiti Malaya with a degree in Islamic
studies, comes from a family of Islamic scholars. His father, Datuk Ahmad
Badawi, was a respected ulama who had joined other founding fathers to fight
against the clutches of the colonial masters.

By concocting a survey, PAS has deviously found a way to take pot shots at
Abdullah and at the same time fired the imagination of some lower-ranking Umno
leaders, who assume that there is mileage, if not money, to be made from a
power struggle among Umno leaders, especially between Pak Lah and Najib.

It cannot be denied that the rumours over the past weeks have been fanned
partly by Umno members who enjoy such politicking. As some Umno observers said,
''it's business as usual again in Umno'' following the recent Barisan Nasional
victories in by-elections.

Buoyed by the return of the Malay voters, there is a sense of renewed
confidence among Umno activists and the perception that the party is strong
again.

Without question, the opposition front has been hurt by DAP's pullout while
Parti Keadilan Nasional has been hit by a series of resignations, including its
deputy president Dr Chandra Muzaffar.

After the Sept 11 incident, the image of PAS has taken a beating with its brand
of politics, especially its support for the Taliban.

The PAS survey seems to have affected some Umno members, judging from the
manner in which they have responded. With the party holding its elections next
year, it appears that some members are eager to start campaigning early.

Such loose talk, however, will not help the party, particularly when it has
regained some ground lost during the 1999 general election.

What Umno grassroots members should do is to step up the campaign against PAS
and not indulge in speculation. The party election campaign can come
later.

The coast is not clear yet, as the saying goes. Umno and MCA must understand
that their real enemies are not within their parties but on the opposite side
of the bench.

The tactic adopted by PAS is no different from what the DAP did in the recent
Ketari by-election. DAP leaders issued press statements, not once but a few
times, to praise MCA deputy president Datuk Lim Ah Lek for the election
victory.

Instead of listing the various disadvantages it faces, as it usually does, the
DAP took a different tact by attempting to use Ah Lek to fight party president
Datuk Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik.

In fact, DAP leaders have turned up outside the MCA headquarters to cheer for
MCA leaders who are prepared to attack the existing leadership.

The bottom line is that Umno and MCA politicians should be concerned when
opposition leaders praise them because there is an obvious ulterior
motive.

What PAS and DAP would like to see is more washing of dirty linen in public by
competing Barisan leaders. After all, if somebody wants to do their job, why
not sit back and enjoy it?

The deadline to submit the notice for an EGM (involving
current delegates) is tomorrow if Team B wants to make sure it is held on or
before April 26 because of division polls over the next two days. By then, new
delegates would have been elected.

That aside, the signatures would have to be authenticated.

Questions have been raised as to whether an EGM can be called as the process of
election has proceeded, with many branch leaders already elected
uncontested.

Team B wants the polls stopped because it claims that the new membership list
of 135,700 names contains so-called phantom members.

Team A, led by party president Datuk Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik, has challenged his
detractors to prove their allegations, saying it was easy to make allegations
but the bottom line was evidence. He has also said that the 21-day objection
period – against the usual six previously – was over and asked why these
allegations were not submitted.

His critics replied that they did not do so because they had no confidence in
the headquarters' elections committee that was set up to study the objections.
They claimed that the committee was dominated by supporters of Dr Ling except
for vice-president Datuk Chan Kong Choy.

Team A leaders had pointed out that no one, even themselves, had said that a
party of 1.025 million members could have a 100% clean list. Even the Election
Commission rolls have blemishes.

Last month, the committee removed 868 names. The first batch comprised 399 who
had died, 156 were under-aged or below 18 years old, 26 had dual membership,
and 287 declared in writing that they did not join the party. The total number
of names deleted now is 1,773 or 0.17% of the 1.025 million members.

Non-members and even members can be forgiven if they find the statements of MCA
leaders confusing. In the process, the party's image has been badly hit.

Team A can explain as much it wants but some people may choose to listen to the
underdog, out of sympathy or prejudice. At times, even some sections of the
media have failed to explain the issue accurately.

Allegations of phantom members thus get better newspaper play than the findings
of the National Registration Department that the membership list is
clean.

The checks showed that of the 135,700 new members, only 905 or 0.6% had
discrepancies in their identity card numbers that could be due to technical
errors during the process of entering data into the computer.

