Five also had their rights to vote forfeited and their
rights to contest party elections suspended for six years.

Those suspended were charged with breaking the party's code of ethics by taking
part in money politics during the election of divisional leaders. They were
accused of giving money, throwing parties or providing overseas trips as a way
to influence internal elections. One of the accused was a state executive
councillor.

The fact is that money politics is merely a polite word for corruption.

As Dr Mahathir himself admitted recently, the perception of many Malaysians is
that Umno has been riddled with money politics.

Rightly or wrongly, many people, including even Umno members, assume that
joining the party is one way of becoming rich.

Umno aspirants are prepared to fork out millions of ringgit to buy votes,
believing that they will reap profits from their investment.

These crooked politicians believe that if they are elected as division heads,
they would stand a better chance of being picked to contest a state or
parliament seat.

Some Umno members even believe that their membership is enough to win them a
contract for a project.

On Monday, Dr Mahathir said Umno must be cleansed of money politics, adding
that the people would never believe that corrupt leaders could set up a good
government to serve them effectively.

The people, he rightly pointed out, will not pick the party leaders if they
think that these candidates are corrupt. He added that Umno would lose members
if its members did not close ranks after the election process.

In the past, Umno members used to laugh at the fisticuffs and chair-throwing at
MIC meetings.

But such squabbles no longer take place in MIC meetings only but also in Umno
meetings.

Over the past weeks, there have been reports of fights and even one reported
stabbing.

In Libaran, Sabah, police had to be brought in as tension ran high over a hotly
contested division election.

Money politics is not the only problem afflicting Umno. Party discipline seems
to be badly missing from the party now. Dr Mahathir has correctly pointed out
that greed is the problem.

Umno leaders cannot hope to win the hearts and minds of the young if they
perceive that self-interest is the only preoccupation of the party leaders. The
party's history of struggle against colonialism will not be enough to convince
the young to join the party.

Umno cannot live on the glory of its past; it has to prove to the young that it
is still relevant and that it feels and believes in the sentiments of the
young.

As the backbone of the Barisan Nasional, it has been successful in producing a
new class of confident, educated and successful group of Malay middle class.
Many of these young professionals, however, do not believe that they have to be
thankful and obligated to the Government for their positions and it will be the
Government's mistake if it continues to remind them.

The young Malays are concerned with issues such as corruption, justice and
freedom of expression and, unless these concerns are addressed, the opposition
will continue to chip away at the support for Umno.

That aside, the leaders of Umno Youth deserve to play a bigger role in the
Government. In comparison with Parti Keadilan Nasional and even PAS, many Umno
leaders are already past 50 years old.

Umno Youth leaders have proven their maturity in handling controversial issues.
In the case of the failure of top non-bumiputra students to get entry into
universities, Umno Youth has demonstrated its moderation through its
statements.

They have come out better than some yesteryear heroes who have attempted to
return to mainstream Umno politics by trying to play the nationalistic card to
garner support.

The statements of these Umno Youth leaders, in calling for more non-bumiputra
students to be admitted into public universities, reflect their calibre as potential
leaders not just for the Malays but for all Malaysians.

The task of Umno has become tougher because of increasing competition from
Keadilan and PAS.

But unlike these two parties, Umno continues to receive the support of not just
Malays but other ethnic groups who are more comfortable with its brand of
politics of consensus.

As Umno celebrates its 55th anniversary, its leaders and members have to bear
in mind that only they can prove to Malaysians that the party has not reached
retirement age but is still relevant.

The fact is that Form Six has lost its appeal. An SPM
student can enrol in a private college to do what is called a “foundation
year.'' The student then proceeds to the second year of the degree
programme.

Others qualify for a diploma before entering second year. On graduation, they
hold a diploma and a degree.

Sixth formers sit for the STPM exam at the end of two years of secondary school
education. After getting their results, they begin applying for places in local
universities.

Even if they have decent results, there is no guarantee of a place in
university. For non-Malays, competition is tough because of limited places
owing to the quota system.

Some of those who are successful are offered disciplines they are not
interested in or are over-qualified for.

I know of an arts student who was accepted into then Universiti Pertanian
Malaysia. It was miserable for her during the first few weeks because she was
in a science course.

Finally, she was accepted by Tunku Abdul Rahman College where she took up
accounting. Today, she is a qualified accountant.

If there had been no option available, she could have been a drop-out.

There is much that does not make sense in our education system, particularly
when 500 top-scorers can't get into university.

The problem has been aggravated because of the unusual number of students with
good results.

This situation is partly due to many students having skipped Remove Class,
resulting in more applicants.

Even TAR College has found that it cannot cope with the large number of
applicants.

To complicate matters, it has been reported that there are 7,168 places for
bumiputras but there are not enough eligible students. There are now calls that
these vacancies be released to non-bumiputras.

