Well aware of the waning interest in Datuk Seri Anwar
Ibrahim, posters of the former deputy prime minister was conspicuously
downplayed in Kangar.

But it cannot be denied that Keadilan did put up a fight against Barisan.

As in any by-election, the focus is sharper. A smaller area also makes the
fight more intense.

In the case of Indera Kayangan, political gatherings were held several metres
away from each other. Often, speakers could hear each other's speech.

The allegations and counter-allegations were quick and fast, with both sides
calling for press conferences at midnight when the press deadline was well
over.

But the trend of campaigning in Indera Kayangan is certainly worrying. Both
sides have been exceptionally aggressive.

The mudslinging was often unsubstantiated and involved character assassination,
including an alleged incestuous relationship 26 years ago. It then took on
racial and religious undertones.

Malay voters were told by the opposition not to vote for Barisan's Oui Ah Lan
because she is a Chinese while PAS allegedly claimed that it was religiously
correct to support Khoo Yang Chong because he represented Keadilan.

The Chinese education movement joined in the fray by campaigning for Keadilan
during the last lap.

The SRK Damansara issue in Petaling Jaya was dragged to Perlis, even if it had
little relevance to the people in Indera Kayangan.

The idea was to anger the Chinese voters, which made up 46.4% of the 7,976
voters in the constituency.

In fact, both sides harped on national and even international issues, such as
the Sept 11 tragedy in New York in this campaign.

But Malaysians must not forget that our country has been stable and that the
democratic system should never be taken for granted and abused.

Democracy has no meaning if racial and religious issues are used for political
expediency.

In the aftermath of an intense campaign, we should reflect and take stock of
the situation for the good of the nation.

As Barisan leaders criticised Muhd Zahid, Keadilan
leaders have refused to be drawn into the controversy. Party president Datin
Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail and vice-president Azmin Ali have also not
responded.

We can conclude that the two have endorsed Muhd Zahid's remarks with their
silence. PAS leaders, with their self-proclaimed high moral ground, are
tight-lipped too. Always quick to project themselves as righteous leaders, this
time they have refused to speak up against what is clearly wrong.

As opposition leaders, they understandably need to score political points
against Barisan and Shahidan in the heat of a by-election. But it is most
despicable when politicians exploit the tragedy of a family, particularly when
members are still mourning the death of a loved one.

Shahidan's youngest son fell to his death from a condominium in Kuala Lumpur
recently. Instead of extending their condolences to Shahidan, Keadilan has
chosen to capitalise on it. In the name of political expediency, the party
leaders appear to no longer be able to draw the line between right and
wrong.

Granted that Muhd Zahid is a featherweight in the party but its leaders have
the responsibility to apologise on the party's behalf. The least they can do is
to say that Muhd Zahid's remarks do not represent the views of the party.

This is not the first time that Keadilan has committed a wrong and refused to
acknowledge it. Not too long ago, the party implicated the Government in an
alleged plot to poison Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim.

There was no shortage of Malaysians who believed that incredulous allegation.
Anwar, of course, is still very much alive.

More recently, we read of Anwar's need to seek medical treatment overseas.
There were enough reports in some pro-opposition Internet news websites that if
he were not treated, he would be in grave danger. That, of course, is no longer
an issue because it was merely a stunt aimed at gaining political
mileage.

To PAS and Keadilan, it was all sandiwara when the Al-Maunah members staged
their arms heist and killed security officers. When Kumpulan Militan Malaysia
members were arrested, they did not believe it either.

PAS should not blame Malaysians if they perceive the Islamist party as
extremist because several KMM members are PAS grassroots leaders.

PAS, we can all remember, was quick to declare jihad (holy war) against the
United States for its war in Afghanistan and approved of its members joining
the Taliban forces.

The party was also supportive of the destruction of the Buddhist statues in
Afghanistan by the Taliban. And the party has not changed its stand on the
setting up of an Islamic state ala Taliban.

Last week, DAP deputy chairman Karpal Singh challenged Keadilan and Parti
Rakyat Malaysia to state their stand on the PAS Islamic state, saying both parties
had been unclear.

Karpal Singh should know. After all, the DAP spent three years with the three
parties in the opposition coalition, attempting to change them from
within.

As the Keadilan candidate in Indera Kayangan, Khoo Yang Chong must state his stand
as to whether he agrees with the setting up of an Islamic state and the
policies of his fellow PAS brethrens who marched with him to the nomination
centre.