The crux of the controversy appears to be what constitutes a phantom member.
Depending on who you talk to, the answers would be different.

But unlike the 1980s, when the MCA plunged into a 23-month crisis, even the
most hardened critic of the party would admit that this time, the so-called
phantom members are not dead.

One sore point among Team B leaders is that out-of-state members are allowed to
enrol in a local branch. For example, the Kapar division in Selangor is said to
have members from Johor.

They have been classified as phantom members, but Team A leaders say there is
no law to stop out-of-state members from joining a local branch as long as they
are bona fide members.

There is a loophole here but it is neither unconstitutional nor illegal —
morally wrong, perhaps, but other Barisan Nasional component parties have the
same system.

Similarly, the Election Commission allows us to register as voters in our
hometown even if we work and live in Kuala Lumpur with our family.

Then there is the scenario of an address with over 100 members. At first
glance, it appears improper and questionable. How can a house possibly contain
100 people?

The reality is that there is nothing to stop a service centre or a house from
being used as a correspondence address. There is no law by any political party
or the Election Commission that requires a minimum or maximum number of members
or voters per house.

It is a tactic used by grassroots leaders to stop their rivals, at branch
level, from contacting those already recruited. Come election time, their
rivals will have difficulty campaigning. However, in all likelihood, these
members exist.

During good and friendly times, such methods of recruiting are accepted by all.
Now, faults are being pointed out.

It is the same with the setting up of new branches. The party has been using
the same method but a controversy has surfaced chiefly because of the
elections.

Without question, there are flaws in the MCA constitution that need to be
rectified. The best forum is the general assembly where members can air their
grievances and correct the wrongs.

MCA leaders must not forget that the election is only a part of democracy. If
they wish to lead, they must be ready to serve first.

The Chinese community is tired of seeing the intense infighting. There are
plenty that needs to be done such as the setting up of Universiti Tunku Abdul
Rahman, the expansion of TAR College and the Langkawi Project, which can
improve the lives of thousands of people, and not a few politicians.

As Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad correctly advised politicians: solve your
problems internally, don't drag in the courts or government, or people outside
the party.

The point here is that the authorities seem to be ill
prepared each time we face a water shortage. It's almost an annual event;
surely by now we would have learned from the past.

Lack of information from the authorities only builds up anger, especially among
consumers who want to find out the duration of water cuts and how supply would
be restored.

Not being able to cook and wash is acceptable to most of us but it is a
different thing when there is not a drop of water to clean ourselves or to
flush the toilets. For those living in high-rise flats, where the water
pressure is low, their predicament is unimaginable.

And for residents in Semenyih, who live not far from the dam, it's a case of so
near yet so far. They must have found the water cuts unacceptable.

With low water pressure, the supply to most homes was murky, which did not help
to pacify the unhappy city folk.

But Malaysia is a lucky country. Barely a week of inconvenience, and we are
told that water rationing will be put off for the time being as a result of
heavy rain since Tuesday.

With water in the dams returning to normal levels, it's time we stop depending
on divine intervention to solve our problem. The Meteorological Services
Department should continue with cloud seeding to induce rain (last week, over
21 flights were conducted). To be effective, cloud seeding is usually done when
there are clouds over dams to induce rainfall at catchment areas.

Other pro-active measures had been taken, including reopening 41 wells that
were dug in remote areas in Selangor during the water crisis in 1998. A
filtration plant that was closed in 1998 would be re-commissioned.

All these measures were announced following public outcry last week. It's
better late than never but surely these steps should have been taken
earlier.

But it's no good merely to blame the authorities. For too long, we have taken
water supply for granted. In many European countries, their water is ''hard''
and impossible to drink from the tap.

Even boiling the water is not sufficient and many prefer drinking beer and
bottled drink for health purposes. In Malaysia, especially in Penang, the
quality of water is still good.

All this is only possible if our rivers are clean because they form the main
source of our water supply. So every step must be taken to ensure our rivers
remain clean.

Surveys have shown that only 27% of the 160 rivers in Malaysia are considered
clean. Not many Malaysians will find this shocking because for too long
factories, in particular, have treated the rivers as their dumping
ground.

All the laws drawn up and passed by Parliament will be meaningless if we do not
punish those who treat our rivers with disdain.

