But more importantly, the decision should be regarded by
civil servants as another step taken by the Government to improve the working
conditions of the service.

Steps should be taken regularly to make the service more attractive. For
example, teachers, nurses, doctors, policemen and soldiers deserve additional
allowances.

In the case of the police and army, a hazard allowance could be extended to
them.

Although it would mean an additional financial burden to the Government, it
would go a long way in relieving the burden of people who dedicate their lives
to safeguarding the country's security. But more than that, better benefits
would attract better qualified Malaysians to join the civil service.

We cannot deny the civil service has an image problem. In the eyes of those in
the private sector, the civil service lacks dynamism, productivity and
dedication.

Some Malaysians will even argue that civil servants do not deserve the extra
Saturday off, pointing out the malaise affecting the public service.

Government servants, they said, did not have to worry about losing their jobs,
even if they slack in their duties. During a recession, job security
remains.

While workers in the private sector were affected by the high interest rate
imposed on their loans, government servants still enjoyed low-interest rate
loans from the Government.

As a result of such security, many Malaysians said government servants did not
appreciate the Government's ability to turn the economy around.

Such generalisation may be unfair to the majority of the civil servants who are
dedicated, but how the civil service is perceived is important.

Reforms are certainly needed in the service. Improved working conditions must
mean improved work performances. The public demands that as tax payers.

Civil servants must serve the people and must not behave as superiors to them.
Members of the public, who have to deal with civil servants, particularly those
at the counters, often do not have much to praise.

To get good civil servants, reforms are required in the wage structure. That
means better mobility and promotional opportunities. The rank and file,
particularly the non-graduates, should also be given the opportunity to rise up
the ranks.

It cannot be denied there is a great deal of frustration among those in the
middle and lower ranks because they see the zero career prospects in their
jobs.

One area which needs a review must be the New Remuneration Scheme, under which
many have complained about unfair assessment by their superiors.

If there is dissatisfaction over the scheme, then it must be abolished or its
weaknesses rectified.

The scheme, despite its good aims, may have resulted in the opposite and caused
low morale among staff, particularly if these assessments are tied to salary
increments.

There should be greater recognition for hard work, talent and diligence. There
are many civil servants who may not be at the officer level but who have much
to contribute.

Like the private sector, less emphasis on qualifications and more on work
performance could reduce the disparity and gap between non-degree holders and
officers.

There is certainly a need to democratise decision making to encourage greater
participation for quality work.

There is also a need to emphasise creativity as some civil servants see their
jobs as monotonous, resulting in poor performances.

Additional benefits for the civil servants should also come with a serious
commitment to make them feel they have a role and purpose.

A better salary structure would also go a long way in helping to fight corruption.

But, like everything else, our civil servants must understand there is no such
thing as an iron rice bowl.

In Hong Kong, which has one of the best civil service, the staff has been
warned that they would be axed if they perform badly.

The civil service needs to be more sensitive towards public complaints, for a
start.

Recent developments have revealed instances of civil servants getting too
involved in politics, for example. Some were even charged with taking part in
demonstrations.

Some university lecturers were more interested in delivering anti-government
speeches in classrooms than in their lectures. They assumed everyone shared
their political inclinations.

Tax payers are prepared to support rewards for civil servants as they
understand the need for a professional and enthusiastic force.

What tax payers cannot accept is mediocrity.

The opposition parties have  predictably condemned the arrests as an
assault on the rule of  law.

They also linked the arrests to  the
purported erosion of support  for Umno
and dissension within  the party
following its supreme  council proposal
that the top two  posts should not be
contested.

DAP chairman Lim Kit Siang  described the
arrests as a “dark  shadow on Malaysian
democracy  in the start of the new
millennium.''

Many Umno members, particularly at grassroots level, have  called for action against opposition figures
who made unsubstantiated allegations.

There has also been pressure  to ban
Harakah or to restrict the  sale of the
PAS newsletter to  party offices
only.

