Speaking in Spanish, he wanted  to know what newspaper I represented and
whether everything  was fine.

There was little time to bring up  my
request, through his Foreign  Ministry,
to secure an interview.

Although Castro is known to  speak fluent
English, according to  some books, he
made no attempt to  use the language. His
aides translated.

Turning to NST editor-at-large  Hardev
Kaur, who was standing  nearby, he
planted a kiss on her  cheeks.

“Please send my regards to your  prime
minister, he's a good man,''  he said, as
a crowd gathered to  watch.

There has been much political  chemistry
since Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad made his first  trip to the communist-ruled Caribbean
island.

During the 1997 trip, Dr Mahathir was praised by Castro for  bringing 16 years of strong economic growth
to Malaysia.

He hailed Dr Mahathir for his  commitment
to bringing progress  to the South.

At that time, East Asia had just  being
hit by the currency speculators, 
bringing disastrous consequences to national economies and  wiping out decades of hard work  by the people.

During discussions then, the two  leaders
struck a chord as they exchanged views on globalisation and  how developing nations had to deal  with ever-increasing conditions  imposed by those in power and influence in
the international arena.

Since the 1997 visit, there have  been
follow-up visits by several  Cabinet
ministers and businessman.

MCA vice-president Datuk Ong  Ka Ting,
for example, was instrumental in bringing a women's volleyball team to Malaysia
following  a visit.

The Cuban side also opened an  embassy
prior to Dr Mahathir's  visit. Last week,
Foreign Minister  Datuk Syed Hamid Albar
announced that Malaysia would follow suit in Havana.

Cuban authorities certainly went  out of
their way during this summit to accord preferential treatment to Malaysian
delegates and  newsmen.

On arriving at the Jose Marti International Airport at midnight, we  found several hundred tourists lining up at
the immigration  counters. Instead of
opening a special counter for us, the Cuban officials insisted that we jump
queue   which led to protests,
understandably, from the tourists.

Much to the embarrassment of  the
Malaysians, the Cuban officials  turned a
deaf ear to the complaints.

Malaysia certainly made its  presence
felt. Dr Mahathir was  given the honour
to table a motion  to allow the G77
current chairman,  Nigeria, to express
the grouping's  aspirations to the G7
summit of developed nations.

Till recently, Cubans barely  knew
Malaysia as a country on the  other side
of the world.

The older generation still ask  whether
Malaysia had tigers roaming in our jungles 
images they  picked up from
watching a 60s film  Sandokan about a
swashbuckling  son of a sultan in
Sarawak.

Among the younger Cubans,  however,
Malaysia is regarded as a  tiger, roaring
for developing nations at international forums.

Over a meal of nasi 
briyani, Pak Lah exchanged views with the  editors on the technological changes taking
place in  the media.

His statements are timely as Malaysian journalists  will join their counterparts  in celebrating World Press  Freedom Day on May 3.

Some people will cynically say that there is nothing to celebrate, given
the  state of affairs of the Malaysian
press.

Exactly one year ago, 581  journalists
presented a petition to Abdullah calling 
for an end to publishing restrictions.

Nothing has happened as  the gamut of
laws facing  the industry has
remained.  Certainly, none of the
journalists who put their names  on the
memorandum (myself included) expected 
Pak Lah to carry out swift 
changes.

As writers, we certainly  want the press
to be less  regimented. It is not just
a  concern of Malaysian reporters but
practitioners of  the trade
worldwide.

In Malaysia, race and religion have always been taboo subjects for the
local  media. Not many young reporters
would remember  the racial temperatures
of  1969 and 1987, but for  newsmen who had to covered these dark events
in  the streets, they are likely  to adopt a more conservative and cautious
approach.

Many will even agree  that some media
restrictions are still needed to ensure a sense of responsibility.

Self-censorship is exercised sometimes because 
we strongly believe in the  need
to be moderate and  considerate in a
multi-ethnic country.

It is easy to speak volumes about press freedom 
but we should not ignore  the need
for people to live  peacefully.

Even after over 42 years  of
independence, one can  still detect
racial and religious insensitivity in certain sections of the media.

There are publications  which provide an
unwarranted slant to certain social and political issue.

But the baggages of history will surely go away 
one day. Similarly, many of  the
laws affecting the industry will eventually be 
outdated.

The requirement for  printing permits,
for example, would be less relevant as more news sites are  set up on the Internet.

Publications which are  banned will
merely turn to  cyberspace. With
audio-visual capabilities, these 
websites will become more 
attractive.

The fact remains that a  media which is
perceived  to be biased will be
unable  to convey its message to  the people. Publications  which lose their credibility  will be shunned by readers.

That aside, the newsmen's role will change 
sharply over the coming  years.
They can no longer  be mere reporters of
news  but will become information
providers.

While Malaysians will  expect information
to be  made available faster,  newsmen will have to grapple with new tools
for their  trade.

Breaking news is now  flashed on cellular
phones  while palm-PC users can  download online editions to  read.

None of these tools require a permit from the authorities. In fact, no
censorship is possible.

But tomorrow's news  will mean nothing if
the  content is not well-received by the
public. Some  politicians have the
impression that mainstream  newspapers
will lose out to  the Internet for
allegedly  failing to provide sufficient
opposition coverage.