Water is an essential commodity. A year-long campaign to educate the public on
saving water should be started.

At the same time, we expect the authorities to tell us what steps have been
taken before the dry season comes again.

If our politicians want to keep boasting about how advanced we have become,
then it's time they stop giving us the same old story whenever the dry season
sets in.

In the case of Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir
Mohamad and his deputy, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, they make it a point
to speak to reporters after a function. If time is pressing, reporters are
allowed to throw questions at them as they are leaving.

This same newsman-politician interaction, we can assume, is not enjoyed by our
counterparts in Singapore. In fact, American journalists cannot get near their
President. They are restricted, most of the time, to the White House press
briefing room where a government spokesman would provide them with
information.

Last week, Singapore's Minister of State for National Development Dr Vijian
Balakrishnan found himself embroiled in a controversy when Umno politicians and
the Malaysian press criticised him for purportedly calling Malaysian reporters
''wild animals.''

He had reportedly passed the remark at a luncheon hosted for a visiting Barisan
Nasional Youth delegation in Singapore.

The rookie politician has said the remark was made in jest. He claimed that he
was hurrying along because ''wild animals'' were waiting to pounce on Barisan
Youth chief Datuk Hishamuddin Tun Hussein.

In retaliation, Information Ministry parliamentary secretary Datuk Zainuddin
Maidin, the former Utusan Malaysia editor-in-chief, said the incident showed
that Singaporean journalists behaved like ''mice'' when they came close to
their government leaders.

Not to be outdone, New Straits Times columnist Shamsul Akmar wrote that
Malaysian reporters should feel proud because it proved they were not
''domesticated.''

Trying to defuse the situation, Dr Vijian said: ''I could say I'm sitting in a
lion's den now.''

Malaysian reporters and Barisan leaders who attended Dr Vijian's luncheon have
admitted that they did not find his remark offensive but others have joined in
the fray to, presumably, settle political scores.

But there is certainly a need for Singaporean leaders, especially the younger
ones, to understand how their counterparts function.

The visit by the Barisan Youth leaders, for example, is good for
networking.

Over the past two years, the Singapore Government has, in fact, invited
Malaysian journalists, civil servants and other officials to visit the
republic.

But there is one area that Singapore needs to look into – until today,
Malaysian media companies cannot open their offices there.

Except for national news agency Bernama, which has a correspondent in
Singapore, none of the Malaysian newspapers can have representatives
there.

It is a strange decision on the part of Singapore because other foreign
reporters are allowed to operate there. In the case of Malaysia, we have been
liberal by allowing Singapore newspapers to station ''consultants'' here.

In the past, it was worse. Each did not allow the other's newspapers to be
taken into Malaysia or Singapore. Restricting information in this manner is no
longer possible today with the Internet although Malaysian newspapers still
cannot be sold in Singapore and vice-versa.

The restriction came about, presumably, because both sides did not want
emotional stories, written by either side, to be widely read by the
people.

But that should not stop Singapore from discontinuing its policy of not allowing
Malaysian newspaper firms to set up offices there.

Allowing Malaysian journalists to work there would help Singaporean leaders
establish a closer rapport with our media and, in turn, our media could
understand their policies better.

Singapore should not expect contacts with Malaysian journalists to be made
through a lunch or a visit. Relationship takes years to establish.

Over the past week, Singapore newspapers have published stories on how we have
reacted to several issues, ranging from the tudung ban to the visit by
Singapore Deputy Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong.

It's time for leaders such as Lee to influence their government to make bold
decisions that are in tune with the times.

No doubt, they do not have the kind of relationship their predecessors had, but
they also do not carry the baggage of history with them.

And the water supply comes from Malaysia. If Malaysians
feel that Singapore ought to pay more, the media has every right to play it up.
The Malaysian press would be failing in its duties if such an important issue
were to be buried.

In the case of Saifuddin, he is making these accusations to the Malay audience
who may not read the two English newspapers.

Readers of The Star and NST would know that these dailies have devoted much
space to these issues, the latest being the controversy over reclamation works
by Singapore at Pulau Tekong.

Worse, Saifuddin has distorted the matter – two Singapore companies merely hold
a negligible combined shareholding of 3.07% in NST Press and 7.85% in Star
Publications (M) Bhd.

