The seminar, on the implementation of Islamic laws in
Malaysia, was organised by the Johor state government and assisted by the
Malaysian Institute of Islamic Understanding.

His advice is timely as Umno competes with the orthodox PAS for the Muslim
votes. There has been some concern among many moderate Malaysians that Umno is
becoming more zealous in seeking to project an Islamic image to win back some
segments of disenchanted Malays.

Some have even said Umno is trying to seek one-upmanship on PAS, pointing out a
proposed Federal Bill on apostasy which gives sweeping powers to religious
officers to detain apostates for rehabilitation.

The proposed Bill is now back to the drawing board following protests from both
Muslims and non-Muslims.

Umno, the backbone of a ruling coalition since independence, has been able to
win every general election since 1957 because of its moderation. Its politics
of consensus and accommodation have been its selling point. Umno has a tested
record of its willingness to share power with the other ethnic groups.

In the general election last year, despite the combined opposition force, Malaysians
returned the Barisan Nasional to power because they believed only the coalition
could run the country.

Without doubt, the seminar on religion would enable government officers, young
professionals and Umno activists to counter some of the arguments on Islam put
up by PAS.

It's a good start and it shows that Umno is equally capable of clashing with
PAS ulamak (theologians) on religious issues and not merely on the politics of
development.

Religion has always been a core matter within the community and it is vital for
Umno to address these concerns. But it is also important that Umno should not
allow itself to play into the hands of PAS.

Umno stands out as a beacon of hope against the fanatical pronouncements by
PAS. Malaysians, even those who criticise Umno, must surely be able to see the
manners in which PAS has been running Kelantan and Terengganu.

It has introduced controversial decisions such as separate counters for men and
women in supermarkets, banning women from taking part in Quran recitals and
blaming social problems on women.

PAS has also refused to field women candidates for general elections,
purportedly to protect them.

Last week, over 500 its supporters, mostly in robes and sarbans, protested
against the holding of a dinner simply because a woman pop singer was
invited.

It has a consistent bias against women and there is no reason for anyone to
deceive himself by believing that Kelantan Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Nik Aziz Nik
Mat was deliberately misquoted by the press. In all these controversies, it is
sad that some politicians and activists, who talk about transparency and
justice, suddenly become mute simply because they are not prepared to offend
their ally.

But Umno needs to address other issues besides religion. The rumblings on the
ground are over issues like democracy, accountability, cronyism and
corruption.

Umno must be able to tackle these concerns swiftly, directly and convincingly
to regain the lost votes.

The Singapore Straits Times reported in a news analysis on Tuesday that Umno
seems to believe only political Islam can counter the rise of PAS although the
past has shown it may not necessarily be true.

It said that before falling to PAS, Terengganu was enforcing Islamic laws and
promoting religious activities aggressively during the late 1980s and
throughout the 1990s.

“But the people voted for fundamental PAS instead. The Islamic infrastructure
such as mosques, religious schools, Islamic pawn shops and other
religious-based institutions, which were set up by Umno, are being fully
utilised by the PAS-led state government today,'' it said.

In all fairness, it must be pointed out that Umno has taken its fight to other
areas besides religion. On Wednesday, Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad launched
the Umno Civil Action bureau's service centre in Sungai Way, an area with over
35,000 factory workers, mostly Malays.

The centre is the first project of the bureau headed by Umno supreme council
member Azalina Othman Said. It is a good start and the choice of location is
commendable. The bureau is similar to the MCA Public Complaints and Service
Department led by Michael Chong.

The centres set up by the MCA in all states have led to strong community
interaction. Similarly, Umno should ensure the problems handed by its centre at
Sungai Way get sufficient press coverage to remind voters of the party's good
work.

In fact, Umno should go one step further by setting up service centres in all
villages and housing estates, like what the PAP has done in Singapore.

Such grassroots projects would also erase the perception that Umno leaders have
become alienated from the working class and are in politics merely because of
monetary gains.

What Umno needs to emphasise is not that PAS is bad but that Umno is better in
all areas, not just in the religious aspects.

He said his argument was that if PAS and Umno began
discussing the matter openly, what was there to stop others from doing the
same.

Before that, Umno vice-president Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin and secretary-general
Tan Sri Khalil Yaacob had expressed similar sentiments.