The fact is that not everyone wants to read political news. A good newspaper or
news website caters  to all
readers.

The biggest demand  from readers isn't
political  news but business news.  They want instant updates  on stock prices, analysis  and performances of oversea bourses. That is
the reality.

Local media is not the  only one being
questioned  and criticised.

Malaysians are asking  regional
publications why  they constantly quote
politicians who lost in the elections. Some politicians  have never been elected  but unshamedly claim to be  the people's voice.

The NGOs, run by a  handful of people,
make  the same claim. Most are  partisan but put up a neutrl  front.

Some publications and  websites say they
are independent and objective, but  their
content is clearly 
anti-government.

It has not stopped them  from making wild
accusations and spreading rumours, the lastest being  Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir  Mohamad falling from a  horse in Argentina. Yet  some citizens say these reformasi websites
are reliable.

While most of us do not  share their
stand, we subscribe to the belief that minority views have a place  in a democracy.

The growth of press  freedom is essential
in a  democracy. It may not necessary
promote economic  development, as
reflected  in the Indian and
Filipino  experiences, but the
availability of accurate information is a necessity in a  modern nation.

The Government may  have the best
intentions in  safeguarding stability
and  development when drawing up laws. A
country in  chaos cannot be
beneficial  to newspapers. If the economy
suffers, newspaper  revenue will drop due
to  falling circulation and  scarce advertisements.

Still, the political and  technological
changes taking place in Malaysia call 
for a re-look at laws like  the
Printing Presses and  Publications Act
1984 and  the Official Secrets Act  1972.

Amendments to relax  these existing laws,
even if  they are not immediately  repealed, will strengthen  the press environment in  this country.

For a start, a media  council comprising
media  practitioners, academicians,
retired judges and  government
representatives could be formed to  study
these laws and their  relevance in the
information technology age.

The Opposition has demanded  that Adnan be reprimanded and  give an immediate and unconditional
apology.

Adnan's reply that he was merely reacting to the “abuses and extreme
harassment by aggressive  PAS
supporters'' was unacceptable, they argued.

They pointed out that Adnan, as  Mentri
Besar, should behave in a  more dignified
manner.

It won't be easy for Barisan to  defend
Adnan simply because  there is a
rudimentary notion of  what is wrong and
right, what is  standard and acceptable
behaviour.

Some people feel that Adnan  should
express remorse. Perhaps,  then, his
display of unhappiness  can be deemed a human
frailty.

By coming clean, the heat on  Barisan
will dissipate. By being  defensive,
Adnan is not going to  help the voters
forget the action.

However, the blame should not  fall
solely on Adnan. The rowdy  and abusive
behaviour of many  PAS supporters,
despite their moral high ground, should not be ignored in this
controversy.

None of the many opposition  leaders
present saw it fit to restrain their supporters from verbally abusing the Prime
Minister  and others.

The controversy has added some  spice to
the campaign but the  15,276 voters
should not lose sight  of the larger
issues at stake when  they cast their
votes on April 1.

Although a victory for Barisan  or PAS
would not make any difference to the political equation in the  state, the decision of the voters  would have an impact on the directions of
both parties.

With its victories in Kelantan  and
Terengganu, PAS is determined to continue pushing the  Green Tide in another east coast  state.

A win for PAS will be a boost to  the
Islamist party which has  pledged to set
up an Islamic state.  That is what the
MCA has never  failed to emphasise to the
34% Chinese voters in their campaign.

Concerned with feedback that  Chinese
voters see the by-election  as a Malay
political fight, Barisan  has urged the
community to come  out in full force on
polling day.

The MCA has painstakingly explained to its listeners that they  have a choice of “a moderate Malay and an
extremist Malay.''

In an attempt to project a more  secular
and accommodating image  to non-Muslims,
PAS has fielded  Datuk Hishamuddin Yahya,
a British-trained lawyer and businessman.

Umno has placed its bets on religious scholar Redzwan Harun,  which PAS campaigners have tried  to discredit.

Allies of PAS, the DAP and Parti  Keadilan
Nasional, seem to think  that the Chinese
have adopted a  more conciliatory tone to
PAS following the general election.

They say the PAS-led governments of Kelantan and Terengganu  have been fair and liberal to minorities. Of
course, no mention is  made about the
kharaj tax on non Muslims.

If Adnan's hand gesture is a talking point, the MCA has highlighted  to the community certain PAS banners with the
words Tolak Secularisme (Reject Secularism) on nomination day.

MCA campaigners believe they  can deliver
the Chinese votes. Adnan has also announced development allocations of
RM500,000  each to all new villages in
Pahang,  a move which will go down well  with Chinese voters.

But the support of the Chinese  alone
isn't enough because the Malays make up 59.1% of the electorate.

Barisan hopes that its method of  meeting
small groups of voters in  their homes
will be more effective  than hodling
ceramahs. Last week,  Datuk Seri Abdullah
Ahmad  Badawi turned up at the homes
of   villagers to listen to their
problems and views.

If the PAS brand of politics and 
religion is an issue among the 
Chines community, it has not escaped the Malay audience either.