He was, after all, a four-term  chairman
of the Perlis Buddhists Association.

His father, Por Swee Giap, 84, has the distinction of
being the state's first Chinese executive councillor. Even Dr Por was a state
secretary.

The Por family has a strong traditional link with MCA. But Keadilan is bent on
changing that. The prize is the Indera Kayangan state seat.

So far, Dr Por has enjoyed the wooing from Keadilan leaders who, it is
believed, include party deputy president Azmin Ali and Penang deputy chief
Cheah Kar Peng.

The doctor has been non-committal but the temptation may become greater.
Unfazed, the party is sending party president Datin Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan
Ismail to sweet-talk him into accepting.

It's certainly a tough decision for a small town doctor – more so given his
family's political history and the pressure from his friends and
relatives.

Being a well-respected figure, it's also hard to reject outright the carrot
that is being dangled – a shot at being elected a Yang Berhormat.

But that is not the only consideration. Dr Por must ask himself whether he
believes in the political agenda of Keadilan.

The party has claimed to fight for justice, democracy and accountability but
critics have said its sole objective is to free Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim from
jail. Even one of its founding leaders, deputy president Dr Chandra Muzaffar,
has questioned the credibility and dedication of its leadership.

If Dr Por or other candidates do not believe in the party, it becomes a mockery
for them to contest under the Keadilan ticket.

For Dr Por, the situation is even more serious. If he gives in to persuasion,
it will be regarded, rightly or wrongly, as a political one-night stand.

Both Dr Por and Keadilan are strangers to each other. The test will be on Dr
Por and his principles. At stake is his credibility and integrity he has built
over the years.

It is normal for potential candidates to have a change of mind even after their
posters have been printed, or to find that they had been dropped.

Barisan Nasional's Oui Ah Lan, 58, found herself sidelined in the 1999 general
election after getting ready to join the fray. The Perlis Wanita MCA chairman
is now the Barisan candidate for Indera Kayangan.

Chinese candidates contesting the seat for Keadilan will also have to grapple
with the question of whether they believe in PAS' ambition to set up an Islamic
state ala Taliban.

As a Keadilan contender, do they support the pact with PAS that is rejected by
the majority among the Chinese community? Even the DAP is prepared to severe
its link with PAS because of the Islamic issue.

Keadilan is still vague on the issue but as a candidate, the person cannot run
away from being queried on his stand. More so because he will be supported by
PAS an

d will march to the nomination centre along with green PAS flags.

Still, the by-election will not be a walkover for Barisan. The opposition has
already used the age factor against Oui. At 58, the opposition has said she is
past her prime and should make way for younger leaders.

The argument has some merit. But with age also comes wisdom and experience.
Opposition figures like PAS president Datuk Fadzil Noor and DAP chairman Lim
Kit Siang are past 60.

Are these critics suggesting that Fadzil or Lim should also retire from
politics?

Oui, a former headmistress, has served as special assistant to Mentri Besar
Datuk Seri Shahidan Kassim and she understands the ground sentiments
well.

She was undaunted after being dropped in 1999, and continued with her community
work unselfishly.

Umno and MCA campaigners must work doubly hard and not be lulled into complacency.
All the might with and well-oiled machinery of the coalition will come to
naught if the workers are not united.

The MCA leadership crisis will be exploited in the campaign. All MCA leaders,
whatever their differences, must be seen to campaign side by side.

In a by-election, voters tend to sympathise with the opposition. The argument
is that an extra opposition representative will not affect the political
equation in the state. Barisan will need ready answers for such tactics.

The voters of Indera Kayangan have a serious task, even as pundits predict an
easy Barisan victory. They have to choose between the politics of moderation
and the politics of extremism.

They have a message to send to moderate Malaysians: this country has no place
for extremists of any faith and ethnicity.

The young reporter begins on the job by covering the
courts to learn accuracy and the law. Next, he is put on the crime beat to
appreciate the importance of confirming a story and building contacts.

Only the seniors get to cover politics. The Prime Minister and his deputy were
reserved for seasoned reporters who had proven themselves.

Today, the rules have all been broken. Fresh graduates, still wet behind the
ears, demand to cover big assignments, believing that their certificates make
them hotshot reporters.

Some insist on becoming feature writers when they don't even know what is and
isn't newsworthy. The result is a mile-long story that doesn't get read.