Even PAS spiritual leader Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat had his doubts about the
debate.

But Dr Mahathir said a debate on the issue should be held so that the people
would not be confused.

The debate should, in fact, be broadcast on TV. After all, the debate is of
interest not just to the Malays but also to Malaysians of other ethnic
groups.

It would be meaningless to have the audience comprising only Umno and PAS
members.

What is the point of converting the converted, after all?

If the debate were to take place in a studio, instead of in front of a large
partisan crowd, it would be to Umno's advantage.

PAS Youth chief Haji Mahfuz Omar may be a skilful village orator but appearing
in front of a camera for a multi-ethnic and multi-religious is a different ball
game.

Angry hand gestures, fiery speeches and a loud voice, the hallmark of PAS
speakers, would make him look like a lunatic on TV.

Even the application of make-up, under the studio lights, would make a
difference.

On the other hand, the soft-spoken Datuk Hishammuddin Hussein with his brand of
moderation is likely to have the edge on TV. On stage, this might not be a plus
point.

Malaysians would also want to see whether they have a grasp of complex economic
issues and their handling of details.

A large crowd is usually boisterous and the listeners often prefer rhetorics,
even if there is a lack of substance and details, to liven up the
atmosphere.

But the two leaders must also realise the various implications of their statements
and sensitivities involved.

Not only must they understand their limits, they ought to realise that they
should approach the issue from a Malaysian perspective.

It's no longer a question of which party can protect the community's rights
more effectively.

As we head towards globalisation, there is no running away from competition and
how a liberalised economy would affect this subject.

If the debate is emotionally charged, it would do no good to the country. There
is no place for racial sentiments merely to score political points at the
expense of a united Malaysia.

It is also useless to win the votes of one ethnic group but lose the goodwill
of other groups in the next general election.

Both Hishammuddin and Mahfuz should also consider having separate debates in
Bahasa Malaysia and English.

Malaysians would like to see whether these two young men are proficient in
English, a requirement in a modern world.

In 1992, the MCA and DAP youth leaders took on each other in a public debate in
Kuala Lumpur.

The then MCA Youth secretary-general Datuk Ong Tee Kiat, now youth chairman,
faced DAP's Lim Guan Eng, who was the DAP Socialist Youth chief, on the
question of political parasites.

It was held for two consecutive nights at the Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall.
The debate, in English and Mandarin, was carried out in a mature and
light-hearted manner.

As in all debates, both sides proclaimed victory with little achieved but the
point was that the listeners had a chance to hear their views.

That is the essence of democracy. In a democracy, politicians should not run
away from debates.

In the politics of the new millennium, we should be able to express our views
without intimidation or threat.

Mature politicians should be able to voice their stand without allowing it to
develop into a racial confrontation.

The fears of the older politicians are understandable.

We should appreciate their wisdom and caution but they must not miss the pulse
of the young people.

In cyberspace, nothing is taboo or sacred. A whole generation is growing up on
the Internet, voicing their aspirations and beliefs with no limits or
censorship.

The sooner our politicians, especially those who are IT-savvy, realise this
trend, the better it is for them.

The role of the moderator will be crucial – he must test Hishammuddin and
Mahfuz on hypothetical situations. He must press the two to elaborate when they
generalise.

He must relate the question of Malay rights and privileges to modern economy
and management.

Let's see whether they are leaders capable of running the country or merely
good at talking.

It is obvious that those left out were not prepared to
fork out their own money for the trip because if they were ready to do so, they
could have attended the conference.

State Executive Councillor Dr Teng Hock Nan, in an attempt to rationalise the
situation, advised the others to wait their turn.

Dr Teng, who heads the Local Government, Environment and Traffic Management
Committee, said that only councillors who had served more than three years were
allowed to go on overseas study trips.

These councillors were also unhappy that only four island councillors went for
the conference, compared with 12 of their counterparts from Seberang Prai who
went on another junket trip in Fremantle 
the twin city of Seberang Prai.

Dr Teng revealed that both councils requested for all 24 councillors to be
allowed to visit the cities.

Some common sense prevailed when the state government reduced the number of
participants.

Taxpayers in Penang have a right to know whether the trips were at the expense
of the two Australian cities.

If it wasn't, then how much will the two trips cost Penangites, who are already
grumbling about council taxes.