He claimed that Singapore had editorial control over the policies of these two
newspapers, which is nonsensical. There are no Singaporean reporters in these
two dailies, let alone Singaporean editors.

If he checks his facts, Saifuddin would have realised that the Foreign
Investment Committee allows investment in media firms if the stake is below
30%. There are also no Singapore representatives on the boards of these two
companies, as alleged.

But experienced journalists usually take statements from politicians with a
pinch of salt, even if these politicians consider themselves respectable
statesmen.

In the case of Goh, it is his opinion that the Malaysian media has
sensationalised the issue. Opinions are personal sentiments and need not
necessarily be correct.

As for Saifuddin, his facts are wrong – and dangerous if conveyed to listeners
at ceramahs. He should know that unlike Singapore and Thailand, Malaysian
newspapers do not employ foreigners.

In Singapore, Malaysians working in newspapers there have found that they are
usually not assigned to cover local politics. Most are restricted to layout
work or to cover Malaysian news.

In Thailand, Malaysians are employed in English language newspapers because of
their proficiency in the language. They are usually hired as copy-editors and
sub-editors to clean up news reports submitted by locals.

These Thai newspapers are quite liberal in recruiting foreigners, to the point
that Malaysians sometimes complain that even backpackers are hired and given
better treatment, simply because they are whites and presumably more fluent in
English than Malaysians. Again, that is a matter of opinion.

The tudung issue has been given much coverage in Malaysian newspapers because
many Muslims here wear tudung. They can relate to the issue, and many of them
have relatives in the republic.

Malaysian newspapers have, in fact, been cautious in dealing with the issue.
The Malay dailies, while defending the right to wear tudung had, after all,
been critical over the wearing of purdah and burka.

The reclamation issue has generated interest because of reports that the Pasir
Gudang Port in Johor Baru could lose its competitiveness once large vessels are
forced to fork out extra expenses for pilot services to sail through the
would-be narrowed Tebrau Straits resulting from the land reclamation.

Johor Mentri Besar Datuk Abdul Ghani Othman had said that once the works were
completed, the width of the straits would he halved, as indicated by the
graphics of the project that were made available to him.

He had said that with reclamation work, it would result in only a mere 700m
separating the Royal Malaysian Navy's training college, near Kota Tinggi, and
the edge of the reclaimed land.

The onus is now on the Singapore Government to argue its case and to convince
Malaysians. As far as the Malaysian press is concerned, the issue is
newsworthy.

It must be upsetting for these people, who have been
waiting patiently for PR status, to read about cases such as that of the
Bangladeshi woman.

The time has come for our immigration authorities to tighten the rules on PR
status application from Indonesians and Bangladeshis. While we need these
foreigners to perform manual labour, it must be impressed upon them that they
are guests in this country.

We must not lose sight of the fact that we want to attract the best brains to
Malaysia if we wish to compete with our neighbours. The best people,
irrespective of nationality, are needed in various fields.

For example, there are plenty of experts in information technology and medicine
from India. These talents should be offered the carrot to settle in
Malaysia.

So are doctors and nurses from Myanmar. If PR status is to be accorded to them,
it should be done so after a period of employment. But the same privilege
cannot be extended to coffee-shop helpers.

Singapore seems to have been able to attract many skilled foreigners, including
Malaysians, with its offer of PR status.

A permanent resident does not enjoy the same rights as a citizen, such as
voting and running for office, but it provides a positive psychological effect.
It's a form of security and offers a sense of legitimacy in a foreign
land.

The action taken by the Home Ministry to flush out illegal immigrants in Sabah
is commendable. There should be no let-up of such operations.

It is also interesting to note that the Human Resources Ministry announced last
week that 100,000 to 200,000 Vietnamese would be joining the Malaysian
workforce in the next few months as part of the government-to-government
agreement on foreign labour between the two countries.

Experts from both countries are now working on the framework for a memorandum
of understanding on the guidelines for employment of these workers.

Vietnamese workers who apply for overseas employment would undergo language
classes and training to understand Malaysian laws and regulations.

The participation of these Vietnamese, especially in the construction industry,
will be a good alternative. The first batch of Vietnamese workers can be looked
upon as an experiment and their performance will be watched closely.

In addition to the Vietnamese, the Malaysian authorities should consider
workers from Cambodia and Sri Lanka.