The vacancies must have come about because bumiputra top-scorers would have
been offered scholarships or loans to study overseas.

In the case of non-bumiputras, matriculation courses had been exclusively for
bumiputras until a few years ago.

The controversy, which also occurred last year, could have been avoided if
there is fairness, flexibility and reasonable implementation of the quota
system.

Of the 500 last year, only about 100 gained entry into local universities after
lodging appeals.

According to the MCA, which highlighted their plight, the 500 cases included 25
students who scored 10As, 59 with 9As, 80 with 8As, 79 with 7As, 57 with 6As and
60 with 5As.

The rights and privileges of bumiputras must not be questioned. The affirmative
action and quota system are necessary to help disadvantaged Malay students,
especially those from the rural areas.

But it is injustice when bright applicants are deprived of higher education on
the grounds that there are only limited places for a particular ethnic
group.

If the Education Ministry officials have their way, they would want our
students to go through the two years of Form Six.

Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has given an assurance
that all top-scorers will get places in university.

Following complaints from many bright applicants, the ministry also announced
that those with 10As and above will get places but it was non-committal on
those with 9As and below.

The time has come for the Government to consider abolishing Form Six or
restricting it to one year of studies.

Today, many children begin pre-schooling as early as three years old. Most
children are able to read and write before they enter Year One.

If our children can begin Year One at the age of five or six, instead of the
present seven, they would be able to complete primary education by the time
they are 10.

Our youngsters can then complete their secondary education and subsequent
tertiary education earlier.

The Education Ministry needs to concentrate on the core subjects – particularly
Bahasa Melayu, English, Mathematics and Science – to give our students the
competitive edge.

Completing tertiary education earlier would help to boost our human
resource.

There is little point in burdening our students with too many subjects.

Worse still is for the education system to continue producing students with no
aptitude in mathematics or are unable to write and speak English
properly.

As nations become more competitive, it is more pertinent for our students to be
fluent in a third language with economic value.

Internet training, which is offered by many Chinese schools starting at Year
One, should be made compulsory for all.

Education today is no longer the business of the Government and educationists.
If we want to gear ourselves to face the impact of globalisation, we need to
rethink our mindset and policies.

Among the failures in national schools that he cited was
the over-emphasis on matters relating to religion. As a result, many non-Malay
students do not enrol in these schools.

This, Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad said, had defeated the purpose of national
schools which had been set up to encourage students of various races to learn
together to enhance racial unity and integration.

Dr Mahathir is correct in saying that the system in these schools has been
found wanting due to ineffective approaches towards the learning process.

Students in Chinese schools, on the other hand, excelled in their studies, he
added.

He said national schools placed less emphasis on education and disciplinary
matters.

His remarks were followed by Negri Sembilan state executive councillor Zakaria
Nordin's claim that there were racist teachers in the state.

These teachers in national schools, he said, made insensitive racial remarks
without considering the feelings of the other races.

It has been a week of bad publicity for national schools but in all fairness,
there are still plenty of teachers who take their role as educators
seriously.

Many brave the difficult living conditions in rural areas to nurture the minds
of the young because they love their work.

But national schools, we cannot deny, have lost their shine. Many parents,
including Malays, send their children to Chinese schools because they believe
the quality of education there is higher.

In addition to the emphasis on Maths, many parents feel their children must
learn to speak and write Chinese because it is regarded as a language with
economic value.

While our educationists brag about smart schools, most Chinese schools in
cities already conduct compulsory computer classes in Year One.

These facilities are made available, not from government support, but through
community help.

Such self-reliance, which can be frustrating at times, has also resulted in
more resilient students who learn at a young age that they must stand on their
own two feet and not expect hand-outs.

Besides dedicated teachers, parents with high expectations automatically push
their children to excel. The end result is that everyone gains from the
excellent academic performance.

For example, it is common to hear of parents being hauled up by teachers
because their children are average performers.

One Chinese school in Petaling Jaya has such a reputation that parents are as
nervous as their children when they turn up to collect annual report
cards.

Parents get on-the-spot lectures from teachers if there are unsatisfactory
marks on the cards.

There are instances where parents camp overnight outside the premises of
Chinese schools just to ensure their child gets placed in a "good"
class while others forge home addresses and use political connections to secure
places for their children.

Needless to say, the vernacular education system has contributed much to the
human resource of our country.

It must never be seen as an obstacle to national unity. The weaknesses of our
education system is just one contributing factor to the lack of national
integration.

National policies and laws, perceived to be unfair, also have an impact on
racial unity among Malaysians.

In the past, many of us had the privilege of attending English-medium schools
where students were of all races. Not only do we still remember fondly our
friends of various races but we remain proud of our English.

For those from Christian missionary schools, there was a sense of belonging and
mission.

The old boy togetherness was grounded in many of us and the networking proved
useful in our working life.

