There are only so many follow-up stories that can be
written about Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim since his sacking in 1998. International
viewers must be sick of seeing the same file pictures by now.

The bad news is the world is in danger of forgetting us. As the saying goes, it
is better to be in the news than not at all.

A certain degree of notoriety doesn't really hurt. The only spark of excitement
was when a group of Filipino Muslim rebels abducted 21 people, including 11
foreigners, from Pulau Sipadan in April.

Malaysia was suddenly in the news. The limelight was, however, shared with
Manila each time a hostage was released, which seemed to take ages.

No one is sure, until now, who paid the millions in ransom to the rebels.

All the governments denied paying money to the kidnappers. They don't condone
kidnapping, remember?

Realising that kidnapping was a profitable business, the Abu Sayyaf group
abducted three more Malaysians from Pulau Pandanan on Sept 11.

What has happened to these greedy, gun-toting kidnappers after a series of high
profile attacks by the Filipino army? Enjoying their ill-gotten gains somewhere
safe on a resort island, possibly.

Besides the Abu Sayyaf, the Al-Maunah deviationist group made international
headlines.

On July 1, 15 men posing as army officers allegedly stole at least 100 M16
rifles, thousands of rounds of ammunition and other weapons from two army camps
in Perak.

Five days later, the group of 27 men surrendered before killing two hostages,
ending a tense standoff with the authorities.

For a while, the Opposition accused the Government of staging the incident.

Quite a number of Malaysians who proudly proclaimed they no longer believe what
they read in the local newspapers did just the opposite – they incredibly
believed what the oppositionists had claimed.

It was a lack-lustre year for political writers. Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad
and Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi won their respective posts in Umno
unopposed in March.

On Aug 10, Selangor Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Abu Hassan Omar quit, citing health
reasons and family wishes. For a while, rumours flew about a sex
controversy.

Within months, Abu Hassan had became a footnote in Selangor history as he
stayed out of public life.

There were three by-elections: Barisan Nasional won in Sanggang (April 1) and
Teluk Kemang (June 10) but lost in Lunas on Nov 29.

Again, except for the local press, none of these by-elections went beyond a
filler in the foreign media since they had no impact on the political
structure.

Continuing the Malaysia Boleh (can do) spirit, more Malaysians attempted to get
their names into world records.

We have lost track of the number of people who stayed in glass cages with their
pet snakes and the number of times the Penang Government has hosted the longest
buffet spread.

It has gone stale, really. We need to be more imaginative and more inspiring.
It doesn't look very good on us when Singaporeans are making world headlines
with new discoveries in the sciences.

The only time we made it into the world press last year was when we discovered
that we have sex the least often in a survey of 27 countries, according to the
2000 Durex Global Sex Survey.

The survey found that Malaysians had sex only once a week or an average of 62
times a year.

Of course, most of us questioned the accuracy of the findings, saying it did
not reflect the sex pattern of the whole nation. Understandably, more than
national pride was at stake.

Sure, we have been busy with work and more work, neglecting marital duties in
the process, but it's difficult to explain to foreigners why so much effort is
put into trying to break the next snake record.

Barisan and opposition politicians tried to outdo each other in threatening to
resign from their posts but predictably stayed on.

There was no shortage of politicians who readily put their feet into their
mouths. Kelantan Mentri Besar Datuk Abdul Nik Aziz again provided guffaws by
blaming women for the cause of social ills in the country.

He was not alone. Pahang Mentri Besar Datuk Adnan Yaakob gave Malaysians a new
meaning in hand signals with his infamous foul gesture during the Sanggang
by-election.

MIC president Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu vowed that he would not return to Kuala
Lumpur if Barisan lost in the Lunas by-election. When the Opposition won, he
said he could not remain in Lunas because of the tension.

To wrap up the year, we had the Chinese and Malay groups who seemed to be stuck
in the 50s with their communal stand and postures.

Hello! We are in the new millennium. Malaysians no longer buy communal
politics.

These groups have gone silent for the time being, probably because of the
festive season. Let's hope they continue to do so as we usher in 2001.

We as a nation should steel ourselves for the rough ride ahead as the world
economy remains unpredictable.

But for tonight, at least, forget your worries and enjoy yourselves.

Happy new year!

But here we are, starting the new century, still caught
in the politics of the 50s.

We are shamelessly debating openly, with some hostility and anger, issues
championed by politicians who are now retired or dead.

The same political script is being played by a different set of politicians.
This time it's worse because this old broken record is being played by young
aspiring politicians.

The same intolerance and ignorance are being shown by the groups
involved.

On one side is Suqiu, a Chinese group, which has refused to regard the
perspectives and sensitivities of others. It has refused to be part of the
National Economic Consultative Council (NECC), which would have put to test
their ability and willingness to compromise and accommodate. Seeing how ugly
their 17-point memorandum has become, the group has now talked about the
importance of dialogue with Umno Youth. Suqiu should have realised this
earlier.

Then there is the Federation of Peninsular Malay Students (GPMS), with its
confrontational stand. Their stubbornness in wanting to hold a gathering of 100,000
Malays in Bukit Jalil isn't helping to ease tension.

In fact, many Malaysians are wondering whether some of those who issue the
statements have actually read the memorandum or are merely reacting to get
their names in the newspapers.

It's troubling to see how Malaysians are reacting to issues these days. What
began as a noble idea has degenerated into mindless controversy.