No one can deny that overseas trips will expose our councillors to the ways of
administering a modern city.

We do not want our councillors to have a katak di bawah tempurung (country
bumpkin) outlook, with over-confident Malaysia Boleh (can-do) attitude, when
they could learn from others in more advanced cities.

Such exchange of views encourages networking among councillors and is vital for
cooperation between the cities.

By attending conferences, the councillors will appreciate better the importance
of modern city planning.

But there has to be accountability and a social sense of responsibility. The
country's economic crisis may be over but it does not mean that local
authorities can freely send their councillors on junket trips.

According to Dr Teng, the ministry circular states that study trips are only
allowed for the councils' twin cities.

Circulars may not be very popular in this age of information technology, but
there is at least something on record to remind councillors of existing
rules.

Relations between Penang and Adelaide have always been unique. Captain Francis
Light founded Penang in 1786 while his son, William, discovered Adelaide 50
years later.

Some of the younger councillors may not be aware that in 1975, a delegation
which included hawkers visited the city on a promotion tour. The Penang
hawkers  with their char koay teow and
satay  were a hit Down Under, not the
politicians.

An Adelaide Week was in turn organised by the state government in Penang where
the same controversy arose: how much did the affair cost Penangites?

The Australians, according to reports, met most of the expenditure of RM750,000
of their goodwill visit including hotel accommodation.

Ties between the two cities were at a all-time high during that period.

The premier then, the late Don Dunstan, was married to a Penangite. He often
began his speech in Bahasa Malaysia and ended with kam siah (thank you) in
Hokkien.

Over the past three decades, much has been achieved between the two cities,
particularly in terms of people-to-people relations and tourism arrivals.

But councillors must know that city folk do become more demanding, not only for
efficient services from their local authorities but also greater
accountability.

As our councillors are political appointees, the public will judge them for
their commitment in handling constituency services.

It is a training and testing ground for those with political ambitions.
Penangites should remember them for their services and not the scrambling for a
place in an overseas trip.

If there is going to be any similar tale from the two cities, this is likely to
be the one.

According to ACA director-general Datuk  Ahmad Zaki Hussin, the Oct 15 date is not
an  extension of the Sept 26 deadline
given earlier.

He explained that the latter was meant for 
the RTD officers and driving school personnel involved in the scam to
come forward.

Irrespective of his clarification, Ahmad 
Zaki should not expect an avalanche of people surrendering their
“flying licences.''

Many Malaysians are sceptical with the 
warning given by the ACA, assuming that 
they do not have sufficient information.

Some have even called it a bluff. Whether 
they are right or wrong remains to be seen.

Prosecutions of dirty RTD officers will 
certainly help to convince errant personnel.

Motorists who had bought such illegal documents, or had asked someone else to
sit for  their driving tests, must be
prepared to face  the consequences.

Some segments of society have this misguided perception that only RTD
officers  and driving school owners
should be brought  to book. The law of
demand and supply is  obvious. If there
are no bribe-givers, there  will be no
takers.

The ACA has been criticised by some 
quarters for going after the RTD, saying 
these are small fishes and that such corrupt  practices have been going on for some
time.

We should not lose sight of our focus. Instead of merely picking up one or two
officers, the ACA has cast its net for a swoop.

To launch such a big-scale operation is 
certainly not easy, whether they are small or  big fishes.

In any case, Malaysians have hardly been 
forthcoming to lodge reports against corrupt officers.

In fact, if the number of “flying licences'' 
is as big as reported, most of us are guilty by  having contributed to the corrupt
practice.

It is better late than never. We should support the ACA in its efforts to right
a wrong.

Criticism has also been levelled against 
Transport Minister Datuk Seri Dr Ling 
Liong Sik for corruption in the RTD. These  critics can't see the forest from the
trees.

It should be noted that the ministry's functions are not merely confined to
conducting  driving tests. The scope of
duties is wide,  ranging from road safety
to securing more  shippers to use our
ports to getting more  landing rights for
our planes.

Today, our ports and KLIA are among the 
best in the world.

While the RTD comes under the Transport 
Ministry's jurisdiction, the general public is  unaware that the issuing of commercial
vehicle permits, including taxi licences, is under the ambit of the
Entrepreneur Development Ministry.

For the record, the Transport Ministry has 
been supportive of the ACA actions.