Many students ended up as teachers in their alma mater and were dedicated to
their work.

But all that is gone now. Every time a new Education Minister is appointed, we
see numerous changes being made, from school syllabus to school holidays.

Then there are also misguided bureaucrats who throw in their racial prejudices
at the implementation stage and sometimes ruin the noble values of
policies.

Dr Mahathir's wish to see unity in schools is to be commended but we need to
take one step at a time.

What is urgently required is to bring back quality teaching in national
schools. Teaching must be made an attractive career. Teachers deserve better
salaries and better perks.

Our children do not need more subjects and more textbooks. Malaysia must be the
only country where children get up at unearthly hours and go to school pulling
trolley bags.

In most countries, the system merely focuses on the core subjects. In our
attempt to learn more, our students have grasped less.

The Government must seriously consider bringing back English-medium schools as
there will be many parents who will want to enrol their children there. Even
Malay groups have appealed to the Government to consider re-introducing
English-medium schools.

Leave the Chinese and Tamil schools alone because their places are guaranteed
under the Federal Constitution.

Any suggestion of introducing a single medium of instruction, no matter how
subtle, will not go down well.

The teaching of Pupils Own Language (POL) can never be a substitute for the
learning of Chinese and Tamil in vernacular schools where the learning
environment is more conducive.

Our politicians, bureaucrats and educationists should just get back to the
basics of education before they talk of the larger issues.

While the DAP and PAS may have obediently applied for
permits to publish their newsletters, the reformasi movement has ignored such
bureaucratic requirements. Books and other publications have appeared without
printing permits and are being sold openly.

However, the hundreds of reformasi sites on the Internet to reach its
supporters have been the most effective communication tool. The Harakah
electronic version, for example, even has a web TV. In contrast, the
pro-government sites have been weak, dull and unimaginative.

It cannot be denied that the Information Ministry, through its television and
radio stations, has not been able to reach out to the public as effectively as
planned.

The reason is simple – viewership is declining because the credibility of these
stations is low. The authorities do not seem to understand that hard propaganda
material can no longer work.

On April 1, RTM was given a tall order: be credible and objective. No one can
blame the staff if they think it's an April Fool's joke.

As a government entity, the staff are expected to carry out certain directives
but leaders must understand that unless the station is prepared to be more
subtle in its approach, it will never win the trust of its viewers.

Government politicians must understand that they should give some leeway and
flexibility for such information tools to carry out their tasks in the wake of
competition from other avenues, including the Internet and cable TV.

Newspapers can ignore the Opposition but it is a journalistic sin when
statements are distorted and fabricated. One vernacular newspaper had to
apologise recently because of poor or over-zealous reporting of an event.

Age has also come into play. Keadilan's main leaders are much younger than
those in the upper echelon of the Barisan Nasional component parties. Many
Keadilan leaders are less than 40 years old.

One contributing factor of the Barisan defeat in the Lunas by-election was the
age difference of the candidates. The Keadilan candidate was 37 years old while
the Barisan contender was 59.

Previously, the Opposition had fought entirely on its own but now Keadilan has
help from outside the country. Proof of this was when then US Vice-President Al
Gore openly endorsed the reformasi movement in Kuala Lumpur.

These are new situations which the Government face. It requires fresh methods
and strategies if it wants to win back the minds and hearts of those it has
lost.

Barisan needs to reform itself to meet the people's aspirations and become a
more effective platform for greater libertarianism.

More importantly, the old guards must discard the use of communal appeal
because the Opposition has portrayed itself to be more multi-racial, at least
in appearance.

It does not make sense for some politicians to treat other ethnic groups as the
bogeymen in efforts to win the Malay votes. Umno's main problem is not the
Chinese or Indians but the Malay voters.

In all fairness, we must acknowledge the measures taken to restore confidence
in the judiciary. It is evident that changes are taking place.

The Barisan formula has worked so well that the opposition front has modelled
itself after the coalition, unashamedly calling itself Barisan
Alternatif.

The DAP, for example, has even insisted that the consensus method be practised
in the opposition front to ensure that component parties have equal powers.

In the case of Barisan Nasional, all 14 component parties have equal voting
rights although Umno is the dominant party. For instance, all it takes is one
vote to stop any application to join the coalition.

Discipline within the Barisan ranks is also stronger than that of the
Opposition.

The framework of Barisan has already given it an edge. What it should do now is
to rejuvenate itself and allow the young to shoulder more responsibilities in
politics.

Those in their 30s should be entrusted to run the various bodies to inject
freshness, such as the setting up of Puteri Umno to woo the young.

Capable young members, with fresh and bold ideas, should now be groomed and
given the exposure to contest against opposition figures in the next general
election in 2004.