Take the Vision Schools concept. How can any reasonable Malaysian argue against
placing Malay, Chinese and Tamil schools in the same premises?

The Chinese educationist groups protested, not because they were against the
idea but because they feared losing their independence and identity.

It's understandable that there may be some confusion – even fear – in anything
new.

However, they didn't and couldn't explain their case well. They may have done
so superbly to the Chinese dailies but it's the wrong audience.

Their concerns were over-zealous ministry officials down the line who interpret
policies according to their prejudices.

Who can blame these Chinese educationists when they read about the ban on
Chinese festivals in campuses.

The case has been badly handled because of the unreasonableness of the Chinese
educationists, the inability of the Education Ministry to reassure them, and
plain political expediency.

So, the Vision Schools project has lost its shine. And many of us get so caught
up in the debate, we forget the most important point: the quality of
education.

The standard of English has gone down the drain. Both teachers and students are
unable to speak the language these days and yet the same zeal is not shown by
our educationists and politicians.

There are now more universities and colleges but are we asking ourselves
whether we are nurturing the mind and heart, particularly in producing
graduates who care about society.

We should be angry that our universities are not producing brilliant minds
capable of coming up with prize-winning inventions of international
standards.

Our lecturers seem capable of only presenting the same unimaginative papers at
seminars while our students are busy with reformasi and nothing else.

It's the same with protests, memorandums, appeals and signature campaigns.
There are a few ways of handling these requests or demands: accept the petition
and throw it into the dustbin, accept and seriously implement them, or create a
controversy out of it.

We seem to have taken the third option. Suqiu and GPSM can submit a 1,000-point
memorandum because it is their right as citizens to suggest how the country
should be run. They may have links to certain political parties but they must
remember they are mere non-government organisations. Yes, their views should be
respected and studied, but that does not mean they must be accepted. They do
not represent the government or even elected parties. Neither should they
assume they represent their communities, as claimed.

There are many in the silent majority who actually think this issue has gone
out of hand.

Elected politicians, before jumping on the bandwagon, should send out their
people to gauge the mood on the ground.

As we move forward, Malaysia should be showing to the world that we have become
more mature, more liberal, more tolerant and more open.

A new Malaysian mindset has emerged. It is best that the elite understand and
hear these young people.

Communalism is no longer appealing. It might have worked in the 50s, but it
means little to many Malaysians born after the racial riots of 1969.

Democracy is no longer about choosing candidates for Yang Berhormat (elected
representatives) every five years. It now involves civil participation.

We have taken many steps to move in the direction of a Malaysian consciousness
but we need to do more.

Some Chinese groups still do not understand the significance of Malay as the
official and national language, and the position of Islam as the official
religion.

Just the same, there are Malay groups which fail or refuse to realise the
implications of a multi-ethnic society and multi-culturalism.

They do not see the role of non-Malay languages and religions and why it is so
important to promote them.

The dialogue between Umno Youth and Suqiu, irrespective of its outcome, is an
effort towards a better understanding of ethnic issues.

The long drive home to join loved ones this holiday period is a good time to
think and reflect what we have to do.

The road towards Malaysian unity may be long and winding but it can be built.
There is still hope; we can start by building national consciousness.

We could still have a happy holiday. Just ignore the bigots – and pass on the
message of national unity during open-house gatherings.

Here's wishing all Malaysians a Merry Christmas, Selamat Hari Raya and Happy
New Year.

A further dent to its image was the public fallout
between the DAP and PAS over controversial statements made by PAS leaders,
including the ban on women taking part in Quran recital contests, separate
payment counters for men and women in supermarkets, and discouraging beautiful
women from working.

DAP leaders then openly criticised Keadilan over the choice of candidate for
Lunas. Pressure mounted on the DAP to leave the opposition front.

But the opposition victory in Lunas seems to have changed the mood. The DAP,
whether they wish to admit it or not, must have misread voter sentiments.

Except for the last lap, when DAP chairman Lim Kit Siang appeared at Lunas,
which could have helped garner some Chinese votes, the fact is Keadilan
successfully pulled the Chinese votes on its own.

With or without DAP, Keadilan and PAS must now believe that they can get
Chinese support if they adopt a populist approach.

They have learned from last year's general election – no community can win on
its own. For PAS, even playing the Islamic card isn't sufficient while for
Keadilan, the Anwar issue can only generate Malay interest.

This time, the opposition front backed the Chinese education movement on the
Vision Schools project.

Umno, the dominant Barisan party, seems unsure of what it should do. It needs
to stop the eroding Malay support but it should be cautious of trying too hard
to portray itself as the guardian of Malay rights and privileges. Neither
should it imitate PAS by becoming more Islamic.

Its strength, since independence, has been its moderation. Its politics of
compromise has been tested and well-accepted.

But it seems to have ignored the real grievances on the ground – calls for more
democratic space, transparency, openness and to fight corruption.

Unless the Umno leadership is prepared to tackle these issues head-on, the mood
isn't likely to change. The clock ticks on.

Malays who back the Opposition are not questioning Umno on Malay rights and
religion. They are seeking Umno's commitment and the willingness to listen to
ground feelings.

Last week, a group of university students, almost all Malays, attended a forum
on human rights organised by Suhakam at the Putra World Trade Centre.