Malaysia has plenty of nearby countries to choose from for labour and should,
therefore, be selective.

Similarly, we should be selective in the granting of PR status.

We cannot afford to be seen as a country where foreigners can enter with ease
and secure PR status after working for a few years. The reputation of Malaysia
is at stake.

In 1999, a women's rights advocate contested on an
opposition front ticket in an urban parliamentary constituency. PAS supporters,
in their robes and serban, marched to the nomination centre with her.

But one night, in full view of the press, she was ordered to speak from the
kitchen at a small gathering in a house belonging to a PAS supporter as the men
took their places in the hall.

In fact, women journalists still complain of being segregated from their men
colleagues when they cover the annual PAS general assembly.

Muslim women reporters are also required to cover their heads with
scarves.

Despite being outspoken in her views on women issues, the woman candidate was
too timid to go against the order of the PAS members, whom she relied on during
the campaign. She lost in the election and was never heard about again.

PAS has again brought up the idea of admitting non-Muslims into its fold. In
the latest issue of Harakah, the party organ, several Chinese leaders were
interviewed on the possibility of admitting non-Muslims as members.

There is little point in admitting non-Muslims as associate members with no
rights, as they will merely be window dressing. The question is whether PAS is
prepared to have non-Muslims as full-fledged members with voting rights and a
chance to seek election.

Until PAS is ready to commit itself to such changes, it will merely be wishful
thinking on the part of non-Muslim opposition supporters to expect PAS to be
progressive.

Even the DAP, which tried to have a meaningful relationship with PAS, has given
up after several bad experiences. PAS wants to turn Malaysia into an Islamic
state and has said so many times.

Well-intended Malaysians, especially non-Muslims, have invited PAS speakers to
talk about a PAS-run Malaysia. Playing to the gallery, PAS speakers often tell
the non-Muslims that if the party is given a chance, there will be no
discriminatory practices between bumiputras and non-bumiputras.

To a church or temple gathering, PAS leaders will emphasise that all religion
forbid gambling and the taking of liquor. Buddhist and Christian leaders
should, thus, support the PAS ban on gambling and drinking.

But pressed a little harder, PAS leaders will admit that in an Islamic state,
there is a distinction between Muslims and non-Muslims.

It is also difficult convincing PAS members that drinking and gambling are
allowed, or at least tolerated, by the Chinese community. It is a matter of
choice and rights.

Just like dressing, non-Muslims have the right to wear shorts and mini-skirts
if they want to. Under a PAS-run country, no one is quite sure whether this can
continue.

In short, under a PAS-run Malaysia, there will be no non-Muslim ministers. That
is precisely why PAS cannot have non-Muslims as members.

PAS is talking about non-Muslims as members because there is talk that Barisan
Nasional may call for a general election next year. In fact, PAS is feverishly
preparing for the elections by holding more ceramahs.

If PAS wants non-Muslims to accept the party, it should go beyond cosmetic
changes. To call for a jihad against the United States and to urge its
supporters to fight along the Taliban in Afghanistan won't win them
votes.

Neither should the party blame the media for shooting itself in the foot.
Moderate Malaysians should not expect the Islamist party to change.

Clearly, Dr Mahathir had wanted to offer his advice to
both sides before leaving for his month-long working-trip-and-vacation
overseas, besides attending the World Economic Forum in New York.

Following the meetings, both sides now appear more restrained. On Tuesday, Dr
Ling announced that the names of a million members in 4,000 branches would be
displayed to ensure transparency, with a 21-day objection period for
complaints.

The inspection period, which was usually between five and six days, was to give
party members ample time to scrutinise the list at all branches.

The party election steering committee will then rectify any proven discrepancy,
including deleting names of phantom members, if there were any.

On Thursday, Ah Lek issued a statement welcoming the decision to display the
names but pointed out the high number of new members.

Dr Mahathir revealed that he had been asked to intercede in the dispute between
what is now known as Team A and Team B within the party.

There are a few options available for Dr Mahathir, should he decide to go ahead
with the mediation.

The first option would be to allow both sides to slug it out but to ensure that
there is a level playing field. There must be a clean membership rolls and both
sides must stop their mudslinging through the media.

That means the factions should not hide behind unnamed sources when talking to
the Chinese newspapers.