Umno Youth exco member  Nur Jazlan
Mohamed, for example, said publications must be responsible for what they
report.

He said freedom of expression  did not
mean freedom to slander,  and if no
action was taken, there  would be
publications which  would attempt to push
the line  and publish seditious
articles.

Jazlan's argument would naturally be rebutted by others who  see the action against Harakah  as a move to stifle alternative  views.

It is interesting to note that the 
authorities had not arrested 
these opposition leaders under 
the Internal Security Act.

Rightly or wrongly, the authorities are taking court action  which the Opposition has always  argued for 
produce the evidence in open court and let the  accused defend ourselves.

The message seems to be that  the
Government would no longer  tolerate any
challenge to legislation. Those who break the law  must be prepared to face the  consequences.

By charging them in open  court, the
offenders would be  able to defend
themselves. At  the same time, the
authorities  would have to produce
strong  evidence if they want to win  their cases.

The foreign media has continuously pointed out that the arrests began on
Wednesday, the  day Datuk Seri Dr
Mahathir Mohamad left for a two-week overseas vacation.

That means Deputy Prime  Minister and
Home Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad 
Badawi would be left to handle 
the matter.

Abdullah denied allegations of  a
crackdown, saying a thorough  police
investigation had been  carried out
before the arrests  were made.

He also denied that the action  amounted
to suppression of free  speech. “Anyone
can say what  they want about anything
but  there are also laws. It is necessary
for us to respect the law,''  he
said.

Umno leaders have pointed out  that the
pro-opposition foreign  media have
refused to acknowlege that many opposition leaders who talked about
eroding  support for Umno were rejected  in the elections.

Defending the arrests, government leaders said sedition  charges had been filed against  politicians since the 70s.

There are no special privileges  or
special laws for opposition  leaders,
they said. Being oppositionists does not give them the  right to say anything they want,  including defaming others.

Whatever the argument, the  bigger picture
would be how the  younger voters perceive
the arrests.

There is also the question of  whether it
is wise to arrest the  opposition leaders
and unwittingly give them a new lease of 
life after their defeat in the elections.

The court proceedings would  provide
opposition parties with  publicity, in
the absence of new  issues.

For now, the Government  would have to
convince Malaysians of the necessity to uphold 
the law and that those who speak 
of the rule of law should not 
break the law themselves. Politicians will always claim they are  on the right side.

Voters and politicians alike  should
check the websites set up  by political
parties and the various interest groups.

While mainstream newspapers  have been
sued by Barisan Nasional politicians and businessmen for their reports, it is
amazing how publications and websites offering alternative views  have been able to escape similar  suits.

One reason could be because  those
slandered have refused to  take action,
preferring not to  give these groups more
credibility or simply because these 
groups may not be financially 
sound.

These victimised people also  do not wish
to be accused of stifling the freedom of expression.

It would not be an easy job as  some
would see the arrests as a  sledgehammer
approach, but nobody says running a government 
is easy.

To everyone's interests, it is  best for
all Malaysians to refrain  from making
unnecessary comments on the cases.

Supporters of these politicians  should
not cast any doubt on the  integrity of
the courts and its officers. Let the courts listen to the  arguments of both sides and let  justice run its full course.

Lim's initiative to meet these  two
controversial leaders is indeed bold. But it is a double edged sword.

These meetings will strengthen inter-ethnic and
inter-religious ties between Muslims and 
non-Muslims. Both sides are 
likely to learn from each other 
and perhaps be more sensitive  towards one another's culture  and religion.

The meetings would also rebut 
allegations that the opposition 
front is breaking up.

The negative side is that the  DAP is
again taking a big risk. So  far, it is
only the DAP leaders  themselves who are
saying that  the PAS leaders are prepared
to  be accommodative.

PAS leaders have not committed themselves to anything; all  they
have said, according to the  DAP, is they are willing to
have  discussions with non-Muslims.