A prominent figure who attended the function said he noticed that all the
students who spoke up were anti-establishment, criticising the Government
openly.

But what was of concern to him, he said, was that Umno Youth members who
attended the function did not remain long in the hall.

He felt that Umno Youth members should have listened to these students and,
perhaps, held discussions with them.

He said many of the Umno Youth leaders left after Foreign Minister Datuk Syed
Hamid Albar opened the forum.

The turnout of Keadilan members was not only bigger, according to him, but they
remained until the forum ended.

Recently, in a news interview, PAS president Datuk Fadzil Noor confidently
predicted that the Opposition could take over the federal government in the
next general election in 2004.

The Opposition may be riding high at this point and the Barisan appears
uncertain, in the eyes of the public, in reacting to the new challenges. But
anything can happen in four years.

The Chinese voters, while fluid, may not necessarily back the Opposition in a
general election.

In the case of Lunas, the stakes were small and the Chinese voters wanted to
send a message to the Government that their support should not be taken for
granted, that education was dear to them and that they were hurt by strong
statements against the educationists.

In a general election, where the stakes are high and the question of economy
and political stability comes into play, the Chinese voters may opt for status
quo.

The Government has shown its willingness to compromise by promising to
implement the more-acceptable Pupils Integration Plan, where national, Chinese
and Tamil schools within an area take turns to host competitions and
parent-teacher gatherings.

It will not be easy for the Opposition to win at least 90 parliamentary seats
in the 193-member Dewan Rakyat.

The Opposition now has 45 seats shared among PAS (27), DAP (10), Keadilan (5)
and PBS (3). To form a government, 97 seats are needed – a simple majority of the
total number of seats.

The Opposition has the best shot in the peninsula (145 seats), particularly in
Malay-majority states like Kelantan, Terengganu, Pahang, Perlis and
Kedah.

It will be tough-going in Sabah and Sarawak, where PAS and Keadilan are virtually
non-existent.

In Sabah, the mostly-Christian voters are still wary of PAS while the PBS are
not interested in joining the Opposition.

Geographically, Sarawak is bigger than the peninsula. Unless the Opposition is
able to take campaigners by helicopter and boat into the interior, it can
forget about winning, let alone contest.

And in the interior, national issues used by the Opposition mean little to the
electorate.

The most the Opposition can hope for is to win a few seats in the urban areas
with only the DAP having any real chance of making some gains.

The Opposition can seriously dent the Barisan campaign in the next round. It is
obviously banking on new voters, estimated at two million by 2004, and
political sentiments.

It certainly hopes that the Barisan will continue to use the same tired formula
of development.

If in the past many of us laughed off the opposition challenge as being remote,
we will now have to give it some attention.

Every statement, policy and decision made by both sides would have a bearing in
the next round.

The fight for 2004 has begun.

In five years, Hishammuddin rose from a Member of
Parliament to full minister and head of Umno Youth. (He was acting head of the
movement before assuming the post unopposed at this year's Umno general
assembly).

But the ratings have dropped, at least in recent weeks.

His instant stardom has suddenly become a liability. Among the criticisms was
that the Youth and Sports Minister parachuted to the post. In short, he didn't
earn his stars and stripes.

Last week, Umno Youth executive council member Dr Shamsul Anwar complained
about Hishammuddin's softie image and that the movement lacked sting.

Then Deputy Umno Youth chief Datuk Aziz Sheikh Fadzir put in his resignation
letter, saying he could not take criticisms against him. As expected, he
retracted the letter.

For the time being, Hishammuddin has skillfully brought temperatures
down.

Twenty-four hours after his outburst, Dr Shamsul walked out of the meeting to
say that he still had more to learn. Apparently, he was the only one who voiced
his feelings at the meeting.

Fellow exco members, who had supposedly promised to join in the criticism,
backed out. According to some exco members, the meeting was a tame
affair.

Promises and compromises have been made. Ruffled feathers would have been
smoothened and olive branches offered at informal meetings and buka puasa
functions.

It will be premature for anyone to write off Hishamuddin on the account of some
criticism.

Many of the accusations, including the alleged lack of fire and direction of
Umno Youth, are not new.

After the fiery Datuk Harun Idris passed the baton to Datuk Suhaimi Kamaruddin
and then to Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and Datuk
Nazri Aziz, the Youth wing has had to bear with the criticism of being
domesticated by the main party leadership.

The days of demonstrations, which Umno Youth had been associated with, were
over, explained the former Youth chiefs.

What is unusual now, however, is the undercurrent of discontent and unhappiness
at various levels of the party. The grumblings over the state of affairs in
Umno and the government can be heard at buka puasa functions these days.

The defeat of Barisan Nasional at the Lunas by-election simply released pent-up
frustrations. Lunas had been held by the Alliance and then Barisan since
independence.

More hurting is the fact that Kedah Barisan has lost its two-thirds majority in
the state assembly. Kedah happens to be Dr Mahathir's home state.

For the Umno Youth leaders, their former comrades had emerged victorious –
among them Keadilan candidate Nasution Ismail, Ezam Mohamed Noor and Azmin
Ali.

A whole battalion of opposition campaigners, mostly youths, were attacking the
government. They included former Umno Youth members and university students,
unhappy with the jailing of Anwar Ibrahim.

Fingers were pointed at Umno Youth leaders for not doing enough to win the
votes over.