The Deputy Prime Minister's  message to
Malay voters is that  PAS is not Islam
and that the argument that one party was Islamic  and the other apostate was not logical when
both parties practised  Islam.

Pak Lah has repeatedly told his 
listeners in Sanggang that he too 
would like to go to heaven, and that 
by supporting Umno it doesn't 
mean he would go to hell, as some 
PAS leaders preach.

The Islamic Studies graduate  from
Universiti Malaya, comes  from a family
of Islamic scholars.  Pak Lah's late
grandfather was a  prominent and
respected religious  scholar who remained
faithful to  Umno throughout his
life.

His supporters have never failed  to
impress upon others that despite  his
Islamic credentials, he has never claimed to be an Islamic scholar. Neither
does he need to sport a  goatee or wear a
jubah to display  his religious
commitment, preferring moderation and a low-key approach.

Pak Lah's presence in Sanggang  has
helped allay fears among some  Chinese
that Umno will try to  counter PAS'
fundamentalism by  becoming more Islamic
to gain  back lost ground.

With just a week to go before  polling
day, both Barisan and PAS  will be
channelling their efforts on  the 1,500
new voters and those who  need more
convincing

In last year's polls, the Barisan won the Sanggang state
seat by beating PAS with a 1,038 vote majority.

According to Barisan campaigners, the slim margin was a result of backing from
Chinese voters.

Although the Chinese voters made up only 32.3% of the 15,000 electorate, their
decision was crucial in determining the outcome.

Based on the results of past elections, it has never been easy for the Barisan
in Sanggang.

In the 1986 polls, the Barisan won the seat with only a 910 vote majority in a
three-way tussle with PAS and DAP.

The majority for the Barisan slipped further in the 1990 general election, when
it won with only a 340 vote majority in a three-cornered fight with an
independent and DAP.

But in the 1995 general election, the Barisan improved its performance by
increasing its majority to 4,089 votes in a fight with PAS and DAP.

Sanggang, which comes under the Mentakab parliamentary seat, may seem like an
obscure place but its voters have shown they are to be taken seriously if any
party wants their votes.

A victory on April 1 for the Barisan, particularly Umno, is crucial. It will be
a boost to Umno which holds its general assembly in Kuala Lumpur on May 11,
and, especially, when it is in the midst of searching for directions to win
back the support of the Malays.

It is a by-election the party needs to win well as Umno is said to have 5,000
members in the constituency.

The indication so far is that the Barisan is taking on PAS in its own game. It
has picked an Islamic scholar Redzwan Harun, 49, to contest the seat.

The Al-Azhar University graduate and former mosque official has a clean image
and strong religious credentials.

By picking a religious figure instead of a businessman or civil servant, the
Barisan hopes to stop criticism from PAS that it has neglected theologians and
the spiritual aspects.

Beside banking on the right candidate, Umno has directed its campaigners to
make personal contact with every voter to win their hearts and minds.

The idea is to counter the opposition, which is likely to hold ceramahs all
over the constituency.

Meanwhile, the MCAis sending 1,000 campaigners to the area, with the order of
one campaigner for every five Chinese voters.

Instead of the aggressive Gerak Gempur approach, a more low-key style, to be
known as Gerak Mesra, is expected to be adopted by Umno.

PAS has openly stated its ambition to capture Pahang following its victories in
Kelantan and Terengganu.

The Islamist party obviously realises the importance of winning the Chinese
votes.

Since January, PAS and DAP have held forums to convince the community that
criminals will not have their limbs chopped off under the hudud if PAS comes to
power.

In Kelantan, the party appointed a Chinese Muslim as a state exco member while
in Terengganu, Mentri Besar Abdul Hadi Awang lifted the ban on pig
slaughtering.

He also ordered a tax imposed on an arch in the state's Chinatown to be
abolished after his earlier fiasco of wanting to impose the kharaj tax on
non-Muslims.

PAS also cleverly kept their silence when some Umno MPs joined in the criticism
against Chinese and Indian programmes on Astro.

In fact, Pokok Sena MP and PAS Youth chief Mahfuz Omar questioned the motive by
some quarters in picking on only Chinese and Indian programmes.

The fight in Sanggang is not just a barometer as to whether Umno has improved
its standing among the rural Malays but also whether PAS has been successful in
winning over the Chinese.

It is obvious that PAS, comfortably confident with Malay support, will, in its
by-election campaign, emphasise its purported fair treatment of non-Muslims in
Kelantan and Terengganu. But for many Chinese voters, the question is not so
much whether they can eat pork or gamble under PAS rule but the consequences of
an Islamic state.

It is whether non-Muslims can take part in a democratic elections under a PAS
federal government and whether they would be relegated to a minor role.

The community must also be assured, beyond rhetoric, that their liberal
lifestyles would not be taken away.

These are fundamental questions raised by even some Parti Keadilan Nasional
leaders who were academicians. Suddenly in the name of political expediency,
the principles of these academicians changed overnight.

PAS will have to convince the non-Muslims that it is prepared to be more
liberal and secular if it wants their votes.

No one can deny that even critics of Umno are uncomfortable with the mix of
politics and religion being preached by PAS.

But national issues may not be enough to win votes in Sanggang. The Barisan
component parties have the advantage of having an impressive local
network.