There could also be an end to the large dinner gatherings and road shows. If
gatherings are to be held, they must be closed-door affairs strictly for members
only.

The second option is to let the status quo remain for the posts of president
and deputy president. The contest can go on at vice-presidency level, where
party delegates will choose four representatives and the 25 elected central
committee members.

Not everyone will agree with this plan because some will dismiss it as merely
postponing the problem. The distrust will continue unless there is genuine
acceptance of the situation. The practicality of the proposal would come into
question.

But if that is the sentiment of the majority of MCA members and the Chinese
community, the leaders may have no choice but to consider this approach.

Some leaders have said that one faction was pushing for this option because
hopes of winning the party polls had dimmed. Although incumbents are always in
a stronger position, it remains to be seen whether such talk is part of the
psychological war waged by the factions.

Dr Ling has announced his readiness to set up an independent committee, and Ah
Lek has welcomed such a move.

If given the go-ahead, this committee will have to ensure that all steps are
taken by the headquarters election steering committee to uphold transparency in
the polls.

With over a million members in 4,000 branches, the election steering committee,
headed by party secretary-general Datuk Seri Dr Ting Chew Peh, will have to
handle every complaint. Vice-president Datuk Chan Kong Choy is also a member of
the committee.

The independent committee cannot possibly have authority over the 11-member election
steering committee or take over its role.

The composition of the independent committee must also be sensitively handled.
Dr Ling has said that it may comprise members or non-members but they must have
a fair understanding of the running of a political organisation.

There is no such thing as a squeaky-clean name list and room must be given when
examining the administration of a mass appeal political party.

The guessing game by the media will continue as both sides work out their
differences, or at least decide on the rules of the contest, in the run-up to
the party elections in June.

Enforcement officials in Kuala Lumpur's City Hall have
long complained about the aggressive attitude of Indonesian traders, who have
now dominated the Chow Kit area.

The general sentiment of Malaysians is that the country has enough foreign
workers, especially Indonesians. And many of us are questioning how these lowly
educated, unskilled workers could easily secure permanent residence
status.

It is heart-wrenching to read that Indonesian trouble-makers, including those
involved in religious extremism, have PR status when many foreign
professionals, especially those with Malaysians spouses, have difficulty in
extending their stay here.

The Cabinet has taken the right step of setting up coastal patrols to stop
illegal entries. It is long overdue and the job may even be difficult, given
our country's long coastline but effective measures are needed.

Taking immediate steps to deport them is good, but they must not be publicity
stunts to appease the public.

Long-term policies should be drawn up and implemented to stop the flow of
illegal Indonesian workers, who dominate in the construction, plantation and
service sectors.

Preventive measures by the security forces are necessary but there should also
be harsher punitive laws against employers. Laws are pointless if they are not
effective.

Everyone knows it is illegal to litter but the chances of being caught are
slim. The law says smoking is banned in air-conditioned eateries but smokers
flout the law openly because non-smokers and restaurant operators are too timid
to stop these irritants.

Employers who hire illegal workers must not be spared. Harsher laws will deter
employers from blatantly taking in those without proper documentation.
Indonesians readily attempt to enter the country because they know they can
find a job easily.

The weaknesses in the law must be plugged. Enforcement officers, including
policemen, who take bribes from illegal foreign workers should be punished and
the cases highlighted by the media.

It is not good enough to blame the foreigners because our lackadaisical
attitude has contributed to their increasing numbers.

The presence of these foreigners is no longer a labour or social issue. Besides
being a security problem, it has economic implications.

Malaysians are paying for the hospital services of Indonesian women who give
birth here and the education of their children who study in our schools and use
our facilities.

In the long term, there are political consequences. Some years back, a few
Indonesians were arrested taking part in reformasi demonstrations in Kuala
Lumpur. Now, they are found involved in religious militancy.

Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has given the right
advice to employers: hire Indonesians as a last resort.

He has said that we should look for workers elsewhere, including Vietnam and
Cambodia, because there has been too much trouble from the Indonesians.

There is no need to pay heed to statements from liberal groups who criticise
the Malaysian Government for deporting troublemakers.

The authorities will get the support of most Malaysians for their tough action
against Indonesians who enter the country illegally. The influx must be
stopped.