Mingguan Malaysia reported that the Padang Serai division, which was given the
task of organising the election machinery, only had 10 Youth wing
branches.

Aziz, the man in the storm, is a committee member of the division Youth wing.
He is also the brother of Datuk Kadir Sheikh Fadzir, the MP for Kulim and
Culture, Arts and Tourism Minister.

Most of the 165 Umno divisions have between 40 and 50 Youth wing branches with
the movement claiming membership of over 700,000.

There were also charges that Hishammuddin did not spend enough time in Lunas
but instead took his family on vacation to Australia. He replied that he
dedicated four days to Lunas, saying the criticism was unfair.

But if he wants Umno Youth members to work hard and talk less, then he would
have to spend more than four days in the next by-election.

Perhaps Umno Youth members may have been too harsh on themselves. The whole
Barisan machinery should share the blame.

For starters, Barisan's S. Anthonysamy, 59, is hardly youthful, making it
difficult for Umno Youth to “sell'' the candidate. Nasution, on the other
hand, is only 36.

Barisan leaders would also have to learn to be less arrogant in their
statements, particularly during the campaign.

Aziz, for example, is still remembered by Chinese voters for the rowdy
gathering outside the Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall.

But the Lunas by-election may not be the only reason for the sudden impatience
in Umno Youth.

Quoting an unnamed Youth exco member, the Singapore Straits Times reported:
“This is an attack by proxy. They cannot attack the top leaders, so they
attack Datuk Hisham.''

Barisan leaders can be expected to offer numerous excuses
and to shift the blame for the defeat to others except themselves.

Excuses put forward include the use of religious and racial issues and rough campaigning
tactics. The Opposition has also been accused of distorting the Vision School
issue.

Under the Vision School concept, Malay, Chinese and Tamil schools share a
common premise and facilities but Chinese educationists have questioned the
implementation, saying the identity and character of Chinese schools would be
eroded.

It is thus refreshing to hear Umno vice-president Tan Sri Muhammad Muhammad
Taib calling on Barisan to take heed of its own weakness in failing to win the
hearts of the people.

The wake-up call for Barisan had come during the general election. For a while,
the coalition awoke from its slumber to fight and win in the Sanggang
by-election.

That didn't last long. Now, it is clear that Barisan has not been able to
effectively tackle the real grievances on the ground.

A year after the general election, nothing much has changed. The alarm clock is
ringing and Barisan leaders, particularly those in Umno, are still
groggy.

Barisan leaders must surely realise that they need to work doubly hard for
votes. The question is what they are doing about it.

The carrot-and-stick tactic of promising development programmes is no longer
likely to work.

Voters pay taxes to the government to run the country and they expect basic
amenities in return as a duty from those in power. Our politicians shouldn't
expect gratitude for that.

There will be plenty of finger-pointing and analysis over the Lunas polls but
one thing is definite – the majority of old and new Malay voters picked the
Opposition.

The pattern hasn't changed since the last general election. The fact remains
that support for Umno from Malays has continued to slide. In 1999, Umno lost 22
parliamentary seats.

But what is worrisome to Barisan is the swing in Chinese voters to the
Opposition, at least in Lunas.

The Chinese had backed Barisan in the general election, saving many Umno
politicians in the process.

Said MCA president Datuk Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik: “Just one year ago the
Chinese had come out strongly for Barisan. What has changed since then?''

This time, MCA and Gerakan leaders found the going tough in Lunas. There was
some optimism at first, when the DAP bickered with Keadilan over the choice of
candidate.

But the strong words used against Suqiu, the Chinese pressure group, and the
Chinese educationists movement, hurt the feelings of the Chinese
community.

Many Chinese voters were also incensed with the rowdy behaviour of some Umno
Youth leaders outside the Selangor Assembly Hall in August. There was the
feeling, rightly or wrongly, that some Umno leaders had taken for granted the
solid support of the Chinese during the general election.

Bahasa Malaysia newspapers must understand they are now being read by not only
Malays but other races who may be offended by their choice of words in
print.

Such resentment over certain issues, if not properly explained, would be
translated into action through the ballot box.

The basic rule of winning an election is to win the hearts and minds of voters.
To anger traditional supporters will only alienate them.

Keadilan and PAS, understanding the crucial stand of the Chinese voters, have
worked doubly hard since the last elections.

Confident of their strong Malay base, both parties met the Chinese
educationists before the by-election and came out to support the movement
against the Vision School implementation.

But there is still time and hope. Losing Lunas does not mean Barisan will lose
in the next general election, which need not be held until November 2004.

Still, there has to be some serious soul-searching in Barisan. Its leaders must
be honest and open with their analysis if they want to save the day and the
coalition.

There is no point for Barisan leaders to listen to views which they only want
to hear.

The trend of choosing a candidate based on the racial make-up of constituency –
which the Opposition did – is cause for concern.

If that is going to be political culture, the Indians will find themselves
relegated to becoming mere senators soon, like the orang asli and the Thais,
because there is no Indian-majority area.

It's the same with the Chinese community as its size continues to
decline.

It is thus important for Malaysians to appreciate that Barisan stood firm on
its principle of placing an MIC candidate in Lunas despite the use of racial
and religious issues.

The fear is that Umno, pressured by its members and foes, may find it necessary
to place more Malay candidates at the expense of other races in future
elections.