Unlike television, there is little glamour in the print media. The climb up the
corporate ladder is a slow one with few top appointments.

But over the years, journalism in Malaysia has grown. Not only do we have more
newspapers and magazines, the number of television and radio stations has
increased.

During the economic boom of the past decade, the salaries of journalists
improved tremendously, attracting better-qualified people.

Better qualified, however, need not necessarily mean more experienced.

Overnight, disc jockeys became radio deejays, part-time models became part-time
newsreaders and, more frightening, fresh journalists who had yet to make their
mark became editors.

The newer publications in the country are filled with editors who are unknown
to their more experienced counterparts in established publications.

Naturally, there is a price to pay for this state of affairs. Take the case a
few months ago of an Era Radio DJ who announced that then Yang diPertuan Agong
Sultan Abdul Aziz Salahuddin Shah had passed away when he was actually under
treatment at Singapore's Mount Elizabeth Hospital.

The radio station went to the extent of airing verses of the yassin immediately
after the announcement. No effort was made by the DJ to verify the information
he had received.

One Internet news website reported that a senior legal adviser, who was on
medical leave, was being investigated for corruption.

Never mind the fact that it was based on hearsay. The news website, which
enjoys attacking newspapers for lacking reliability, went ahead with the story.

Last week, The Sun ran a front-page story about a plot to assassinate the Prime
Minister and his deputy, alleging that local politicians were involved.

The report said the ''hit'' on Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad and Datuk Seri
Abdullah Ahmad Badawi would be carried out in a month or two by a hired killer
named ''Raja Commando.''

It was a sensational story and the editors in The Sun must have thought it was
a major scoop. Rivalry aside, the editors of most other newspapers who read the
Christmas day story must have been shocked.

Not because they had been beaten but most could instantly spot the numerous
holes in the story. It lacked depth and had too many unanswered
questions.

Assuming that The Sun editors believed that their sources were accurate, they
should have worked more on the details before running the story.

More important, they should have sought confirmation. They must get the
comments of top police officials, the PM and DPM. That's how newspapers
maintain the accuracy of their reports.

In all fairness, all newspapers make mistakes. Journalists are human, too, and
in the pressure of meeting the deadline and fighting for exclusives, errors do
occur.

In the case of the print media, it is more serious because it has wide appeal.
It doesn't have the privilege of the electronic media which can right a wrong
immediately.

For newspapers, their mistakes are left staring at the journalists and readers
for the next 24 hours, at least. Damage control only comes the following
day.

The Malaysian media is often criticised for their predictable reporting but
they have never resorted to chequebook journalism or sensationalism. Neither
has the established publications attempted to make up a story in an attempt to
sell newspapers. The case of The Sun is unprecedented.

The newspaper has admitted that ''there is no foundation to the allegations
contained in the article and they ought not to have been published.''

A senior editor of the newspaper, however, reportedly said all regular checks
had been done in pursuing the story. ''We also spoke to a deputy minister and a
deputy press secretary.''

The checks were obviously insufficient. The serious nature of the story
warrants more cross checks.

The Inspector-General of Police, his deputy or the Special Branch director
would be the best people to approach, considering the enormity of the
case.

The predicament faced by The Sun should be a lesson to all journalists. It can
happen to anyone if they are not alert and careful.

No reporter from rival publications should rejoice over the fate of The
Sun.

Journalism is a thankless job. At times it can be cruel, some would even say.
Journalists are never remembered for their exclusives but dismissed for a
single fallacy.

Newspapers, as many businessmen have found out, is a difficult investment. It
takes years for profits to be seen and, in Malaysia, the market is small and
the readership fragmented by several languages.

The advertisement cake is getting smaller with the economic downturn and the
ban on advertisements bearing names of cigarette companies will hit all media
companies badly.

The final lesson my predecessors taught me was: ''Always stay out of the
limelight. Stick to your job of writing news – never be a news item.''

THIS is the man who has never taken a day off, not even
on his birthday. When Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad turned 76 on Thursday, he
was in Alor Star to attend a wedding.At the wedding, he was presented with a
large birthday cake by the bride's father, an official of the Kubang Pasu Umno
division headed by Dr Mahathir.

Previously, the Prime Minister had made it known that his birthday should be
low key, a private affair for family members.

His opponents, on the other hand, would go to great lengths to make unkind
remarks, pointing out that he is Asia's longest-serving leader.