The Pahang MCA, for example, has strong grassroots support while Mentakab MP Fu
Ah Kiow has an excellent constituency service record.

Local issues would be important for the constituents comprising mainly farmers,
traders and civil servants.

Barisan campaigners from the cities in their flashy cars or opposition leaders
with their thunder and lightning approach won't score points in Sanggang.

Besides the town areas, the constituency also covers villages which border the
Maran parliamentary constituency.

In some areas, campaigners will have to take boat rides to win the votes of
riverine folks.

For many of these folks, development still does matter and the Barisan is
likely to impress among them the need to support the dacing.

Razaleigh is certainly well aware  that the task would not be easy. He  may have received the first nomination from
the Tanah Merah division from Kelantan but no one  should expect a sudden avalanche  of support.

The nomination by the Tanah  Merah
division shows there are divisions which were prepared to  defy the leadership advice that  there should be no contest for the  top two party posts..

Last week, the 62-year-old leader hinted that he was prepared to  accept nominations for the Umno  presidency or deputy presidency.

He said he could not run away  from
responsibility in Umno no  matter how
heavy it was so long as  it was within
his capabilities.

Razaleigh is certainly well aware  there
are problems and dissension  within Umno
ranks.

There are many members who  feel the
party leadership could  have handled
national problems  better.

No one can deny that many are  openly
frustrated at the erosion of  support for
the party among the  Malays.

There is genuine concern, even  among
Umno's critics, about the  increasing
strength of PAS with its  mix of politics
and religion.

Many want directions and answers to regain the party's popularity and
Razaleigh's supporters  are telling their
listeners that their  man can do the job.
Or at least,  show that Umno is prepared
for a  shake-up.

However Razaleigh's predicament would be to convince his listeners that a
change need not necessarily mean disunity and unstability.

There may be pockets of unhappiness but not many Umno members are prepared to
go through  another crisis following Datuk
Seri  Anwar Ibrahim's sacking from  government and Umno.

Those who read Umno well will  see that
many members are suffering from political fatique following the gruelling
general election last year.

Not many are in the mood for a  round of
fight. The momentum, so  far, has been
that most of the 165  divisions prefer a
no-contest situation, as advised by the supreme 
council.

Until Friday, Dr Mahathir and  Abdullah
had already obtained 17  nominations, and
are comfortably  in the lead.

The feedback on the ground, so  far, is
that the trend would continue.

Razaleigh's hope would be in Kelantan and Terengganu. It has been  speculated that as many as 10 of  the 14 divisions in Kelantan will  back him.

By March 31, when his Gua Musang division meets, it would be  clear whether he has sufficient  backing.

If there is a groundswell, then 
Razaleigh can safely said he has to 
accept the sentiments of the divisions.

Assuming that there is not  enough
nominations, there is always the excuse that he has never  say that he wants to contest any  top post.

Razaleigh is shrewd enough not  to commit
himself to anything at  this
juncture.

Umno may have 2.3mil members  but only
2,000 delegates will decide the fate of the party, and for  that matter, the country.

The contest for the Umno presidency and deputy presidencyis  crucial because the winners traditionally
hold the posts of prime  minister and
deputy prime minister.

There is no need for Razaleigh to  make
any annoucement of seeking  higher
office.

The party has only 165 divisions  after
all and it is quite easy to meet  the
main power brokers.

A large of the 2,000 delegates,  are
automatic delegates, comprising key figures in their respective  divisions.

It is not too difficult for candidates to meet the delegates. But it  is also a disadvantage for potential  challengers like Razaleigh.

By virtue of their positions as  elected
representatives, many of  these division
leaders have their  own self interest and
fear.

Abdullah's advantage is that he  is already
a deputy prime minister  and just a step
away from the  prime ministership.

Division leaders would rather  place
their bets on a clear successor no matter what the sentiments  are. That is the reality of politics.

Politicians in power are in a better position to dispense patronage  and Umno grassroots leaders are  certainly aware of this.

The delegateswill have to rely on  their
information and gut feeling  whether the
prince will obtain  enough
nominations.

No politician worth his saltwould  want to
be with the wrong horse.

In the context of Malaysian politics, there is no place for losers  and no one would want to get  caught in a political cross-fire.

Razaleigh paid a heavy price after he failed to unseat Dr Mahathir  in 1987. The penalty was a decade  in political exile.

But he is in the news again. With  just
two weeks to go before nominations close, the excitement is  fast being built up.

By nominating Razaleigh for the  top two
posts, the Tanah Merah division is cleverly keeping everyone guessing what post
is Razaleigh going to contest if he decides 
to go ahead.

No one should underestimate Razaleigh's stature in attracting support but at
the same time, he must  have also
realised the task of going  against an
entrenched machinery  of the incumbents.

Razaleigh's campaigners would  certainly
wish the move by the  Tanah Merah
division would open  the floodgates of
support.

The division has all the right to  pick
Razaleigh as its choice. Critics who challenge that decision  may unwittingly give  Ku Li's the 
advantage.

Every ballot from the delegates  is
important and any slip up in  strategy
would be costly.

With Dr Mahathir and Abdullah  already in
the lead, the question  now is how
Razaleigh intends to  turn the
tide.