As citizens, we should give moral support 
to the ACA  and not debate whether
the  crooks are only small fry or whether
Dr  Ling should resign.

It is significant to note Datuk Seri Ong Ka 
Ting's statement that the Cabinet has directed all enforcement agencies
to take concerted action to weed out illegal video arcades.

The Housing and Local Government Minister has a message: It is not just the job
of  the local authorities but also the
police.

Malaysians would certainly like to see the 
ACA sustain its high-profile fight against  corruption after the “flying licence''
case.  There will be renewed faith in the
graft busting agency if it continues to work with  such zeal.

Students of the university had been holding the lantern
festival for the past decade without any problem.

Then, suddenly, someone misguided by narrow ethnic views decided to stop it on
the flimsiest grounds.

The reason given was that the university did not want the activity to
overshadow its anniversary celebrations.

The reason is strange as the celebrations were held last year.

The university also objected to the theme Malaysiana which, it claimed, was a
concept used by the DAP.

The DAP slogan is a Malaysian Malaysia.

The term Malaysiana means the geographical and cultural aspects of Malaysia as
a whole, reflecting the country's rich diversity.

Credit must be given to UM Vice-Chancellor Prof Datuk Dr Annuar Mohd Zain who
put things right by saying that such festive gatherings should be encouraged to
promote social integration.

His statement is most reassuring as it will put to rest any suspicion that the
UM leadership is bigoted and racist.

The issue is more than just about a lantern festival.

A university is supposed to be an institution of higher learning where
intellectuals are nurtured in an open, liberal and tolerant atmosphere.

As the oldest and premier university, UM has to take the lead to demonstrate
that it embraces multi-culturalism and act as a showcase of the country's
unique plural society.

Malaysia is special because the various ethnic groups believe in the politics
of accommodation and moderation.

In celebrating its 50 years, the university has more reasons to make the
lantern festival a part of its celebrations instead of sidelining it.

Dr Annuar's statement is significant because the decision of the student
affairs department is not reflective of government policy.

The Education Ministry has circulated a letter to all universities directing
them to allow the use of university facilities for cultural activities.

Even Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, set up to promote Bahasa Malaysia as a
medium of instruction, has supported the annual lantern festival and Indian
ponggol (harvest festival).

As a student involved in organising such functions in UKM in the past, I
remember the encouragement and support given by then Vice-Chancellor (Student
Affairs) Datuk Dr Yusuf Nor for such activities.

He was open-minded enough to approve the application to set up a Chinese
canteen selling halal food following a memorandum from the Chinese
students.

My contemporaries – including Loh Seng Kok, who is now MCA Youth vice-chairman
and political secretary to Transport Minister Datuk Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik, and
MP for Bentong Liow Tiong Lai – have never forgotten that gesture.

We were also able to secure the support of the predominantly-Malay student body
in holding such functions, particularly the Students Representative Council,
making sure student leaders were invited as guests-of-honour and patrons.

The present student leaders could take a leaf from our experiences to work with
all groups to ensure the success of their functions.

There will be officials who do not properly understand government
policies.

Worse still, there may be those who refuse to carry out government policies in
the wake of current political sentiments.

These few racist officials should not be allowed to hold to ransom the rest of
the university.

What is important is that while universities have some autonomy in
administrative decisions, there must be some guidelines on sensitive matters
relating to race and religion.

Officials, for example, should not sit on applications from students to hold
cultural gatherings.

Some students have complained that insensitive lecturers insist on holding
examinations immediately after an ethnic festival, thus spoiling the festive
mood.

Universities have the right to stop communal-based societies but that does not
mean stopping cultural gatherings. They are two different things.

For example, in February, Universiti Teknologi Malaysia banned its students
from holding a cultural exhibition to celebrate Chinese New Year.

Our university administrators must get their priorities right.

Their commitment is toward academic excellence, particularly in research and
producing the best brains.

Academicians must also remind themselves they are not politicians, even if some
have political ambitions.

Malaysians are sick and tired of lecturers who turn their classes into
political forums, assuming that only their political alignment is right.

Instead, they should be seriously promoting racial integration in our
campuses.

Described as one of the hottest place on  earth, the group of Universiti Malaya
lecturers from the Chinese Studies department 
and I had experienced for ourselves the heat  at the reddish purple range called
Flaming  Mountain.