The aggressive campaigning by some opposition supporters should also be a
matter of concern. Smashing bus window panes and stopping election workers from
entering an area is sheer thuggery.

Moderate Malaysians must understand the consequences of their political action
while our leaders must feel the pulse of the people on the ground.

To lose touch with the sentiments of the people is politically costly. Umno
leaders must shake off the sleepiness before it's too late.

Following the meeting on Wednesday, the DAP issued a tame
statement to say it was putting off a decision on whether to stay in the
coalition and would “conduct a comprehensive review of DAP's position.''

Trouble erupted last week between the two parties over the choice of candidate
for the by-election on Nov 29.

Keadilan is headed by Datin Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, wife of Datuk Seri
Anwar Ibrahim, which insisted their nominee Saifuddin Nasution Ismail should be
picked to contest the polls.

The two parties fought over the candidancy, with the opposition first choosing
Penang DAP assistant secretary S. Neelamekan and then quickly replacing him
with Saifuddin after Keadilan vice-president Tian Chua threatened to
quit.

When the DAP found itself outvoted, tempers flared immediately with DAP
secretary-general Kerk Kim Hock saying the DAP had been “stabbed from the
back.''

It isn't clear what will happen after the by-election as the DAP leadership
seemed ready to accept the apology from Keadilan deputy president Dr Chandra
Muzaffar.

Some DAP leaders, smarting from being played out by Keadilan, however said they
did not ask for an apology.

Lim described the incident as “the result of pure disgust at such unscrupulous
politics in the Barisan Alternatif.''

If Tian Chua was a brother comrade, he had turned into a “radical'' and a
“leftist extremist'' as far as DAP Socialist Youth leader Lee Kee Hiong was
concerned.

DAP deputy secretary-general M. Kulasegaran said the decision by the opposition
not to field an Indian candidate was a racial slur on the Indian
community.

>From the outset, the DAP grassroots had been unhappy with the tie-up with
Keadilan and PAS.

The pact, which led to the resignations of several DAP leaders last year,
caused the party to perform badly in the general election.

Besides Kit Siang, the other casualties were then chairman Dr Chen Man Hin and
DAP deputy chairman Karpal Singh.

It was simple. The non-Malay voters were not emotive with the Anwar issue.
Keadilan, to them, merely comprises former Umno members who wanted Anwar freed
from jail.

They were part of the establishment who had benefited politically and
financially for the past 16 years. Many were cronies, in fact.

Their slogans of democracy, justice and transparency sound hollow and
unconvincing, except to themselves and the foreign media.

PAS still refuses to dilute its religious extremism, coming out with
controversial statements such as barring beautiful women from working, separate
cashier's counters for males and females in supermarkets and preventing women
members from contesting in elections.

The DAP and Keadilan have both been losers. While the foreign press reported
extensively about Umno's declining support from the Malay voters, they refused
to mention that PAS has cleverly manipulated Keadilan and DAP to serve its
cause.

The longer Anwar remains in prison, the better it is for them. Parti Rakyat
Malaysia is, well, irrelevant to them.

Keadilan fared equally badly in the 1999 elections. In fact, many of its top
leaders were wiped out.

What they had done was to help PAS win more seats. PAS did nothing in
return.

The same applies to the DAP with its supporters helping to canvass for votes
for PAS in Chinese areas, awkwardly carrying the white-moon-on-green background
flags.

But what it got in return was pittance, a few Malay votes, which made little
difference. The core Chinese votes were gone.

It's the same in Lunas. Keadilan and DAP are fighting for the crumbs. It's not
even a seat that Keadilan is assured of winning but as the two sides slug it
out, they won't benefit.

PAS is watching the two parties fight on the sidelines with glee, knowing they
will become weaker and bitter foes. If Keadilan wins Lunas, the Barisan loses
its two-thirds majority in Kedah.

It means PAS will become stronger in Kedah and the prospects of PAS capturing
the state become brighter.

It will be a PAS mentri besar, not a Barisan Alternatif mentri besar. Certainly
not Dr Chandra, Dr Wan Azizah or Nasution.

Thanks to the generosity of Keadilan and DAP, the Barisan will now have to face
an increasingly strong Islamist party that has little patience for
liberalism.

The response could be the need for Umno to project a more religious appeal to win
back its support.

PAS may be willing to accommodate some multi-culturalism, including allowing
the Chinese lion dance, as showcased in Kelantan recently, but don't forget
that it's a norm in other states already.

The issue at stake isn't the lion dance or karaoke but in a PAS administration,
there is no place for a non-Muslim or a woman.

For the voters of Lunas, they have an important message to send to the
opposition front.

Do they condone such blatant display of political greed, where power-sharing
and consensus becomes irrelevant?

Malaysians will judge the people of Lunas on whether Malays should only vote
for a Malay candidate and not for an Indian or a Chinese.

If they think such racial tendencies should become a political culture in
multi-ethnic and multi-religious Malaysia, then they should go ahead and vote
Keadilan. No, not Keadilan; PAS actually.

This is unprecedented in Malaysian legislative history.
There have been walkouts, uncouth language and challenges of a fight outside
the chambers, but never punch-ups. In Parliament, there has always been a lot
of hot air for political expediency before both sides laugh it off and walk to
the canteen for a drink. But what happened last week is a total disregard for
civility by the two lawmakers. They behaved like ruffians and certainly do not
deserve their honorifics of Yang Berhormat (Honourable).