Still, we can expect a dramatic  campaign
all the way until the May  11 general
assembly.

These groups reportedly fear  that viewing these movies might  bring negative effects on community unity and
the future direction  of the
people.

Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr  Mahathir
Mohamad, when asked  by the media on
these calls, said  there should be an
investigation of  such programmes to find
out  whether they actually influence  the people.

Dr Mahathir's response is commendable because a knee-jerk reaction would not
provide an accurate picture of the situation.

Any foreign movies, whether  Chinese or
Arabic, should be  checked before they
are shown.

Unlike its neighbours, Malaysia  has been
liberal in its policy on TV  programmes.
Of all the Asean TV  stations, only ours
show movies for  all ethnic and dialect
groups.

Singapore TV stations strictly  enforce a
Chinese language-only  policy, shutting
out the more popular Cantonese versions.

Astro has become popular  among the
Chinese community in  Malaysia because of
its few channels which offer entertainment 
and news programmes from China, 
Taiwan and Hong Kong.

One of its news programmes, tailored after CNN, provides news  from China, Taiwan and Hong  Kong. But like all news programmes, it also
airs events from  all over the
world.

Most of the popular Hong Kong  movies
aired on Astro channels are  also readily
available on video  tape.

For example, many Malaysians  follow the
popular drama serial A  Kindred Spirit on
Astro nightly but  those who can't wait
to find out the  next episode can rent
the entire series from video shops.

The drama, which emphasises  family
values, is more popular  than some of the
martial arts series.

Then there is the popular Journey to the West (II) series which  stresses on good overcoming evil.  Popular among children and  adults, this series is based on popular
Buddhist folklore.

There should not be too much 
generalisation made on the Astro 
programmes, particularly from 
those who do not even watch them.

A more systematic approach, as  suggested
by Dr Mahathir, would  give a clearer
picture of the overall content.

The emphasis should, perhaps,  be on
quality programmes. For example, we can do away with those  old low-budget kung fu movies and  slapstick comedies which are being
shown.

To ensure more viewership of local TV programmes, Astro should  perhaps be directed to set up a  channel solely for local Chinese  programmes, similar to Ria.

Although this will incur additional expenses, it would certainly be a  boost to the local movie industry.

The channel could have Malaysian news programmes, similar to  the Chinese news aired on RTM  and NTV7.

While Malaysians may watch  foreign news,
they would still follow local news as events in the  country directly affect their daily  lives. As the saying goes, all news  is local.

In fact, many Malaysians follow  CNN but
they also follow other  news programmes
for regional  content.

With the availability of the Internet and our promotion of the Multimedia Super
Corridor, it would be  sad if we take a
step backward.  The advance of the
multimedia and  the information age can
no longer  be stopped.

There will always be alternatives if curbs are imposed, even  with the best intentions. It is better  for the Government to take advantage of its
existing resources and  tools, including
Astro, than to  place restrictions.

PAS, for example, has reportedly  said it
would invest in Internet  television to
overcome the restrictions on its newsletter Harakah.  The party plans to telecast interviews with
party leaders and special reports around the clock.

PAS said it was pushing itself  further
into the Internet age, not  only in
making Harakah more attractive on the Net but also in entering the world of
Internet TV.

In the current controversy over  Astro,
wrong signals should not be  sent to the
Chinese community,  who would be affected
by any  wrong decision.

Their loyalty to the Government  and
country is solid, as reflected in  their
overwhelming backing for  Barisan
Nasional in the recent  general
election.

More foreign movies, including  those
from Asean countries and  Europe, should
be shown by our  TV stations.

To maintain its quality, Bahasa  Malaysia
subtitles should be adopted to open up the minds of viewers.

Singapore, for example, has good 
programmes and should be enjoyed by all Malaysians and not  just Johoreans.

TV stations must take steps to  promote
such programmes as the  world is not just
Hollywood,  Bollywood and Hong
Kong.

NTV7 and TV3, for example, are 
aggressively competing with Astro  
which is good because competition always strengthens quality.

RTM2 and NTV7 should be commended for their Chinese news  bulletins. To capture the viewership of the
Chinese community,  more air time should
be given to  these news programmes.

RTM2's City Focus, a programme on current issues, commands a strong following
because  of its good presentation and
content.

The concern of our policy-makers and TV stations should be to air  quality programmes. If TV programmes are
popular, whether local or foreign, it's simply because  they are well-produced.

This should be the criteria in reviewing Astro's programmes.

A debate on the foreign content  of our
TV programmes is good but  there should
also be some restraint. Moderation is how Malaysians resolve issues and it
should  continue to be so, taking into
account the sensitivities of all 
groups.

In Kelantan, Mentri Besar Datuk  Nik Aziz Nik Mat announced a Chinese-Muslim
as a state executive  councillor.

These are clever public relations  moves
by PAS in its effort to project a gentler and multi-ethnic image.

With their flowing robes and serbans, PAS leaders and their fiery  speeches have never gone down  well with non-Muslims. Their  brand of politics is seen as conservative and
untolerable of the liberal lifestyle.

The DAP and PAS, meanwhile,  have
continued to hold forums to  allow
non-Muslims to hear the  views of PAS
politicians.