Barisan needs a new image. Umno is now perceived as a vehicle for members to
enrich themselves; there is a need to revive commitment and conviction. Even
top Umno leaders have admitted these problems, particularly the practice of
money politics.

When noble goals are seen as cover-ups for abuses, then Barisan needs to relook
at itself seriously.

New situations require new strategies and that includes a rethink of our laws
and policies to suit present and future needs of our nation.

Rightly, the criteria taken into account would be the
ethnic composition in the area concerned. This is to ensure that the
sensitivities of every race are taken into account.

In Shah Alam, for over a decade, the Catholic community has been waiting for
approval to build a church. Until today, their prayers have yet to be
answered.

The reason for the long wait can be attributed to the fickle-mindedness of the
Selangor government.

An application to build the church was first made in 1977 when the Mentri Besar
was Datuk Hormat Rafei.

Mentri Besar Tan Sri Muhammad Muhammad Taib then withdrew the approval
following objections from some residents who felt that a church in the area was
inappropriate.

The stalemate continued until Mentri Besar Tan Sri Abu Hassan Omar approved the
application. Preliminary work was carried out last year and tenders were
called.

On Dec 20, the state government, now under Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Dr Mohamed
Khir Toyo, withdrew approval for the construction of the church on a piece of
land opposite the Montfort Boys' Town and offered an alternative site, about
2km away.

The church committee said the alternative site lacked infrastructure and no
construction work could be carried out for at least three or four more
years.

The church is crying foul, saying that the state government had created
legitimate expectations among the Catholic community in Shah Alam.

With the building site reportedly twice relocated, the case has gone to court.
The church filed an application for a judicial review and the case is scheduled
for hearing on July 26.

These legal proceedings are meant to obtain leave from the High Court to
challenge the decision of the Selangor government which approved the original
site.

What the church is attempting to do is ask the court to set aside decisions
which infringe on established legal principles, including administrative
decisions.

The matter is now best left to the wisdom of the judges.

But there is a need for an acceptable framework to facilitate the planning of
places of worship for non-Muslims.

State authorities must seek the views of the Malaysian Consultative Council of
Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism and Sikhism and relevant bodies on such
guidelines.

State authorities cannot act unilaterally, otherwise they will infringe on the
constitutional rights of non-Muslims.

There has been some degree of unhappiness over the building of places of
worship because of alleged interference from overzealous officials and
politicians.

In some cases, the actions of some bureaucrats run contrary to the policy of
the Federal Government.

The right forum to discuss matters of land and places of worship is the
National Council of Local Government, which meets twice a year and is chaired
by Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.

Abdullah is a fair-minded person and Malaysians believe that he will give just
consideration to the sentiments of moderate Malaysians.

It is good for proper places of worship to be built for the spiritual needs of
non-Muslims.

Currently, some churches are operating in shophouses, office complexes and even
cinemas. For some worshippers, these places are not exactly conducive in searching
for peace and calm.

Churches in Malaysia, it appears, have run into more bureaucracy than Chinese
and Indian temples.

Interestingly, 17 years ago, the Sultan of Selangor expressed regret that there
was no place of worship for non-Muslims in the state.

The Star quoted the Ruler as saying on June 17, 1984, that he feared
non-Muslims would eventually have no religious activities. He urged the state
government to remedy the situation before it worsened.

At the same time, he reassured non-Muslims that they were free to practise
their religion without hindrance although Islam was the official religion of
the state.

He said he was aware that portions of land had been identified for non-Muslims
as places of worship but further progress had been blocked.

For Malaysians, such statements from the Sultan, who is now the King and the
Head of Islam, and visits by the Prime Minister to homes of non-Muslims during
festivals speak well for the harmony of a multi-cultural society.

We should consider taking another step forward by setting up an inter-religious
council.

Regular meetings between the consultative council and Islamic bodies could be
held to promote inter-religious understanding.

Bureaucrats and politicians should not underestimate the high degree of
religious tolerance and mutual respect among ordinary Malaysians. It is thus
unjust and unthinkable for anyone to obstruct the rights of any citizen to
practise his religion.

Datuk Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik has announced his decision
to seek re-election as party president. He said he would offer himself for the
post if the members wanted him to continue leading the party.

The announcement by the Transport Minister has effectively killed speculations
of his political retirement.

By making known his stand, aspirants for his post – and other posts – would now
need to re-assess their plans.

For example, a party leader who has decided to contest the No.1 post would now
have to re-examine the odds against him and the chances of making it against
the incumbent.

He may then opt to contest the No.2 post instead, if Datuk Lim Ah Lek decides
to vacate the seat.

If partnerships are formed, then the aspirants would have to decide on their
running mates carefully.

In short, Dr Ling has told party members they should now decide where they
stand.

It would not be easy for some party members as Lim and his protege,
vice-president Datuk Chan Kong Choy, also have their loyal supporters.