Party president Datuk Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik told newsmen
in Kedah on Friday that if the PM was to offer any advice, he would have spoken
about the importance of party unity.

Ong, together with Youth Assembly Speaker Lim Hong Sang and secretary-general
Yew Teong Look have been blamed for the fracas at the Aug 3 MCA Youth annual
general meeting.

Last week, vice-president Datuk Chua Jui Meng was seen attending a breaking
fast gathering hosted by Dr Mahathir after chairing an Umno supreme council
meeting. Speculation went on about Chua's presence until it dawned on the press
that all ministers were invited to the function.

Chua, who was replaced as Kedah MCA liaison committee chairman, is regarded as
a potential challenger to Dr Ling in next year's party polls.

Umno leaders, particularly Dr Mahathir and his deputy Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad
Badawi, have so far refrained from making any statements on the MCA leadership
crisis.

Dr Mahathir has said he believed that the MCA leaders would be able to resolve
their problems while Abdullah advised the Barisan Nasional's second component
party to end the crisis fast.

MCA leaders have continuously spoken about the need to allow the democratic
process to settle the matter – meaning, let the party elections decide the
outcome.

But it is clear that Barisan leaders are getting more edgy with the
developments in the MCA, particularly the daily mudslinging by the rival
factions.

The lack of discipline among the younger MCA members has become a topic of
discussion at breaking fast functions hosted by Umno leaders, with some
describing this breakdown in command as a dangerous trend.

The concern of Umno leaders, privately expressed, is understandable because all
Barisan component parties share a similar structure.

While the feuding factions in the MCA would be allowed some room to campaign in
the run-up to the party polls, they should not be surprised if Umno leaders
stepped in to offer advice in order to ensure that Barisan is not
affected.

The MCA squabble is essentially an internal matter. Although the stakes are
high, MCA leaders must understand that, as in all family quarrels, they must be
able to come together once their differences are resolved.

Although emotions run high, there must not be a ''winner take all'' attitude
because talent should be recognised by the party leaders. That is essentially
what democracy is all about.

As the backbone of Barisan, Umno would want to see the ability of MCA to
continue providing stability in the next general election.

In 1999, the MCA won in 28 parliamentary and 70 state constituencies, its
best-ever performance, and also delivered crucial votes to Umno
candidates.

Under the leadership of Dr Ling, the party has essentially been able to deliver
the votes. The approval to set up Universiti Tunku Abdul Rahman can be
considered a reward for a job well done.

Although Barisan has 14 component members, Umno, MCA and MIC are the only
members that have ties to the Alliance under Tunku Abdul Rahman.

It is a long-tested relationship and the presidents of these three parties have
a special bond, which other component leaders can never have.

There are six months to go before the MCA polls. Both sides will need plenty of
stamina but they must never forget that as MCA leaders their performance will
be gauged by the grassroots members and community.

More importantly, they must not allow their problems to be exploited by others.
A few Gerakan leaders, including party president Datuk Seri Dr Lim Keng Yaik,
have made unfriendly comments about the MCA.

Although the rivalry between the MCA and Gerakan is well known, such statements
are ill-advised and would be perceived as rubbing it in.

MCA leaders had correctly stayed out when a group of dissidents led by then MP
for Batu Datuk Joseph Chong opposed Dr Lim during their party polls some years
back.

As in any family, there will be moments of greatness and crisis, but the
members must always remain together.

Youth Assembly Speaker Lim Hong Sang, who is implicated
in planning the brawl, has said that he is seeking legal advice and that the
report went too far.

The committee also recommended the reinstatement of Youth secretary-general Yew
Teong Look and vice-chairman Loh Seng Kok who were sacked at the AGM.

It is now up to the MCA leaders to decide whether they want to follow the
recommendations of the committee, which has no legal powers.

The presidential council committee, which met on Friday, endorsed the report by
15 of the 21 council members. On Dec 20, the central committee will meet to
discuss the report and is expected to approve it as well.

As in all investigations, there will be various versions and interpretations of
events but the party elders have raised several pertinent points.

They highlighted the possibility of non-delegates attending the AGM, saying
there was lack of proper control as ''non-delegates were present at the
meeting.''

''The Speaker admitted that he did not know whether they were non-delegates in
the assembly hall and that he could not control the event.

''Whether they were taking part in the voting or not is a question mark,'' they
concluded in their 10-page report.