It is not something new. Years  ago, PAS
held similar meetings  with
non-Muslims.

During these meetings, participants queried PAS leaders on such  matters as women wearing mini skirts, playing
mahjong and drinking alcohol in pubs. They were 
asked whether non-Muslims had a 
role in government.

PAS and DAP have said that they  are
holding these forums to debunk the fears created by Barisan  Nasional, especially MCA and Gerakan, to
project the two parties as  extremist and
anti-Malay.

Leaders from these two parties  like to
think the Chinese voters  swung against
Barisan Alternatif  because they supposedly
fell prey  to MCA and Gerakan
propaganda  of PAS' intention to set up
an Islamic state.

Politicians, irrespective of their 
beliefs, will not admit their faults. 
The fact is that most Chinese voters do not trust PAS.

And they registered their unhappiness against DAP for working  with PAS and the reformasi movement.

PAS and DAP are now carrying  out damage
control. Their early  start may, in fact,
pay off in the  next elections.

Without doubt, the PAS-DAP forums would enable PAS leaders to  interact with more non-Muslims  and listen to their views.

PAS realises that no political  party can
win the general election  on its own. But
the question is  whether PAS is prepared
to be  more secular and liberal to win
the  backing of non-Muslims.

The Chinese and Indian votes  will
continue to be decisive in future general elections.

But PAS must be consistent.  Their
objection against the Israeli  team
taking part in the World Table Tennis tournament will not win  them votes.

There is no logic in their argument that the team cannot enter  Malaysia because there is no diplomatic
ties.

If we accept the PAS logic, then 
Taiwanese have no business in Malaysia since we have no diplomatic  links with Taipei. Despite their  hostility, Iran reportedly sent its  soccer team to the United States  recently.

If Malaysia is serious about hosting world sporting events, we cannot allow
such archaic sentiments  to
prevail.

PAS also made a fuss of the presence of a US aircraft carrier in  Port Klang because it was purportedly
nuclear-powered. Being nuclear-powered does not mean carrying nuclear
weapons.

It was a case of getting worked  up over
nothing or choosing to ignore certain facts. Nuclear energy  was merely used as a source to  propel the ship.

This is not the first time PAS is 
confused over matters. Last week, 
PAS MPs created a ruckus over the 
millennium celebrations in Parliament, making it sound as if
holding  a party is an unpardonable
vice.

Before that, a PAS MP complained about the Government  staging the Formula One race, suggesting that
it would promote vice.

Barisan Alternatif, especially  PAS, has
argued for a liberal and  open
government. But it needs to  show its
seriousness.

Even in Iran, the people have  voiced
their unhappiness against  fundamentalism
and extremism in  the name of
religion.

The victory of the reformists in  Iran's
parliamentary election  proves that
Iranians can no longer  tolerate living
under an administration which does not tolerate liberalism.

PAS leaders are still fundamentalists. They are certainly not reformers nor
liberals. They may  have made some minor
consessions for non-Muslims, which in itself is important, but they must
try  harder.

Non-Muslims will want to examine PAS policies from a broader  point 
beyond politics, including 
whether the party is capable of 
facing the challenges of a modern 
era.

The former academician would  have probably forgotten what he  advocated. His intentions, although sincere,
was short-sighted.

And that, of course, separates  those who
make things happen and  those who merely
complain.

Twenty years later, TV sets are  so cheap
that they are a common  sight at squatter
colonies.

Even Subang Airport was criticised as a prestigious project when  it was built. Today, as we all know,  it is not big enough to handle the  growing demand for air transport.

As it would be foolish to spend  millions
to upgrade an old airport,  the KL
International Airport was  built  again drawing the usual  loud complaints.

In 1969, when the Gerakan-led  state
government pledged to build  the Penang
Bridge, one former  DAP leader laughed at
the project.

He told his audience at a rally  that he
would jump off the bridge  if it was
built. He has never done  so but he has
“jumped'' political  parties at least
twice.

Motorists who use the Penang  Bridge
today will tell you that it is  not wide
enough. During this Chinese New Year period, an accident  reduced traffic flow on the bridge  to a crawl.

The usual criticisms arose when  the
Sepang Formula One circuit  was built.
One opposition leader  said it was a
waste of money while  a PAS MP claimed it
was to promote vice.

Their unhappiness was the cost  of the
project but they overlooked  the
spill-over effects to the economy, preferring to pick on trivial issues.

The findings of a three-month  economic
impact study, conducted  by Universiti
Malaya, could perhaps shed some light on the positive aspects of the F1.

Over 65% of the spectators were  visitors
to Malaysia, mostly from  Europe,
Australia and Singapore.  They reportedly
took up 64% of  the grandstand tickets
and 33% of  the hillstand and uncovered
grandstand tickets.

More than 74% of the specatators came for the sole purpose of  attending the event while 15%  were on holiday and 8% on business.

Significantly, 71% of the foreign 
spectators said they would come 
back for the next F1 race in Malaysia.

Over 73% of those interviewed  stayed in
four or five-star hotels  for an average
of eight nights.

Of the 83% who travelled by air,  54%
flew with Malaysia Airlines.  The average
total spending for the  visitors was
RM6,730 while locals  spent an average of
RM930.