There is no need for them to offer excuses and justification. The bottom line
is that it is wrong for anyone to be involved in a fight. Teng, the Bandar Klang
assemblyman, is telling everyone that he is the victim and that it was Zakaria
who used derogatory words on him. Zakaria, the Selat Klang assemblyman, claimed
that he was misunderstood. He denied using the words Cina babi (Chinese pig) on
Teng.

He claimed he had advised Teng that it was inappropriate for a non-Muslim to
dwell on halal (allowed in Islam) and haram (prohibited by Islam) which
concerned Muslims but Teng was offended by the remark.

He said Teng argued he had every right to use the terms halal and haram to
which he (Zakaria) replied jokingly: “Hey Cina, babi untuk you halal, untuk
saya haram (Hey, Chinese, pork is halal for you but haram for me).'' Zakaria
claimed that Teng got angry as he misunderstood the phrase used by him and
proceeded to challenge him to a fight. The uproar began when Teng, a lawyer,
had asked why the term haram was being used in illegal small and medium
industries (SMIs) since the entrepreneurs earned a living out of halal
business. Zakaria reportedly confronted Teng during the coffee-break; a scuffle
broke out and turned into a brawl.

Teng was allegedly slapped. He retaliated with a punch before an unidentified
man, said to be a supporter of Zakaria, joined in the fray.

Giving chase in the State Assembly building, Teng rushed into the room of
Mentri Besar Datuk Dr Mohamed Khir Toyo to tell him what had happened.

Dr Khir then got the two men to shake hands and make up. But the next day, Teng
said the issue was not over and threatened to lodge a police report.

The matter is, indeed, not over – as far as Malaysians are concerned. Both
assemblymen need to be censured.

The fight might have happened outside the assembly chamber but they deserve to
be suspended for their bad behaviour. The legislators seem to lack understanding
of their role. There seems to be arrogance on the part of Teng. His idea of
opposition is restricted to running down the Government. There must be some
finesse, even if one is an opposition member. Zakaria obviously needs a lesson
on religious, racial and cultural sensitivity. He ought to be more careful with
his words, particularly if they can hurt the feelings of other races.

He must be mindful that he is elected by Malaysians of all ethnic groups, not
merely by one race. He represents all communities. Racial slurs have no place
in Malaysia. In fact, it is better that our politicians learn, and quickly too,
that communalism no longer works. Questioning the patriotism of an ethnic group
might work in the politics of the 1960s – not now.

In fact, words like kaum pendatang (immigrant race) or bangsa asing (foreign
race) should be considered unparliamentary and even seditious. Making
references to China and India to a loyal Malaysian, born and bred in this
country, is unacceptable.

The DAP must understand the sensitivities of Muslims, too. Some of its leaders
may be familiar with a few Islamic terms after taking part in ceramahs
(political gatherings) with PAS but that doesn't make them experts in Islam.
Our MPs and assemblymen will earn more respect if they deliver well-researched
speeches.

Malaysians are not even asking for intellectual debate; the least they could do
is to behave themselves and set good examples.

The ruckus in the Selangor Assembly was not the only one. Recently, PAS MP for
Pokok Sena Mahfuz Omar and Barisan MP for Tampin Shahziman Abu Mansor
challenged each other to a fistfight outside the House.

On Oct 27, opposition MPs rudely interrupted Finance Minister Tun Daim
Zainuddin when he was delivering the Budget speech. And who can forget Mentri
Besar Datuk Adenan Yaakob who showed a lewd sign during the Sanggang
by-election earlier this year. Then there is PAS MP for Sik Datuk Shahnon
Ahmad, who wrote the book SHIT and used vulgarities against the
leadership.

Worse, he was supported by the party ulamaks (theologians) who preach morality.
It is best that our legislators take a hard look at themselves. They must
realise they now have a better-educated and more-informed electorate who have
higher expectations of their elected representatives.

We want to see a battle of wits, not a battle of fists, among our
legislators.

Like a sore loser, the Democratic candidate said the
election battle was not over.

In all likelihood, the results would probably be disputed and taken to court,
throwing the nation into disarray.

The two candidates are holding onto the edge of their seats for the tabulation
of several thousands of ballots in the mail from overseas. These votes would
not all be counted before Nov 17 – 10 days after polling.

Postal votes, like in the Malaysian electoral system, could now decide the
outcome of the presidential race in a complicated voting system which nobody
seems to understand – not even Americans themselves.

The tally thus far shows Bush having won 29 states for 246 electoral votes,
Gore has 18 states plus the district of Columbia for 255, with 270 needed for
victory.

But the incomplete popular votes total shows Gore ahead with 49,145,883 votes
or 48%, and Bush having 48,940,963, also 48%.

The fate of the next US President could well be decided by a Marine standing
guard at the American Embassy in Timbuktu.

If we laugh at some illiterate Malaysian voter for drawing the dacing or the
moon on the ballot papers, rest assured that it doesn't just happen in this
part of the world.

A number of Gore supporters cast their votes for Pat Buchanan of the Reform
Party because they were confused by the design of the ballot.

For Malaysian campaign workers who shake their heads at spoilt votes, they will
be glad to know that over 19,000 votes in Palm Beach county, Florida, were
rejected because they were marked for more than one presidential
candidate.