The remarks are serious as there had been suspicion that non-delegates were
present at the AGM, based on pictures and videos taken by the media and party
members.

One former state Youth chairman, well past the ceiling age of 45 imposed by the
Youth movement, was said to be seen by many observers, including the media,
inside the hall.

The presence of non-delegates itself is enough to declare the AGM null and void
although the committee did not say so.

But it might be more difficult to prove other points such as the allegations
that Ong and Lim planned the fracas. The two, quite understandably, are
unlikely to take it quietly.

It is even more difficult, perhaps unfair, to prove that Lim, a lawyer, had
expected trouble with the mere presence of four bodyguards at the hotel.

But it cannot be denied that Lim, who turned up for the hearing by the
committee, handled the meeting badly.

He may have his reasons to switch off the microphones, which stopped the
delegates from speaking, as the situation was chaotic. It could be a valid
decision based on the tense situation then.

As outsiders, we will never know the actual sentiments but based on
observations and reports, it is clear that when Yew and Loh were sacked, the
voting was put to a vote by hand.

Arguing from a procedural and constitutional point of view, the veterans have
proposed that the two be reinstated and the voting declared null and
void.

There will be no end to the merits and demerits of the findings. The report, in
whatever form, will be looked at from a political angle that suits the
interested party.

On that, the veterans must be commended for their readiness to take up the job.
As retirees who do not need any form of controversy, they certainly do not wish
to be subject to any criticism.

More important, they have no vested interest. As such, those who criticise the
report should confine their unhappiness toward the findings and not the
integrity of these elders.

In reading the report, the MCA members, press and public may only be interested
in the more sensational part of the findings but we must not lose sight of the
sound advice given by the elders.

The veterans have correctly pointed out that if there is no discipline in the
party, there will only be anarchy and disunity, which will eventually lead to
the downfall of the MCA or loss of its prestige and integrity within Barisan
Nasional.

Even party president Datuk Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik has not been spared – the
elders, in fact, called for ''decisiveness in the top leadership … cannot
afford to dilly-dally any more.''

The elders also pointed out that ''the majority view of party members must
prevail and take precedence over any personal agenda, no matter what level of
leadership the disgruntled party members or group of party members may be, be
it party president, deputy president, vice-president or central committee
member.''

In the coming months leading to the party elections expected in June, more
controversy will likely arise from the feuding factions.

There will be no end to the mudslinging and accusations but the contenders must
always bear in mind that there is little point heading a divided party.

Every effort, no matter how difficult, must be made to come to a compromise.
The least they can do is to agree on the rules of the game.

It may be a war but there must be some ground rules without affecting the
integrity of the party and personalities.

In a democracy, there can be disagreements over issues but the personal lives
of the candidates must never be questioned or subject to unnecessary
allegations.

The Nanyang Press Holdings issue has been accepted by the presidential council,
central committee and the delegates at the extraordinary general meeting but
has continued to be used against the leadership.

The merits and demerits of buying the two Chinese dailies is left to be debated
by the party members – if some are still dissatisfied – but they must remember
that these two dailies have become the property of the MCA. They should not
destroy what they have purchased.

It also cannot be denied that the critics of the purchase have continued to
enjoy wide coverage in the two Chinese dailies.

Similarly, any attempt to bring up the Damansara school issue is ill-advised.
The loudest complainants have been the DAP and groups linked to it.

In the name of the Chinese community, they have exploited the issue but those
who are affected the most – the parents, teachers and pupils – are happy with
their new building.

As the election fever heats up, no MCA party leaders – whether from Team A, B
or C – should attempt to become communal heroes.

As the veterans correctly pointed out, the MCA must not be led by a group or
segment of the party, be it in the educational, cultural or social
arenas.

The outcome of the MCA poll may be decided by only 2,000 or so delegates but
the party, widely accepted for its politics of accommodation and moderation, is
being closely watched by all Malaysians, regardless of their ethnicity.

Although many analysts were surprised by the outcome of
the results, pro-Umno students had been making major inroads in campuses – a
domain for opposition parties over the past three years. At the last campus
polls, pro-Umno students were in the majority in only two student bodies.

Although university rules forbid students from contesting under the same
banner, the contest in the public universities has long been a proxy fight
between Umno and PAS.

The campus election rules are strict. Candidates are forbidden from even
adopting similar poster design to prevent students from contesting under the
same faction.