Under a leadership succession formula, it had been proposed that Chan takes the
deputy presidency but negotiations between Dr Ling and Lim eventually
failed.

Supporters of Dr Ling said the talks fell through because he was asked to fix a
date for his retirement, when the focus of the negotiations was on the No.2
post.

Lim, the former Human Resources Minister, has denied asking Dr Ling to retire.
He accused his detractors of putting words in his mouth.

The failure of the talks appears to have been the catalyst for the current
animosity.

At the party's 52nd anniversary celebrations on Feb 25, Dr Ling openly admitted
his differences with Lim.

Both pledged to place party unity above all else but there are no visible signs
of any olive branch being offered at this point.

The regular press statements and comments made by party leaders are likely to
aggravate the situation.

Responding to Dr Ling's announcement to seek re-election, Lim said it was not
the time to talk about political ambitions but to rebuild the party's
image.

He said the party's immediate task was to restore the dwindling support of the
Chinese community.

Lim also called for a post-mortem to discuss several controversial issues
affecting the party.

On the same day, Johor MCA vice-chairman Dr Chua Soi Lek challenged Lim to
state his political plan since he had so often talked about retiring.

The next day, MCA publicity chief Datuk Wong See Wah issued the sharpest
criticism against Lim and Chan for what they reportedly said in a recent
interview with Yazhou Zhoukan, a Hong Kong-based magazine.

Wong said their actions were illogical and unacceptable to the party
grassroots, and had damaged the party's image.

Chan was quoted in Yazhou Zhoukan as saying the MCA was divided into two
camps.

Excerpts of the interview were picked up by only one local Chinese newspaper.
It almost went unnoticed but has since become a talking point among party
members.

Chan had privately told party members and the local media he was upset with the
report as it was an off-the-record briefing for the magazine.

Predictably, not all MCA leaders bought the argument, and some commented that
it was a hard-hitting statement against the leadership.

The Deputy Finance Minister was quoted as saying that Youth chief Datuk Ong Tee
Kiat had been sidelined while another vice-president, Datuk Chua Jui Meng, was
seen as a threat to Dr Ling.

He said Wanita chief Datuk Dr Ng Yen Yen was not Dr Ling's candidate for the
party post. Dr Ng has since rebutted, saying no one should talk about camps in
the MCA.

Asked by Yazhou Zhoukan whether Lim Ah Lek and Chua would form a team to
challenge Dr Ling, Chan said that “anything can happen.''

In the same interview, MCA Youth vice-chairman Loh Seng Kok was quoted as
saying Chua might not be in Chan's side.

He described Chua as “the third force'' and said Ong “was on his own.''

He also told the magazine Dr Ling had no intention of stepping down as
president.

As political secretary to Dr Ling, Loh is no ordinary Youth leader.

The interview had appeared shortly after the MCA anniversary celebrations where
Dr Ling had delivered his analogy of a fish rotting from the head first,
meaning any problem in the party begins with the leadership and that leaders
must ensure that the “fish head'' remains fresh.

One year is a long time. We cannot rule out re-alignment among the political
aspirants.

For now, the MCA leadership problem is akin to a Chinese opera where the ending
is still a long way off. The current scene is being played to the loud beating
of drums and cymbals.

PAS, in particular, has been using these pictures to
portray itself as a non-extremist party. Since the 1999 general election, the
Opposition has been actively trying to win the hearts and minds of the
country's six million Chinese.

In that election, the bulk of the decisive Chinese votes went to Barisan
Nasional, rescuing many Umno candidates in the process.

Many Chinese voters, wary of PAS' objective to set up an Islamic state and
worried by Keadilan's street protests, solidly backed Barisan.

The MCA, helped by its strong record on community projects, put up its best
performance by winning 28 parliamentary and 70 state seats.

Aware that it cannot form the next federal government without Chinese support,
PAS has undauntingly shown a more moderate image.

The party has been issuing statements that appeal to the Chinese. It has
supported Suqiu, saying the requests had universal values, and has even said it
could accept a Chinese as prime minister of the country so long as he is a
Muslim.

Terengganu Mentri Besar Abdul Hadi Awang went a step further by lifting a ban
on pig-rearing in the state.

He has also reverted Jalan Bandar to its original name of Jalan Kampung Cina
and promised to allow the setting up of a church and Sikh temple.

The party has been organising study tours for university students and
grassroots community leaders to Kelantan. The sightseeing stops include the
town's bah kut teh shop.

The opposition efforts seems to have paid off. In the recent Lunas by-election,
the Chinese votes went to the Opposition.

The defeat was costly for Barisan. For the first time, it was denied its
two-thirds majority in the Kedah State Assembly.

Buoyed by the newfound confidence, the Opposition has gone further. Keadilan
has formed a committee to protect vernacular schools while PAS has formed teams
to give ceramahs in the Chinese language.