The comedy of errors continues. Oregon, the home state of computer giant
Microsoft, is still counting the votes.

The click of the mouse isn't working there, it seems. No wonder American voters
are now saying they smell a rat in the whole voting process.

The votes in Oregon are so close, according to reports, that the likelihood of
an automatic recount was “pretty high.''

In New Mexico, the votes are now being counted by hand. The most wired country
in the world has realised that manual work is sometimes more reliable, just
like in the Third World.

You would have thought that a recount, by whatever method, would usually have a
small margin of error but the world is now hearing that results are changing
overnight.

In New Mexico, Gore may now end up the loser. This must be terribly confusing
for both candidates.

And if you have been following the American presidential race on CNN, you would
notice that most of the anchor broadcasters are horrible at maths.

The biggest boo-boo, of course, is to tell the whole world that Bush had won,
which led to a flood of congratulations from leaders of various countries for
the Republican candidate.

But the red-faced politicians shouldn't worry. Bush, we are told, is hopeless
at Geography and he may not even know where some of these countries are
located.

Gore must be upset with the brave people of Florida. Just a month ago, he had
no complaints about the voting system; now his campaigners are set to challenge
the system.

He may be right, finally. Americans are crying out for reformasi or doi moi of
the entire political system.

As in all democracy, the Americans must understand that it should be made
simple for participation by all. That's what civil society is all about –
participation in the running of a government.

A democracy is also not perfect, as the Americans are now telling everyone.
Many Commonwealth countries, which modified the Westminster system to suit
their countries, have long told them that.

The first-past-the-post system, which we adopt, seems unfair but it works. That
is the most important.

When you have a system to pick someone to vote on your behalf, as in the
electoral college, it's bound to be mind-boggling.

Americans now realise that the popular vote doesn't really count.

Whoever wins, Gore or Bush, should heed the advice of Indian Chief Commissioner
Manohar Singh Gill.

The US should invite independent observers from all countries to watch the
presidential election just as Washington does to see polls in other parts of
the world.

In fact, these observers should also have the right to reject or accept the
election results, as the Americans usually do.

Finally, if Bush or Gore goes to court to challenge the results, the Dewan
Rakyat should seriously table a motion demanding a fresh trial if we are not
happy with the verdict – particularly if Gore wins the case.

Whether they be bushed or gored, the public would have had enough of the
Hollywood comedy American Presidential Elections 2001.

The sequel, if there were to be one, would be anything but good – as with most
movies.

Its task should be to convince the other races why it
opposes the project which is aimed at national integration. Certainly an
objective of such over-riding importance deserves the support of all
Malaysians.

Under the Vision School concept, three schools of different medium of
instruction – Bahasa Malaysia, Chinese and Tamil – will occupy a common
compound and share facilities. In fact, there are already two Vision Schools
which came about because the schools involved happened to be within the same
locality.

These schools have been totally integrated under the Vision Schools but their
characters have remained unchanged.

It would do a lot of good to the Dong Jiao Zong if it emphasises less on
ethnicity.

Unless one has stepped into a Chinese school to see its facilities and how the
teachers carry out their work, one is unlikely to have the same kind of
sentiments as the movement.

Even an English or Malay-educated Chinese is unlikely to feel as strongly about
the issue as a Chinese-educated person, or a parent who has children in Chinese
schools. So, the movement must realise that the majority of Malays and Indians
would question its stand.

The movement has put on record that it supports the aim of the Vision School
project to promote national integration for unity. But what it is concerned
about is that the project would eventually erode the identity of Chinese
schools. It would better serve the movement's cause if it can provide more
convincing arguments to the other races.

Chinese schools have contributed tremendously to the country's development.
Supported financially almost entirely by the community, they have been
self-reliant.

The impressive facilities in many of these schools are acquired through the
donations of the community and the MCA.

Long before the Smart School concept was introduced, computer lessons were
already started in Year One classes in Chinese schools.

With great emphasis on academic performance, Chinese school students, including
those from independent schools, have always done well to the point that their
examination results are readily accepted for entry into top American
colleges.

Besides relieving the burden of the Government on education and training, these
schools have steadily produced a disciplined IT-trained workforce.

With such a reputation, it is no surprise that many non-Chinese parents have
sent their children to Chinese schools.

Chinese schools are vital in helping to sustain the survival of the community's
other institutions, such as guilds, associations, Chinese newspapers and
Chinese-based political parties.

On a broader scale, the ability to speak the Chinese language will become more
crucial with the growing importance of China over the coming years.

According to news reports, there are now over 65,000 Malay students in Chinese
schools. It makes sense for Malays to be good in Mathematics and Science and
have the ability to speak a third language. But at the same time, the Education
Ministry has cause for concern as 88% of Chinese school-going children go to
Chinese primary schools.

Education Minister Tan Sri Musa Mohamad said if children of different races
were separated at six or seven years of age, it would be difficult for them to
come together at secondary level.

Musa is right. Every effort must be made to promote national integration at all
levels.

Education is certainly one of the best ways. Those of us who went through
Christian missionary schools understand the benefits of the system then.

We were taught correct English, instilled boarding school discipline and, more
importantly, we had friends of different races.

There was also a sense of belonging and mission, which no longer seems to exist
in present-day schools.

That identity is lost. This is perhaps the fear, rightly or wrongly, of the
Chinese educationists.