Malaysians should be reminded that not too long ago, PAS  leaders
said they were prepared  to admit non-Muslims as associate
members.
They even declared their willingness, at one 
point, to field non-Muslims as 
candidates.

Of course, nothing of that sort 
happened. In fact, upon winning  Terengganu,
Hadi's first decision was to impose kharaj on 
non-Muslims.

This was done without any consultation with its Barisan Alternatif component
party leaders.

There is no reason for non Muslims to thank Hadi for his assurances that
Buddhists and  Christians would be
allowed to  build their own places of
worship. That is guaranteed under  the
Federal Constitution.

Neither should non-Muslims be  relieved
by his statement that  non-Muslims would
be appointed  to various municipal and
district  councils.

These are minor concessions  by PAS to
get the support of non Muslims for a greater agenda of  setting up
an Islamic state, which  the PAS leaders have openly stated.

What non-Muslims should ask  is whether,
under PAS' Islamic  rule, the role and
powers of Parliament will be limited compared 
to a council of ulamaks?

PAS may have put on record its  readiness
to protect the interests  of non-Muslims
but let's not forget that under PAS-ruled Malaysia,
important political, administrative and judicial positions will  be reserved for Muslims.

Their argument is that in an  Islamic
state, it is only logical  that those who
lead, guide and  direct the state should
be those  who subscribe to their
belief.

In other words, the role of non Muslims in various spheres of  powers would be limited, at best,

That aside, no one has any idea  what
kind of alternative economic system PAS has in mind, particularly the
relationship between labour and capital.

The record of PAS in the treatment of women is also questionable. PAS president
Datuk Fadzil  Nor, for example, needs to
be  more convincing.

He cannot talk about the lack  of women
Cabinet members  when his party isn't
ready to  field women candidates.

The Terengganu government's  decision to
extend the maternity  leave of women to
90 days is a  minor giveaway.

Unless the PAS leaders are  ready to
adjust themselves to  contemporary
circumstances, it  would never win the
support of  non-Muslims.

Neither has the party been able  to
project itself as being progressive and dynamic.

In dwelling upon the purported  aspects
of material development,  PAS will find
it difficult to win  the hearts and minds
of non Muslims.

Many liberal young Malaysians  who are
willing to support PAS  now, in the name
of justice, may  not realise the fight by
older liberal Malaysians against the 
moves by PAS-influenced students in banning The Alleycats  and Sheila Majid from performing in
campuses.

Many of these students are already active in PAS.

Malaysians will watch closely  how PAS MPs
perform in Parliament. Until now, these MPs have  confined themselves to issues relating to
religion.

If PAS wishes to prove itself to 
Malaysians, particularly with the 
influx of professionals into the 
party, it has to impress non-Muslims.

The fears of non-Muslims towards PAS is real. The DAP, if it  intends to survive, had better understand
this.

There is little that the DAP can  do to
change PAS; its struggle  has been
consistent since its formation  that is,
to set up an  Islamic state.

Its target audience is clear and  it will
not be bothered about how  the DAP feels
about its plans.

The DAP's gamble this time  seems even
greater as the Chinese community now sees the 
DAP as being apologists for PAS, 
rightly or wrongly.

Our new ministers and mentris  besar, having gone through a  contentious general election, will  be scrutinised.

They won't have it easy. Their  every
step will be watched not  just by the
Prime Minister but  also by the
Opposition.

Their priority is to ensure the  smooth
running of their respective ministries and states and to  take them to greater heights.

Equally important is a commitment to live up to the people's  trust. They must not betray public
confidence.

Some of the new ministers,  mentris Besar
and state executive councillors are new; understandably, along the way,
they  may make mistakes.

What is important is they must  be
accountable and democratic.  They must
remember that they  are there to serve
the people   not their personal interests.

There is no place for arrogant  leaders.
Some start off with  great humility and
restraint but  become high-handed after
having all that power in their hands. 
These leaders will be dumped in 
the next elections.