These actions by PAS should sound like warning sirens to Barisan, particularly
the MCA and Gerakan which are entrusted with delivering the Chinese
votes.

The task will almost certainly become more difficult in the next general
election, scheduled for 2004.

Umno, on its part, cannot just depend entirely on its Chinese partners. Umno
leaders must understand that their statements and actions, too, would have an
impact on Chinese voters.

If the Chinese voters assume, rightly or wrongly, that the statement of any
Umno leader has unfair racial tone, it would have a bearing on their political
stand.

More than ever, Barisan component parties have to rely on each other for
support.

They cannot afford to act unilaterally, like Gerakan taking a different stand
from that of the MCA on the SRK (C) Damansara controversy after agreeing on a
Cabinet decision.

Communal-based parties such as Umno, MCA and MIC would have to constantly
remind themselves that their strength lies in being moderate in their
actions.

While protecting the interest of their respective communities has been the core
of their existence, they cannot over-emphasise their struggles, lest this is
perceived as playing the ethnic card.

That aside, Barisan needs to adopt modern election strategies to counter the
Opposition which has, undeniably, refreshing tactics.

Barisan seems slow at times to react and its methods come across as archaic and
even unconvincing.

There is a need for more openness by the Government in the building of places
of worship, including the Shah Alam church application, to demonstrate its
moderation towards a multi-religious, multi-cultural and multi-ethnic
society.

Many Malaysians also want to see more transparency in dealings involving
privatisation of projects.

It is still a long time to go before the next general election. Four years will
give Barisan time to fight back.

Despite the seemingly rosy picture portrayed by the Opposition, there has been
plenty of holes.

Terengganu MCA chief Datuk Lau Im Pin questioned PAS' announcement in allowing
pig-rearing in the state.

“The rule actually says that pig-rearing is only allowed for personal
consumption. How many of us rear pigs for our own needs?'' he said, adding that
there have been no applications.

The 10 Chinese schools in Terengganu, according to Lau, have not received a
single sen promised by PAS.

PAS may have toned down its ambition in setting up an Islamic state but it
still maintains its uncompromising position on other religions.

In its criticism against the Taliban for the destruction of Buddha statues, PAS
is seen to be “half-hearted.''

Nik Aziz, in fact, has refused to comment on the issue, saying the world was
silent when Hindu extremists desecrated mosques in India some years ago.

The PAS leaders' refusal to submit to materialism may seem appealing to rural
supporters, but the Chinese voters still question whether the religious
teachers can run a modern state.

The practical Chinese voters are more concerned with the present world than the
hereafter.

But Barisan leaders had better wake up now because PAS leaders, who are
becoming more adept in using chopsticks, are fast picking up the Chinese
votes.

While we are busy attempting to set trivial world
records, they are busy making a name in scientific discoveries.

Talk to the heartland Singaporeans who live in HDB flats in Toa Payoh and they
will tell you that they will vote PAP in the elections.

Dissident writers like James Gomez, who wrote Self-Censorship: Singapore's
Shame, don't represent the Hokkien-speaking heartlanders, as the grassroots in
Singapore are called.

The Western media can criticise the PAP for being dictatorial and omnipresent
but most Singaporeans believe the PAP has done a decent job in
governance.

The problem, however, is that Singapore has grown a little insensitive over the
years.

All that success has gone to its head and it becomes cocky occasionally; and
when it does, it needs a little knock on the head.

Every time Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew decides to lecture the world, many
people in the region get offended.

Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong seems to be the latest. His comment at a seminar
that the Malays in Singapore have done better than their brethren in Malaysia
was unnecessary.

He invited trouble. The Bahasa Malaysia media, ever ready to fly the
nationalist flag, hit back, saying that Malay Singaporeans were a marginalised
lot.

Berita Harian went a step further, insisting that Goh should apologise.

The newspaper also wanted guarantees from Singapore against bringing up such
issues again.

Not everything has gone well in the island. In November, the Association of
Muslim Professionals proposed a system of “collective leadership'' comprising
“independent, non-political'' Malay leaders who would balance and complement
Malay MPs.

The association was rebuked by Goh, who said no matter how it was packaged it
was “clearly a political challenge to the Malay MPs.''

Berating the association for straying into the political arena, he noted that
it had begun to “show an ambition beyond what the government supported it to
do.''

During the seminar, a report card on the state of the Malay-Muslim community
since 1990 revealed that more Malays earned more but were lagging behind
Chinese and Indian Singaporeans.

Malays made up half of the people receiving financial assistance to pay for
their utilities and rents in 1996 and 1997.

According to statistics, one out of four Muslim marriages ended in divorce and
many Malay-Muslim women drug addicts had at least two children.

Rightly or wrongly, the impression given is that the PAP wants to prove a point
– that the government has done much for the Malay community.