The Chinese classic Journey To The West 
had it that the Monkey God could not fly 
past the mountain because of the heat.

Urumqi, the last leg of our 10-day journey, 
had turned out to be another hot place 
eventhough it is autumn.

We had flown to Chengdu, the capital of 
Sichuan, from Kuala Lumpur before taking a  connecting flight to Lanzhou in north-western
China, a key junction in the ancient Silk 
Road.

In an attemp to retrace the routes used by 
the traders of the past, we travelled by road  and rail past Jianyugan, Dunhuang,
Turpan,  Anxi and countless small
towns.

We drove past miles and miles of sand 
dunes, wrinkled mountains, sparse plains,  ruins, oasis and collapsing fortresses.

The Malaysians had expected Urumqi, the 
last place in China that is reachable by train,  to be a medieval town.

They were disappointed to find Urumqi a 
sprawling city with tall buildings dotted  with modern shopping complexes, restaurants,
karaoke joints and discotheques.

In fact,  Urumqi resembles a city in the  Middle East.

The city is famous for its Central Asian 
bazaars, dotted with alleys, and Arabic music that fills the air.

If in the past, goods such as spice, silk, animals and food were traded in this
ancient  cross road, the traders today
hawked leather  jackets, scarves, dried
fruits and other modern items.

Life here hints strongly of foreign influences whereby  spice is heavily used on the  lamb kebabs and flat loaves of Indian
bread,  nan, is a staple.

At the night market, similar to our pasar 
malam, a Chinese speaking Caucasian looking woman with blonde hair,
sells leather  shoes.

For the Malaysians, everything is almost 
free. A pair of leather shoes cost RM40 with  a matching long sleeved shirt, made in
faraway Shanghai, being sold at RM7.

A leather vest cost only RM15, leaving this 
writer too embarrassed to bargain with the  couple, in their 40s, peddling their
trade.

A basket of fresh grapes, plucked from 
nearby farms, can be bought for as low as  RM7.

Xinjiang shares borders with eight countries Mongolia, Russia, Kazakhstan,
Kirghiztan, Tadzhikistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan 
and India.

The exotic bazaar  offers from dried
and  splayed desert lizards to deer
antlers for impotency to dried snow mountain lotuses to  cure rheumatoid arthritis.

“Good for you, makes you powerful,'' the 
medicine seller, said in his heavily accent  Mandarin.

The city, filled with brown-faced ethnic 
groups in skull caps, prominently uses Arabic and Chinese on road signs
and shop sign  boards.

Just a short distance away from the city, 
one gets a splendour view of the snow-caped  Tianshan mountain, a picturesque
reminder  of Germany's Black Forest.

But modern tourist amenities is sadly 
lacking in such scenic spots. Decent public  toilets is almost non-existent in these
parts  of China.

Still, whatever is lacking from the modern 
Silk Road is made up with some of the most  wonderous sights for the Malaysians.

Commercialism, rather than barter trade, 
has taken over in the new Silk Road routes.  Heavy lorries and buses, instead of
camels  and horses, travel along the
highways.

Signs of modern trade has infiltrated this 
city.   At the junction of Renmin
Road (People's Road), a large billboard is erected,  warning the city folks of the danger of
drug  abuse  a clear reminder of the effects of  modern trade in the Silk Road

Turpan, pronounced “tu-ru-fan''  in Chinese, is almost a medieval  town with a population of 300,000.  Most of the people are grape farmers, who
still use donkeys and  camels as their
mode of transportation.

But the town is opening up to  tourists
because it is part of the  Silk Road,
which used to be a network of ancient land routes.

Not intended for trade at first,  the
paths were carved out of the  desert more
than 2,000 years ago  when Emperor Wudi
of the Han  Dynasty ordered an
expedition  west to find possible allies
to fight  the Huns.

After 13 years on the road, the 
expedition yielded no new allies 
but rather a lucrative link with the 
Middle East and the West.

Today, it has become equally attractive 
this time to tourism  from both
the East and West.

The academicians from the Chinese Studies Department and I had  flown to Lanzhou before travelling  on highways, passing barren land  and desert, to reach this town.

Unlike our ancient predecessors,  who
travelled by camels and caravans, we went by air, bus and train.  Speeding lorries and bus coaches,  in fact, now rule the highways.