At Universiti Utara Malaysia, where voting is compulsory, contenders are
required to put on a jacket and tie for their election posters.

But the campus fight has long been a feud between contenders wearing the
trademark PAS white skullcaps and goatees and the moderate Umno students in
long-sleeved shirts.

At universities controlled by PAS students, the authorities often had to deal
with attempts by students to bring PAS leaders to speak at forums.

In some cases, these pro-PAS leaders would block any form of entertainment in
campuses, including concerts by pop singers, claiming it was forbidden.

Several years ago, such extremist students staged a protest against a concert
by Sheila Majid at Universiti Malaya while in the 1980s, pro-PAS elements
attempted to stop a performance by the Alleycats at Universiti Kebangsaan
Malaysia.

So sensitive were these pro-PAS students that I once found myself reprimanded
for wearing a pair of Bermuda shorts at the residential college while studying
at UKM.

The pro-PAS students have always been strong in UM and UKM because of the
active participation by students from the Islamic Faculty.

In UKM, some of the Islamic Faculty lecturers have been accused of taking
sides. PAS president Datuk Fadzil Noor and another leader, Datuk Dr Harun Din,
were once lecturers at the faculty.

At the IIU polls, the pro-government side was upset with student affairs dean
Sidek Baba, perceived as a supporter of Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, because of
allegations that he had made changes to the rules that helped the
opposition.

These pro-opposition student groups became stronger when Anwar was sacked from
the Government, with even the Chinese students coming together with reformasi
and Islamist groups.

Previously, especially in UKM, the Chinese students had traditionally backed
the pro-Umno group, given the links between MCA Youth and Chinese students at
the varsity.

The pro-government students eventually lost their hold on Universiti Sains
Malaysia, long perceived as a more liberal institution.

But the recent showing by the pro-Umno students is a reflection of the
perception of the young towards the establishment.

Some academics even believe that the Sept 11 incident in the United States
played a major role as the Islamist groups appear to have lost their appeal.
They said students were now more appreciative of the political and economic
stability in the country.

If they had once been critical of Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad's leadership,
they now salute him for his consistency and far-sightedness.

But it cannot be denied that former reformasi student leaders, who now back
Barisan Nasional, have played a crucial role in guiding the candidates in
election strategy.

These former leaders had maintained their links and enabled Barisan leaders to
touch base with students, who got to listen first-hand what the Government was
doing for the nation.

Puteri Umno activists, some said, helped with their links with student groups
and had swung the women votes in favour of the pro-Umno contenders.

But the battle isn't over. Both sides will want to keep their hold on the
campuses because at stake are the country's best and brightest students who
will one day head the leadership of both parties.

The PBS, with its large Christian membership base,
understood the implications of working with PAS, which had never dropped its
Islamic state ambition. The DAP, failing to understand the sentiments of its
core supporters, went ahead with the partnership and paid a heavy price.

Of the 48 state seats in Sabah, at least 18 are predominantly Kadazan. While
not all Kadazans are Christians, many among the community's leaders are –
including party president Datuk Seri Joseph Pairin Kitingan and his deputy, Dr
Maximus Ongkili, who is a lay preacher.

Many of the church groups in Sabah, especially in the Kadazan areas, have
played crucial roles in local politics.

One of Keadilan's biggest flaws is its inability to grasp grassroots
sentiments, especially among non-Muslims, despite trying hard to be a
multi-racial party.

This could be due to the poor interaction of its non-Muslim leaders with the
grassroots. Unlike the MCA and MIC, which have strong community links,
Keadilan's non-Muslim leaders do not have such communal networking.

Many of Keadilan's non-Muslim leaders are professionals and academics who may
represent middle class sentiments but have little contact with the working
class. The Chinese and Indian leaders are unknowns in their own
communities.

For example, when Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim was finance minister, he refused to
cut interest rates for loans, which hurt many businessmen and traders.

Although the currency control decision was criticised by opposition leaders,
for businessmen caught in the madness of the daily currency fluctuations, the
imposition allowed them to plan their budget better.

The ordinary Chinese and Indian voters, mostly in the private sector, were also
worried about losing their jobs in the 1999 recession.

Civil servants and university lecturers, who did not have to worry about losing
their government jobs, had no inkling about the sentiments of the Chinese and
Indian voters.

While enjoying their low-interest rate loans as civil servants, they did not
care about the frustrations of the non-Malays against the financial policies of
Anwar. It was with some relief for the public when Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir
Mohamad took over the job and made the necessary adjustments.