But Goh's statement comes at a time when the Malays in Malaysia are searching
for answers to their unity.

Umno politicians want PAS and Parti Keadilan Nasional to sit down to talk about
Malay unity while the two opposition parties are saying only Umno is disunited
and not the Malays.

If PAP has to worry about a general election, Umno politicians have to contend
with their party division elections starting next month.

Goh's statement may have been a godsend for some Malaysian politicians who need
to lift their standing among the community.

Goh has become a bogeyman for Malaysian politicians who want to emphasise the
point that they can best serve the interests of the community.

The underlying message is that the Malays here should be thankful that Umno
exists as the present policies, including the affirmative action plans, have
served them well.

Goh can continue to claim that his government has helped the Malays but he must
admit that the political elite is still mostly Chinese.

The spat with Singapore isn't going to be the last unless Singapore accepts the
fact that it does not live in isolation.

No one can stop Singapore from having a siege mentality, what with the usual
threat of cutting water supply, but it can learn to be good neighbour.

The present leaders of Singapore, in their 40s, have little interaction with
their Malay counterparts in Malaysia.

Except for the occasional round of golf and the yearly durian party in Johor,
the PAP leaders have never made any serious effort to understand Malay hearts
and minds.

More importantly, domestic politics should not be allowed to get in the way of
bilateral relations.

Assuming that I know more about politics than them, they often ask me about the
inner workings of government and unprintable gossip about politicians.

This time, over several rounds of drinks at the Evergreen
Laurel Hotel in Gurney Drive, they wanted to know my views about the SRK (C)
Damansara relocation issue, the Malay unity talks, the defeat of Barisan
Nasional in the Lunas by-election, the growing strength of PAS, and whether
Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad will still lead the country in the near
future.

They were upset with the slide in the standard of English. Some of them spoke
about having to reject a number of job applicants, mostly local graduates, who
could not speak or write proper English.

They asked how local computer science graduates passed their exams when they
could hardly string a sentence in English.

My friends, who are in their early 40s, are well-informed and well-read. Their
jobs require them to travel extensively, especially to China and Hong
Kong.

Impressed by the pace of development in East Asia, they are understandably
concerned with the lack-lustre performance of the Kuala Lumpur Stock Exchange.
They accept that the KLSE is not the sole indicator of the country's economic
performance but they wish there was more foreign investment to boost the
market.

I was told of remisiers who have had no commission for the past six months –
zero transaction on some days – because the market is so bad. Most have taken
to selling mutual funds but it's already a crowded field now.

The sentiments of my pragmatic and practical friends must be of concern to the
ruling coalition.

Just a year ago, they had all voted for Barisan in the general election. Now,
they say they need more assurances from our national leaders.

They still regard themselves as pro-establishment but want the government
leaders to pull up their socks and tackle issues with greater sincerity.

On discussing the SRK (C) Damansara issue with me and those who now live in
Petaling Jaya, my Penang friends were upset that a relocation matter had turned
into a national controversy.

In fact, it had become an international issue, I told them. In its report, a
foreign news agency had given the impression that the Government wanted to
close down the school.

The matter was linked to the Vision Schools project. What the news agency
failed to state clearly was that 95% of the parents wanted to move temporarily
to SRK (C) Puay Chai II. Neither did the report give sufficient information on
the poor condition of the Damansara school.

My old friends were disgusted with those adults who used children in staging a
demonstration and forcing the kids to study in a make-shift classroom in a
nearby temple.

Still, they wished the Education Ministry had handled the matter better. They
felt there was not enough consultation and explanation to the villagers,
resulting in confusion.

The DAP, they said, assumed it had taken up a popular cause, forgetting that
the majority of the parents concerned were also voters in the constituency.

My friends' bashing of the Education Ministry continued with their unhappiness
over the lack of political will to arrest the deterioration of the English
Language among our students.

I cannot help but agree with them that it's all talk and no action from our
decision-makers on this issue.

It's pointless to keep on lamenting that students are doing badly in English.
Drastic measures are needed to cure the illness.

What disturbed my friends the most is the exploitation of communal issues. They
are bewildered how some politicians and vernacular newspapers still believe
that the use of communal sentiments will regain lost votes.

They were unforgiving over statements made against the Chinese community,
particularly with reference to being an ungrateful lot. Neither were they
amused with an opposition politician's perception that they were
unprincipled.

My friends think some of our leaders, including those from Barisan, are out of
touch with the feelings of common folk. Although unhappy with these politicians,
my friends don't consider the alternative as being convincing enough for them
yet.

But they have noticed that in recent months, the Opposition has been trying to
make itself look moderate and fair.

PAS and Parti Keadilan Nasional have talked about national unity instead of
Malay unity because they seem certain of retaining the Malay votes. Both are
now preparing to win over the Chinese votes.