Some of us may not agree with  the politics
of Kelantan Mentri  Besar Datuk Abdul Nik
Aziz Nik  Mat and some others may
question his competence. What can't  be
argued is his down-to-earth  style.

His approach has endeared  him to the
people of Kelantan.  That, in many ways,
has helped  PAS fend off the attacks by
Barisan Nasional.

It's the same with the MCA  state
assemblymen in Penang. 
Moving around on motorcycles  to
serve the people, their service-oriented approach has paid  off.

In the recent elections, all nine  MCA
state candidates were returned by the voters.

They have set up numerous  service
centres in their constituencies, even along alleys, which  they call Pusat Rihat Barisan  Nasional.

The party has also set up Pusat  Rekreasi
Barisan Nasional or recreation centres in neighbourhoods for community
get-togethers.

These meeting points, with no  office
equipment, serve as meeting places for MCA representatives and their
constituents to  discuss localised
problems.

Such grassroots interaction  has paid
off. The party has  gained the confidence
of the people who believe  and rightly
so   that their leaders must be  honest and have integrity.

The results of the 10th general  election
have shown quite clearly that there is a certain degree  of disillusionment with the Government.

Barisan ministers, mentris besar and chief ministers must regain the trust of
those who threw  their support behind the
Opposition.

For state assemblymen, effective service centres must be set  up in opposition-held areas to  show their commitment to the  people. The kind of service provided by MCA's
Michael Choong,  for example, must be
made  available in all
constituencies.

Likewise, every housing estate  should
have such Barisan service centres, similar to what Singapore's
PAP has done, to prove  to the people
that their welfare  and interest are
taken to heart.

Facilities should be provided  even in
non-Barisan areas.

As for Terengganu Mentri Besar Datuk Abdul Hadi Awang, he  must not neglect the interests of  non-Muslims 
neither should  he ignore the
materialistic part  of development.

Our new leaders should attempt to inculcate a new culture  among their supporters and the  public. They should insist that  their visits to villages are without
unnecessary pomp and fanfare.

There is no need for bunga  mangga or
lion dances when  such visits are part of
their job  routine. Leaders should get
on  with their jobs without wasting  money or time and energy.

Do away with grand and meaningless ceremonies unless they  involve some projects of significance. Event
organisers should  be discouraged from
insisting  that VIP guests perform
tasks  for the sake of publicity.

That aside, our new leaders  must believe
in strengthening  accountability. They
must understand the need for democratic reforms, even if done gradually.

Now that the appointments are  made, our
leaders should be given time to settle in. For those  who were rejected in the elections, they must
understand  their position.

The voters have spoken. All 
newly-elected representatives  do
not have to worry about the  next
elections  provided they  prove themselves worthy from  now till then.

From deputy president Dr 
Chandra Muzaffar downwards,  the
electorate rejected Keadilan  leaders.

It was the same with the DAP   Dr Chen
Man Hin, Lim Kit  Siang and Karpal Singh
all lost.

The only opposition front beneficiary, as the local media had  correctly predicted, was PAS.  The Islamist party increased its  representation at both parliamentary and
state levels.

It captured oil-rich Terengganu and is certainly set to become financially
stronger, at  least from oil
royalties.

It is interesting to note that  PAS no
longer describes the Kelantan and Terengganu governments as being headed by the
opposition front but by the party.

The point was made clear by  PAS
spiritual leader Datuk Abdul Nik Aziz Nik Mat when he said  that it was the DAP which wanted to forge an
alliance with PAS.

The truth always hurts and as  the dust
of the elections settles  down,
politicians have to come to  terms with
reality.

The message from Malaysians  is loud and
clear. The Malays, it  would appear, are
unhappy with  certain political
developments.

This can be seen from the voting pattern, particularly from  the predominantly-Malay states.  Clearly, the Datuk Seri Anwar  Ibrahim issue worked to the advantage of the
Opposition.