We passed parts of the Gobi desert, seeing hundreds of roaming  camels. We saw sandstorms, mild  ones and probably a minor irritation to the
locals, but enough to excite the Malaysians.

The famous Flaming Mountains,  where a
part of the Chinese classic  Journey to
the West was set, is located in Turpan. It is here that the  “Monkey God'' supposedly failed  to fly across.

Not far away is the site of the  Ancient
City of Goachang, some  47km from the
city. Today, all that  remains of the
garrison town of the  Han Dynasty are
ruins of the city  moat to tell its past
glory.

Also in Turpan is a pagoda shaped building where the famous  monk, Tong, from the same classic, used to
give lectures.

As part of the Silk Road, where  the East
and West met, Islam was  brought in to
China through this  road. Bearded men in
white skull  caps hawked their
agriculture produce to tourists.

Kebab sellers fanned the charcoal fire to grill their skewers of  dripping lamb cubes.

This is where the Uygurs, Hans,  Kazakhs
and Xibes have converged and live peacefully for centuries.

The area, bigger than the size of Singapore, is dominated
by the 468-metre television communications tower.

Not far away, a large condominium and 
office block is being built  next
to the site  where the Communist Party of
China was  founded.

The pace is staggering and excitement is 
in the air as Shanghai moves forward. Next  year, the city is hosting the
Asia-Pacific  Economic Cooperation summit
and later the  World Expo.

And the city authorities proudly publicise 
the fact that President Jiang Zemin and Premier Zhu Rongji hail from
Shanghai.

Recently Zhu, irritated by the bureaucratic inefficiency of Beijing, threatened
to  move the capital elsewhere, sparking
off  speculation that Shanghai could be
the beneficiary.

But as China gears itself up to be accepted 
as the latest member of the World Trade 
Organistion, business corporations have 
started to find a foothold in the country.

Doing business is still perilous in China, 
though. The number of failures is high but  China's economy is expected to grow by  about 7% this year, fuelled by another
big  budget deficit to fund
infrastructure projects.

Business groups are no longer talking of 
just its one billion population but the money  that can be made from the influx of
expatriates to Shanghai over the next few years.

The immediate potential to make money 
comes from properties and even newspapers for the increasing expatriate
population.

In true entrepreneurial spirit, countless 
magazines and newspapers in English, some  printed without permits, have hit the
streets.

The presence of foreigners is real. In the 
manufacturing sector alone, 50 of the top  Fortune 100 multinationals have invested
a  total of US$3.16bil in Shanghai.

Trumpeting its potential, it has long been 
a cliche that the cleverest people in China  come from Shanghai. These days, city
folk  are telling visitors that the
cleverest people  come to Shanghai.

Since 1992, the city has experienced a 
frenzy of activity reminiscent of the heady  years of the 1930s when the city gained a  reputation as the “Paris of the East.''

The city, with 13 million people, is again in 
the throes of a physical, economic and social  revolution destined to restore its former
status as an international centre of trade, finance and culture.

After Guangzhou, where much of Hong 
Kong's money is parked, Shanghai has the 
second highest standard of living.

Long exposed to Westerners, many of 
Shanghai's young are able to communicate 
in English. At the Grand Hyatt where I 
stayed, almost all the helpers at its food  court in the basement could take orders
in  English.

The Shanghai Television Station boasts of 
being the only station with a well-produced  weekly business programme, Bizwatch, in  English.

The economic and social reforms taking 
place in Shanghai are perhaps more evident  than in other cities in China.

Ironically, this is also the least “Chinese'' 
city, both socially and architecturally, with  its medley of British, French and
Russian  styles on heritage
buildings.

That aside, Shanghai is an artistic hub and 
has emerged as the cultural and entertainment capital of China.

It offers better foreign films at its cinemas than even Kuala Lumpur, including
the  usual Hollywood films and a decent
selection of European movies.

But like all major cities, Shanghai has its 
downside. Apart from political intransigence, rentals are high, traffic
congestion  has worsened and bureaucratic
red tape still  exists.

Unlike Beijing, Shanghai is not a touristy 
area. Unless you're on business, you'd likely  bypass this city.

On a rainy day or when threatened by a 
typhoon, it can have a drab and grey demeanour.