The figures are certainly impressive. We should also not forget  that the event attracted over 600  million TV viewers via 750 stations  in over 260 countries. Malaysia deserves to
be on the TV screen  worldwide for more
than just its  street
demonstrations.

In September, Malaysia will host  the
last leg of the F1 races. It will  be a
major event for that reason  alone.

The number of viewers and visitors is likely to double; fans would  want to be here to catch the final  lap and celebrate with the champion.

Perhaps the organisers should  consider
inviting politicians who  criticise the
race. They would then  be able to see for
themselves the  positive impact of
F1.

The PAS-led governments in Kelantan and Terengganu may want  to take into account that many of  the F1 visitors travelled to the east  coast for their side holidays besides
enjoying Pangkor, Penang  and
Langkawi.

Instead of running down the F1,  PAS
leaders should be more proactive by competing with other  states to promote tourism in their  states.

They have over eight months to 
aggressively woo F1 fans to spend 
their money in Kelantan and Terengganu and, subsequently, enable  locals to earn tourist dollar.

Let it be a win-win situation instead of wasting much energy walloping the F1
at meaningless ceramahs.

For our F1 organisers, they  should consider
hosting concerts  involving local and
foreign singers  in the run-up to F1
races to take  advantage of the presence
of tourists.

Cultural events could also be  held on
the eve of the race to take  advantage of
the presence of the  huge number of foreign
journalists.

About a month ago, one newspaper from a neighbouring country  ran a front-page report about Malaysia
promoting sports tourism.  The paper said
Malaysia had put  much thought and
planning to host  major golf and motoring
events,  attracting global
attention.

The F1 circuit, it noted, was a  former
palm oil plantation, while  the Gold
World Cup was held at a  disused tin
mine.

The newspaper reported that in  a global
competition, time should  not be wasted
as competition was  intense. That,
perhaps, should set  us thinking. There's
a great deal of  good things going on in
Malaysia.

We only have to get our act together and put our priorities right.  It's the only way if we want to be a  world-class player.

Should that be the case, it means  Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad  and Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad  Badawi will be nominated for the  two posts. The deputy's post has  been left vacant since the expulsion of Datuk
Seri Anwar Ibrahim.

Previously, it was assumed that 
Abdullah, a moderate and conciliatory figure, would be the sole
candidate for the No.2 position.

But now, word is out that some  divisions
are prepared to nominate  Tengku
Razaleigh Hamzah for either of the top two posts.

The names of these rebel divisions have been whispered within  Umno circles and members are  now eagerly waiting for the outcome.

These divisions, according to the 
grapevine, are supposedly headed 
by those who were not picked as 
candidates for the recent general 
election.

Razaleigh himself has not said  anything
about contesting the party elections. Neither has the Gua  Musang division, headed by him,  expressed support for the no-contest
advice.

He has only indicated to those  close to
him that he would travel  round the
country to listen to  views of the
grassroots.

Still, the Kelantan prince has attracted much media attention, who  has been keeping a close watch on  his next political move.

Razaleigh needs 50 nominations  to
contest the president's post. If  he
decides to vie for the deputy's  post,
then he only needs 33 nominations.

That will be his first hurdle.  Once he
has secured the nominations, he would have to win the  support of the 2,000-or-so delegates.

It would not be an easy task.  Having a
fighting chance is one  thing, but being
confident and  comfortable of winning is
another.

However, Razaleigh is taken seriously because he has the stature,  the connection and the ability to  run a well-organised and well funded campaign
to mount a challenge.

Working against him would be  the failure
to win back Kelantan  from PAS in the
general election.  Should Razaleigh
decide to contest  the two top posts, his
detractors  would certainly accuse him of
being ungrateful after having being  allowed
to rejoin Umno.

Razaleigh quit Umno to form  Parti Melayu
Semangat 46 after  failing to unseat Dr
Mahathir in  the 1987 party polls.

The fate of Umno leaders lies in  the
hands of the party delegates.  The 165
divisions will each send 12  delegates
(five appointed, seven  elected) to Kuala
Lumpur on May  11 to cast their
votes.

The division meetings will be  held over
the whole of next month.  The breakdown
of divisions, according to states, are: Perlis (3),  Kedah (15), Perak (23), Penang  (11), Selangor (17), Negri Sembilan  (7), Malacca (5), Johor (20), Kelantan (14),
Terengganu (8), Pahang  (11), Sabah (20),
Labuan (1) and  Kuala Lumpur (10).

The number of divisions is based  on the
number of parliamentary  constituencies
in the peninsula and  Sabah.

Umno elections are closely  watched
because the party president is usually the country's prime  minister. Attention would not be  just on the top posts but also the  second and third tiers of the Umno  leadership.

The main contender for the  three
vice-president's posts will be  Defence
Minister Datuk Seri Najib  Tun Razak, an
incumbent.

The other incumbents are Abdullah, who will vie for the deputy  president's post, and former Selangor Mentri
Besar Tan Sri Muhammad Muhammad Taib who announced his decision to defend
his  post.

However, the Selangor Umno liaison committee has said it would  back Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Abu  Hassan Omar for a veep post instead of Mat
Taib.