From the countless PAS flags  flying
across the nation, it can  seen that the
party machinery  was well-oiled this
time. They  had campaigned for a
year,  through daily ceramah and
sale  of video and cassette tapes,
in  trying to reach out to voters.

If PAS accused Barisan Nasional of lies, the Opposition was  no better. A look at their websites would
show their level of  politicking.

In the case of the DAP, its  leaders
don't need a post-mortem to find out why they lost.

Either the DAP leaders had  been badly
advised or they have  lost touch with
people on the  ground. Its pact with PAS
did not  go down well with Chinese
voters.

The involvement of DAP leaders, particularly Karpal Singh, in  the Anwar issue didn't deliver  votes.

Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad remains highly regarded  among Malaysians, regardless of  race, for his tireless efforts in  guiding Malaysia out of the  Asian economic crisis and keeping the country
politically stable.

The general population appreciates what the Prime Minister  has done because the people  have been able to hold on to their  jobs, their houses, their cars and  their hopes.

Many in the DAP and Parti Rakyat Malaysia, however, did not  understand these simple needs  of Malaysians.

DAP leaders, in particular, will  be more
unpopular if they continue blaming Chinese voters for  rejecting them.

They should not scare the Chinese for the purported lack of  secular voices among the opposition
ranks.

How could the Chinese depend  on the DAP
when it remained silent on numerous controversial  statements made by PAS leaders  such as Nik Aziz and deputy PAS  president Abdul Hadi Awang?

If the Chinese voters had gone  along
with the DAP and shunned  Barisan
Nasional, the consequences would have been worse.

For the sake of its survival, the  DAP
should re-assess its links  with
PAS.

In the case of Barisan, there is  no
question that it has lost the  trust of a
large section of supporters.

It must work doubly hard to  win them
back. It can do so, for a  start, by
having an impressive  Cabinet
line-up.

Fresh, talented leaders must  be given a
chance to serve the  people. More
importantly, they  must be men and women
of integrity. There is no place for 
leaders with even the slightest 
suspicion of corruption.

As we enter the next millennium, Malaysians will certainly  become more politically conscious and better
informed.

They will not tolerate any  form of
mismanagement and  abuse of power.
Leaders who  think they can get away are
mistaken. The wake-up call has been 
sounded by the electorate.

Leaders perceived to be arrogant, either in government or opposition, should
re-evaluate their  approach.

In the next general election,  there will
be more than 600,000  new voters  most of whom are  young, educated and demanding.

From the Barisan, they expect  the
ruling coalition to understand their aspirations and  hopes.

They want their voices to be  heard. They
want a say in the  running of the country
and Barisan leaders must engage them in 
discussions.

Deputy Prime Minister Datuk  Seri
Abdullah Ahmad Badawi,  who began meeting
student leaders before the elections, should 
continue with his engagements.

The Government must pick the  brains of
our academicians and  let them contribute
to the well being of this country.

Bit by bit, we should not be  afraid of
having more democratic space. Such fresh approaches  will continue to strengthen Barisan.

For the opposition parties,  they won't
get elected if they  merely issue press
statements  and neglect their
constituents   as many DAP leaders found
out  painfully. They must be able to  deliver the goods to the electorate.

PAS must realise that if it continues with its brand of politics,  the party will not be widely accepted.

No political party can form the  federal
government if it only has  the support of
one race. Malaysia is multi-racial and the support from people in Perlis to
Sarawak is needed.

For Keadilan, it must end its  politics
of street demonstrations  if it wants to
woo the support of  non-Malays.

Now that the elections are  over, a
certain degree of political fatigue has set in among Malaysians. Enough of
politicking.  Once the federal and state
government lineups are finalised,  we
should just get on with the  real work of
running the country  effectively.

The elections should not be reduced to such
superficiality.