The fight for the next general election, due in 2004, has begun – and it's
getting tougher each day. For Umno, it has to win back the Malay votes without
losing non-Malay votes.

My friends wonder how the ruling coalition will tackle several issues and what
steps will be taken to gain the support of new voters, especially those below
30 years old.

Not too long ago, the Prime Minister announced that Umno leaders would now sit
with ordinary party members when they attend functions. The leaders are not to
huddle together at the main table.

It is good for leaders to hear what the ordinary rakyat has to say, and help them
understand grassroots sentiments.

This practice should be extended to all Barisan leaders and top government
officials. It's time they hear the aspirations of the rakyat in order to
formulate more effective policies.

My friends reckon that the Year of the Snake will be a politically interesting
one. The snake has been perceived as a dangerous and untrustworthy creature but
also an intelligent, quick and useful reptile.

Likewise, we can look at things in a positive or negative light.

Wanita MCA chief Datuk Dr Ng Yen Yen, a trained family
doctor, disputes the findings of a recent survey which listed 16 reasons why
Chinese women did not want more children, including a fear of pain and loss of
beauty from giving birth.

The survey of 374 Chinese women nationwide was conducted by academician Dr Niew
Shong Thong.

The reasons spelt out in the survey findings are certainly trivial.

Talk to people in the Chinese community and they would have plenty to say why
couples are having fewer children.

More Chinese couples are marrying later in life and, in many cases, they opt
for a small family or not to have children at all.

For many young Chinese professionals, career has come first – with marriage and
raising a family taking a backseat.

And having a large family is costly, especially in the urban areas. Among other
cited reasons are the lack of child-care support, unwillingness to spare time
for a big family, increasing cost of living, and stressful urban life.

But one overriding factor curbing family size is rising education cost.

Besides buying education insurance policies, Chinese parents save hard to
prepare for their children's tertiary education, realising the difficulties in
getting into local universities.

Unless the Government becomes more liberal and flexible in some policies, the
community will continue to be cautious in wanting to increase its size.

Over the years, the burden on education is somewhat lesser with the setting up
of more private colleges but going private is still expensive.

Latest statistics show that the 5.59 million Chinese make up only 24.6% of the
national population of over 22.7 million.

It has been reported that of the 550,000 babies born in the first half of 1999,
only 111,000 were Chinese while Malays accounted for more than 365,000.

While figures are not available yet, more Chinese babies were probably born
last year as it was the auspicious Year of the Dragon.

In 1988, when the MCA organised a seminar on the “Future of the Malaysian
Chinese,'' Datuk Chua Jui Meng forewarned that out of four projections on the
declining ratio of population in the peninsula, the best forecast indicates
that by the year 2100 the community's ratio would have fallen from 34% in 1980
to 23%.

The MCA vice-president said the worst projection shows that by the year 2100,
the Chinese population ratio would fall to 13%.

According to the Health Minister, the Malay population ratio will increase
because of their higher fertility rate and younger age structure.

That was in 1988. For 2001, the Malays should also be concerned with the
increasing number of Indonesians giving birth in Malaysia.

Unless they are illegal immigrants, these Indonesians will remain here and have
an impact on the political landscape in years to come.

Unlike the Chinese, these immigrants are unpredictable and probably more
aggressive politically, bringing with them different values and political
culture.

On the other hand, Malaysian Chinese voters have always been moderate,
pragmatic and have played a crucial, even decisive, part in elections.

Chinese associations have talked about setting up funds to give incentives to
young couples to raise more children but it is difficult to sustain such
programmes in the long run. Such monetary considerations are not
practical.

Even carrying out campaigns to encourage the Chinese to have more children
isn't likely to make much of an impact.

The best example is Singapore, which faces the same problem. The most it will
do is to instil an awareness.

It is important that efforts go towards building a community that is educated,
skilful, competitive, multi-lingual, self-reliant and IT-literate.

Despite Singapore's small population, it has been able to produce the best
brains in the world because of its efficiency.

Malaysian Chinese need to sharpen their entrepreneurial skills and become
strong global players, using the Chinese network.

More importantly, the community needs to forge a consensus on political and
educational issues, taking into account our multi-racial, multi-religious and
multi-cultural context.

Malaysian Chinese groups must be conscious of the community's minority status
and be more tactful and realistic in its requests, lest they backfire. The
Suqiu memorandum controversy is one example.

Chinese politicians must be prepared to sacrifice self-interest for the good of
the community.

They shouldn't waste their energy on inconsequential matters such as bickering
over whether SRK (C) Damansara, located near a squatter site and along a
highway, should be relocated.

Such issues sap the energy of Chinese community leaders and one wonders why the
Chinese dailies give these stories so much prominence.

The Chinese should get their priorities right. There are more important issues
at stake than the relocation of a school.