Still, without the backing of his  own
state, no one is writing off Mat  Taib at
this juncture.

The other serious challengers  are
Foreign Minister Datuk Seri  Syed Hamid
Albar, Johor Mentri  Besar Datuk Abdul
Ghani Othman,  Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin
and Negri Sembilan Mentri Besar Tan Sri 
Mohamed Isa Samad.

This time, an unusually large  number of
party leaders have expressed interest in joining the  fray. At the last count, there were  nine of them.

The focus would be on how the  Kubang
Pasu division, led by Dr  Mahathir, and
the Kepala Batas division, headed by Abdullah, make  their choices for the three veep  posts.

It would be particularly tough  for
Abdullah if he is challenged by  Razaleigh.
The choice of his division for the veep posts could possibly have an impact on
the delivery  of votes for him.

Regionalism would be a factor in  the
horse-trading of votes. For example, Perak and Sabah have  much political clout. The two  states, which will send the largest  number of delegates, are being  courted by the contenders.

Promises would be made and  deals struck
between the states  and contestants.
Based on sheer  numbers, some Sabah
divisions  think that Chief Minister
Datuk  Osu Sukam deserves a
vice-president's post.

Umno's 17,000 branches have  been meeting
since Jan 16, and will  elect delegates
to attend the division meeting next month.

In other words, the choice of the 
branches is important. Once the 
elected delegates attend the division meeting, they will have a say  in the nominations for the elections.

No one can say that grassroots  democracy
is not practised in  Umno. The party,
which has 2.7  million members, begins
its process of choosing the party leaders 
from the villages and ends at the 
Putra World Trade Centre in the 
federal capital.

Unlike some parties which do  not
practise direct elections, one to-one contests are carried out at  all levels.

The battle royale is still be two  months
away, but the shadow  fighting has
begun.

It should also draw up a timeframe for  the team to return the loan.

But there is more here than just the 
question of money. The whole country 
was misled into believing a government sanctioned mission accomplished
something it did not.

To put it bluntly, the Malaysian Millennium Jump 2000 skydivers were poles  apart from their target.

The eight members of the team should  not
expect the nation to applaud them for 
landing at Patriot Hills, 1,800km away 
from the intended location  the
goegraphical South Pole  on Jan 1.

The distance between Alor Star and Singapore is only 868km.

One team member even justified: “The 
area is in the South Pole. For example, if  we did not land at the Petronas Twin  Towers but the Royal Selangor Club instead,
we still parachuted over Kuala  Lumpur,
didn't we?''

Fikiran Syndicate's G. Siva Kumar owes 
the Government and all Malaysians an explanation.

He should not blame the Russian co-ordinator at the base camp in Patriot
Hills  for feeding him with the
lie.

His defence was there was only one  phone
line which was monopolised by the 
Russians and that he could not get back to  the Malaysian team to verify the truth.

When The Star called him in Los Angeles, Siva Kumar still maintained there  was a jump.

The fact is that a lot of Malaysians are 
now jumping for being misled.

The controversy started even before  the
team left Malaysia following a report  of
a fall-out between team members. This 
was followed by a denial with threats of a  legal suit.

It is now clear everything was wrong 
from Day One. Malaysians cannot help 
but get the impression that the preparations were insufficient.

Fikiran Syndicate must understand it is 
all right to admit failure. Even if we did  not make it, no one would fault the
team.

There was no pressure on them to succeed and Malaysians understand the
difficulties of a team from a tropical country 
adjusting to sub-zero temperatures.

If the weather had not permitted them  to
jump, it would be foolish for us to expect them to risk their lives.

Besides the bad weather, poor logistical 
management and the breakdown of snow 
buggies were among the reasons for the 
failure.

In a face-saving gesture, team members are now saying they are proud because
the jump qualified them as the first 
Asian team to reach the South pole.

Not many of us will be elated with this 
annoucement. We should have, perhaps, 
settled for a lesser target.

In our frenzy to be the first, the biggest 
and the largest in everything, we seem to  have gone overboard.

It is commendable to strive for excellence, to build the spirit of patrotism
and  to achieve success.

The South Pole jump fiasco, however, 
should not deter Malaysians from going 
for other challenges. No doubt it has been  a damper but we should put that behind  us.

There is no need to review the Malaysia 
Boleh campaign as the country must continue to encourage the people to
strive for  excellence, particularly
among the young.

What we want is to put a stop to the pursuit of aimless targets just to enter
the  book of records.

The South Pole jump controversy is a 
lesson to all of us. The Government will,  from now, be more careful with people  who come to them with various
proposals.

We should check these people's backgrounds and abilities. After giving
them  the loan, sponsorship and the flag,
the job  does not end there.

The Government must keep track of developments of those involved in such a  project, particularly if the project is a
difficult one, to ensure its success.

Malaysians must understand that when  we
announce a feat, it is watched by everyone, including our neighbours.

Our rivals would love to see us fail. In 
fact, the South Pole jump fiasco was given  wide coverage in a neighbouring
country.

If that's not bad enough, some of our 
Malaysian politicians must have jumped 
with joy to see the team flop so they can  take a dig at the Malaysia Boleh
campaign.

But it's okay. There's nothing wrong in 
tumbling once after our string of successes.