Traffic bottlenecks are common, so much 
so that outsiders learn to set off early for  appointments when taking a bus or taxi
ride.

That aside, visitors find Shanghai to be 
relatively clean. More importantly, Shanghai is a safe city. Visitors
can walk in the  streets till the wee
hours of the morning,  without any fear
of muggings.

By next year, when the leaders of the 
world's economies meet in Shanghai, they 
will be surprised by what they see.

Malaysian leaders and businessmen may 
have been bewildered by the pace of development in Beijing over the last
few years,  but a trip to Shanghai is
necessary for us to  take stock.

While some of us grapple with inconsequential issues, others have moved
ahead.

Unless we stay focussed on what we want 
to achieve, Malaysians may find themselves  lagging behind while foolishly assuming
that  we have done well.

Quoting the latest official statistics, a Chinese daily
reported that 5.59 million Chinese  made
up only 24.6% of the national population of 22.7 million.

If the report is correct, it is certainly a 
point of concern because at one stage, the  Chinese comprised 30% of the
population.

The statistics also showed that of the 
550,000 babies born in the first half of 1999,  only 110,000 were Chinese while Malays
accounted for more than 365,000.

In fact, the projection is that in the coming 
years, the number of Indians would be more  than the Chinese.

At a seminar in 1988, it was already predicted that the Chinese population
could decline as low as 13% by the year 2100.

The trend is probably more pressing if one 
takes into account the increasing number of  Indonesian women giving birth in
Malaysia.

There are many reasons why the Chinese 
are not having big families. It's not just peculiar to Malaysia but also
in Singapore.

In the case of Singapore, Prime Minister 
Goh Chok Tong has even dangled two carrots to nudge them towards having
more  children  money and paid maternity leave,  even for the third child.

The reasons are probably similar. Over 
here, it is not wrong to say that many Chinese couples are marrying
later in life   and in many cases,
preferring to remain single.

For young graduates and professionals, 
plans to climb the corporate ladder have become their priority.

The lack of child-care support, unwillingness to spare time for a bigger
family, a  child-free lifestyle, worry of
a family impeding their mobility and the reluctance in  bringing up another child in a stressful
urban life are contributing factors.

Young couples in the city, burdened by the 
increasing high cost of living, place much  importance in maintaining a quality life
at  the expense of family size. For older
couples, many put off the idea of another child 
after years of hard work.

That aside, Malaysian Chinese understand 
the importance of doing well in life. They  know that education is costly and they
need  to save up for their children's
future.

If their children cannot secure a place in 
the public universities, their only option is  private education.

Over the years, the burden is somewhat 
lesser with the Government's liberal approach to private colleges but
going private  is still expensive for
most people.

The Federation of Chinese Associations or 
Huazong has responded positively to the call  by MCA vice-president Datuk Ong Ka Ting  who urged the community to take a
serious  view of the drop in the
country's Chinese  population.

Huazong, which represents the 13 state 
Chinese Assembly Halls, is also the highest  authority among the country's several
thousand Chinese guilds and associations.

Ong had stressed the importance of the 
community's role in answering manpower 
needs as the nation forged ahead to become  a developed state.

There is also the political cost. It must not 
be forgotten that Chinese voters, who are always pragmatic, have played
a crucial, even  decisive, factor in
elections.

Shunning religious extremism, the community has consistently backed the
Alliance  and then Barisan
Nasional.

The declining Chinese population should 
not just be the concern of the MCA and Chinese associations but also the
ruling coalition.

Huazong president Tan Sri Chong Chin 
Seong said the group was planning to set up  a fund to give incentives to young couples
to  have more babies.

The same sentiment was expressed by Datuk Ng Teck Fong, deputy president of
the  Malaysian Federation of Hakka
Associations.

This is not the first time such monetary 
consideration has been made. A few years 
back, a Chinese trade group offered the 
same deal to its members but it was 
scrapped when there were no takers.

The realisation to regenerate and rejuvenate the community is commendable but
it is  hardly practical.

No doubt, it is a nice gesture but the concern among young couples is not money
to  start a family but the cost of
raising a family.

It's like paying a deposit to book a house. 
The real problem is the progressive payments and repaying the
loan.

But all is not lost. While the numbers 
game is important in Malaysian politics, it is  equally important to focus on building a  community which is educated, skilful,
competitive and self-reliant.