Cultural pluralism in education must be seen as an asset rather than an
impediment in national unity. So is social democracy.

Policies deemed to be discriminatory will produce resentment, so the cause of
communal polarisation cannot be blamed on the school system.

Schools merely reflect the ethos and norms of the various communities.

The national leadership must be commended for its moves to strive for national
unity. It can further do so by emphasising civil and political equality of all
groups.

That aside, our education system needs a complete overhaul. Starting with
better pay to get the best people to teach.

To seriously improve English in schools, we must equip our students with the
means to learn the language critically and creatively. To make the Vision
School project attractive, the ministry could perhaps equip participating
schools with the best facilities.

The Dong Jiao Zong has a case but it must realise it cannot exist in isolation
in a multiethnic country.

Dong Jiao Zong leaders cannot only see things from their perspective. Mere
suspicion of the motive isn't enough to argue against the Vision School
project.

Superficial arguments won't win the support of the other races. They must be
convinced of the Dong Jiao Zong stand.

At the same time, the Government must appreciate the importance of cultural
pluralism. A Vision School will have no meaning if it carries only a name of a
particular ethnic group, the school library having only books of a single
language and restrictions are placed on the participant schools.

Other concerns include sovereignty of each school, committee representation,
community participation and administrative autonomy.

Then there are some racist officials who impose decisions that are against the
national policy. At university level, one read of moves to stop certain
cultural functions.

It is better that the fears of the tendencies to assimilate be discussed now
rather than when the project is fully carried out.

In the spirit of musyawarah (consensus), it is best that our educationists sit
and discuss, beginning with a common ground – and that is education standard
and national unity.

Recently, Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad was met by
demonstrating students during his visits to the United Kingdom and the United
States.

In one instance, the protestors – comprising more Pakistani students than
Malaysians – succeeded in attracting international attention and embarrassing
the Prime Minister.

On another occasion, Minister of International Trade and Industry Datuk Seri
Rafidah Aziz found herself caught in a different situation.

On Sept 25, she led a joint public and private sector trade mission to New York
to attract new investment to Malaysia.

According to a report, neatly arranged outside the meeting hall were brochures
on investment opportunities and investorfriendly policies of the Malaysian
Government.

Unbeknown to the trade mission officials, inserted in the brochures were 200
pamphlets containing literature calling for the release of Anwar and condemning
Dr Mahathir.

If the report is true, then it's economic sabotage. It's no longer a question
of politicking on the part of reformasi supporters.

The Government should conduct an internal investigation as to how these
subversive pamphlets could have found their way into the promotion
brochures.

Surely, only a handful of officials are involved in such oversea trips and it
could well be an inside job.

Whoever is responsible can no longer differentiate between political activitism
and the role of promoting Malaysian investments with no political
connotations.

Umno leaders need to get their act together in facing the momentum of the Free
Anwar campaign.

It's easy to condemn Parti Keadilan Nasional leaders for being treacherous in
bashing the Malaysian leadership overseas but that is unlikely to create a
backlash against them.

Neither would the criticism deter Keadilan Youth chief Ezam Mohamed Noor and
others from continuing to travel abroad with their activities.

They are full-time political activists with influential connections in the US
government and media. They have plenty of time, money and determination to
carry on with their work.

Ezam has the right to air his opinions to anyone in or outside Malaysia on what
he perceives as wrongdoings of the Government.

But there has to be a line drawn in every political fight, particularly when
the rice bowls of Malaysians are affected.

Ezam can speak on issues he feels strongly about – such as the independence of
the judiciary, the role of the media, corruption and democracy – but he must be
cautious and not damage the country's economic investment climate.

At a ceramah in Kedah last week, Ezam reportedly said the movement in the US
was masterminded by himself, in Australia by party president Datin Seri Dr Wan
Azizah Wan Ismail, in South Korea by vice-president Tian Chua while information
chief Ruslan Kassim was given the responsibility of influencing Malaysian
students in UK.

Ezam, Anwar's former political secretary, has confirmed meeting aides to
powerful Republican senator Jesse Helms to exert political pressure on
Malaysia.

Keadilan has denied engaging the services of Janus Merritt Strategy (JMS), a
medium-sized Washington-based public affairs and political strategy firm, to
keep Anwar's imprisonment high on the international agenda.

JMS had been reportedly engaged in August under a four-month retainer for
US$50,000.

Keadilan leaders have said that they don't know about the firm nor need such
help.

Yesterday, however, Ezam did not dismiss the possibility that the firm was
engaged by supporters of the former deputy prime minister.

If Umno leaders want to take on the fight, they have to do better instead of
moaning about it.

There has to be more commitment on the part of some leaders because the political
battle will be on all fronts.

If necessary, it should even seek the support of non-Umno members, particularly
professionals in the various fields, to speak at overseas engagements.

Keadilan has the right to engage a foreign image consultant to achieve its
political objectives overseas. After all, these foreign experts would know
their turf better.

The Malaysian Government has done the same before. If it wants to carry out
some repair work, then it should also get a PR firm to boost the country's dented
image.

A media blitz, including editorial supplements in major magazines and
newspapers, should be carried out on the country's efforts to become a
developed nation.

Politics is all about perception and image. Good spin-doctors, whether local or
foreign, cost money but today's politics is no longer just local.