Keadilan leaders thought that their reformasi slogan was enough to generate
votes. They were wrong. As a result, Keadilan lost badly while PAS, contesting
in Malay-majority areas, fared well.

The DAP was humiliated in the Chinese-majority areas as they refused to listen
to the community's objection to working with PAS.

During the recent Sarawak elections, Keadilan and PAS were again beaten badly.
Until today, Iban voters still joke about a PAS campaigner, in his serban and
flowing robe, going around shaking hands while wearing gloves.

Among the Muslims in Sarawak, they found it hard to accept the hostile politics
practised by PAS and Keadilan.

In the next general election, the aftermath of the Sept 11 incident will be a
crucial factor. PAS, like it or not, is regarded as an extremist party and its
open support for the Taliban seems out of sync with the non-Muslims.

If Keadilan ignores this by continuing to stress on its link with PAS, it will
lose more seats.

If the DAP takes on Keadilan, the two parties will split the opposition votes.
Even if they work out a pact, it would not necessarily help either party – such
a tie-up will be regarded as an unholy pact.

Keadilan leaders, especially the academics, cannot expect to measure the
sentiments of the grassroots by merely reading anti-government websites and
international magazines.

The people are also aware that even as the Taliban
retreat, that's not the end of them. It is just a case of them returning and
fighting another day.

And remember that the attacks against the Taliban started as a war against
terrorism. It was a hunt for Osama bin Laden, who is still very much alive in
some Afghan cave.

Now, we have a new situation. The United States needs to install a new Afghan
government which includes the ridiculous possibility of putting up an ageing
deposed king again.

It isn't clear whether the faction heads are ready for a king which they
probably cannot remember but the world is certainly not ready to swap the
Taliban for another form of totalitarian rule, particularly one imposed by
ethnic groups from a different part of the country.

We cannot expect the ethnic factions, with their ill-repute as bandits,
murderers, looters and rapists, to change their ways overnight.

In fact, as they made their way to Kabul, the rag-tag army did not appear to
have changed their ways although they were more restrained this time,
presumably aware that the world is watching them. Understanding the need for
foreign aid and the power of foreign pressure, these tribal chiefs must have
put up their minimum best.

For now, the responsibility of administration in Kabul is likely to fall to
international diplomats. Blue helmets will be required for military security
while aid convoys need to be speeded up to stop any form of famine with winter
approaching.

The tribal leaders will need a crash course in the concept of power sharing and
the need to keep the alliance intact. The king may be used as a rallying point
but the tribal leaders are still the power brokers and they know it.

By keeping the coalition alive, that will enable them to be strong enough,
politically and militarily, to resist the Taliban.

No one should write off the Taliban. They probably gave up Kabul because of a
collapse in command and control due to weeks of aerial bombardment of
communication facilities.

But Osama is still very much alive and if he believes the Taliban is able to
protect him, then he would work with them to strike back. With winter
approaching, the chances of the western powers capturing him may now be
slimmer.

The Taliban has not yet been defeated and its diehards are sure to regroup
themselves in the mountains.

The northern alliance may have gained control of the cities and unless they
exert a stronger presence, the peace seems fragile but peace must be given a
chance, no doubt.

There is a need to encourage the western educated and enterprising Afghans, who
have fled overseas, to return to rebuild what has become a wasteland.

The social and political principles of a democracy need to be drawn up, even in
the most rudimentary form, especially when you have ethnic leaders who only
understand the language of guns and bullets.

Basic civil, criminal and commercial laws need to be written for basic
economics to function again.

Women must be allowed to attend schools, earn a decent living and discard their
burqa if they want to. There will be a need to replace poppy cultivation, which
has been the only crop farmers have to make their living, with other
agricultural produce.

It will not be easy, after the experience of the Taliban, and the Afghans will
need some time to adjust to normality.

We cannot expect the factional chiefs to accept western secular laws overnight
and neither should we expect the Northern Alliance to include women in their
discussions immediately.

The priority, however, is a workable framework which all factions must agree
on.

The UN may be taking over temporary administration but the US cannot just wash
their hands and walk away. The Afghanistan problem has been created by the US
and they will need to find a solution.

Capturing Kabul has been a good Christmas gift for the US as until last week,
no one was clear whether the attacks against the Taliban had produced
results.