Attention should also be made to ensure 
that the entrepreneurial spirit is instilled  among young Chinese.

It is also important for the community to 
forge a consensus on political issues and to  adopt a common direction, taking into account
our multi-racial, multi-religious and 
multi-cultural society.

There must be a willingness to sacrifice 
narrow self-political interest for wider community interests.

Such fundamental re-thinking is essential 
given the challenges ahead. Size is important but so is quality.

Lee had invited six young newspaper editors, all in their
late 30s or early 40s, to exchange views on developments in Malaysia  and Singapore.

It was past lunch time but the discussion, 
supposed to be over tea, was now running 
behind schedule as last-minute appointments were squeezed in.

Lee, with a reputation for being intimidating and intellectually arrogant,
however  turned out to be pleasantly
relaxed.

All the journalists were meeting him for 
the first time and that they had heard 
enough stories of him expecting the media  to know their background details well.

Taking bites at the sweet duku langsat on 
the table, he was courteous, attentive and  even apologetic at times during the off-the
record talk where both sides challenged the 
views of each other.

It was clear that Kuala Lumpur's changing 
skyline, well-connected highways and even  the thorny bilateral issues, weren't the
only  things on the elder stateman's
mind.

Issues dividing Malaysia and Singapore 
include Malaysia's supply of water to Singapore, relocation of customs
and immigration  facilities for Malaysian
rail passengers in  Singapore and the
withdrawal of Malaysian  funds from the
island republic's pension  scheme.

Making his first visit to Malaysia after 10 
years, this writer could not help concluding,  rightly or wrongly, that Lee wanted to
listen  to the views of young Malaysians
on his  neighbour's political
developments.

He is, after all, clear on how his peers felt 
in building Malaysia. He has personally 
known all the Malaysian prime ministers, including Datuk Seri Dr
Mahathir Mohamad.

Lee acknowledged that during the 1970s, 
when he knew Dr Mahathir was going to be 
prime minister, he invited him to Singapore  on several occasions and the two
established  a personal relationship.

He said there was an emotional binding 
because Dr Mahathir studied in Singapore 
and regularly returned for university reunions.

In the case of Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad 
Badawi, he is certainly no stranger to Lee  after having served in the Cabinet for
so  many years including as Foreign
Minister.

But Lee's concern appears to be the political sentiments of young Malaysians,
particularly the Malays, who have been drawn to 
the religious struggles of PAS.

The Islamist party has become a serious 
player in the political landscape with only  moderate Muslims and non-Muslims keeping them
from becoming more influential.

The predominantly Chinese population of 
Singapore, as is its brethren in Malaysia, is  understandably alarmed over the growing  influence of PAS and its controversial
decisions.

“But I would sleep more comfortable with 
Umno in power as it is a party I have known  since the 1940s,'' he told a press
conference  later.

If that is not disturbing enough, Singapore 
has to live dangerously with the political,  economical, religious and ethnic troubles
in  Indonesia as well.

The jail sentence of Datuk Seri Anwar 
Ibrahim and whether he still has a future political role must have also
been in Lee's  thoughts.

Lee said he felt sorry for Dr Mahathir for 
paying a “very heavy price'' in the sacking  of Anwar and the subsequent events.

His private appointments did not just include the newspaper editors but also
members of think-tanks. These meetings would 
have allowed Lee to have a better understanding of events from a
Singaporean perspective.

The aspirations of the younger set, from 
the various influential sectors, are necessary because they will help
shape the destiny of the country in the coming years.

Like Singapore, the days of providing jobs, 
houses and basic amenities by the government are no longer something
which the citizens are expected to be grateful for. It is the  job of the government, nothing more.

Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong has the 
task of providing a higher standard of living  for Singaporeans.

The next prime minister, as in both countries, would have to deal with a
different  group of demanding citizens
with little sense  of their country's
traumatic history. It  would probably
matter little to them.

They would expect their leaders to allow 
them greater democratic space, be more accountable and, at the same
time, maintain a  decent economic growth
rate.

In the case of Malaysia, where the issues 
are more complex, material development 
alone may not be enough.

Malaysia and Singapore may be different 
entities but we are mirror images of each  other, as Lee would probably say.

His visit will help him prepare the next 
prime minister to handle the Malaysian government. That appears to be
the crux of the  whole trip.