Voters hold the fate of the nation in their hands. They will decide which party
will lead the nation effectively and efficiently  into the next millennium.

The next government must be  able to
fully grasp the complexities of modern economics and  finance.

Political rights alone have no  meaning
if they do not include  the right to
development, the  right to employment and
the  right to move around freely.

Malaysia, unlike some of our  neighbours,
has been fortunate.  We have come out of
the Asian  economic turmoil relatively
unscathed.

But many of us have taken the  economic
recovery for granted  because there were
no painful  experiences such as massive
job  cuts, sharp increases in food  prices and the closure of banks.

Steering the country out of the  economic
turmoil was perhaps  the Government's
biggest  achievement. For that, we as
voters have to consider whether the  Barisan
Nasional has done  enough to deserve our
continued  support.

If voters seek a change, they  must ask
themselves whether  the opposition front
is capable of  governing the country. Are
we  sure that the component parties,  which are diametrically opposed  to one another like DAP and PAS,  can work together in the government?

As for Parti Keadilan Nasional, 
Malaysians must evaluate  whether
there is a likelihood of  its elected MPs
returning to  Umno. If that happens,
where  would it leave the non-Malay  members if the party becomes  defunct like Parti Melayu Semangat 46?

Some of us say that the Opposition will never come to power  and that it is all right to vote for  them to deny the Barisan its two thirds
majority in Parliament.

No one can dispute the fact  that in a
democracy, opposition  is needed to
ensure a check and  balance of the
government.

But there is a flip side. If every voter adopts this approach, it  means that every vote will go to  the Opposition.

This happened in Penang during the 1995 elections when Penangites, fearful of a
DAP state  government, almost wiped
out  the DAP. The reverse may happen if
every vote cast is presumed to check Barisan.

Barisan supporters must not  come under
the illusion that the  coalition is going
to win anyhow  and that whether they turn
out to  vote or not is immaterial.

On the contrary, they must  turn out to
vote for their candidates to ensure victory.

For the Chinese, their responsibility in this general election is  heavier because their votes are  regarded as crucial.

They must understand that  representation
in the government is vital. In the 1969 elections, the MCA lost ground because
of the community's anti establishment stand.

And because of its dalliance  with the
Opposition, the community has lost many important  Cabinet portfolios over the years  including finance.

Now is certainly not the time  to gamble.
Take the case of the  Tunku Abdul Rahman
College. It  did not come about by
chance.

The college has expanded to  many states
through the commitment of the MCA and the community. Today, it is offering
degree courses through its twinning programmes with US universities despite its
college  status.

A vote for an MCA candidate is  an
endorsement for the party's  work.
Chinese voters must ask  whether the
Keadilan, PAS or  PRM candidate can work
tirelessly for Chinese education and 
culture.

They must realise the implications of an Islamic state. It  means the end of civil liberties,  which the middle-class greatly  appreciates. It means the end of  their liberal lifestyle.

The fact that Keadilan keeps  emphasising
that it is contesting  more seats than
PAS is an indication that it, too, is wary of PAS.

Election Commission records  show 63
Keadilan parliamentary  candidates
against 59 from PAS  while at state
level, PAS has 235  contenders and
Keadilan, 69.

The opposition threat is very  real
because Barisan candidates  cannot depend
on the Malay vote  this time round. If
the non-Malays, too, wish to vote for change, 
talk of a new government is no 
longer far-fetched.

For the silent majority, it is  time to
speak up through the ballot and decide whether they want  to see scenes of violent street  protests again.

The criteria for deciding who  to vote
for should be whether the  party they
pick can ensure continuity, peace and harmony for the  nation. In the end, it is not about  a picture, an advertisement or a  personality but you and your  family's future.

Although the Barisan Alternatif manifesto has left out
the setting up of an Islamic state, PAS 
leaders have continuously vowed 
to push for hudud laws if they 
come to power.

The statements and practices  of PAS have
proved that they are  not committed to
multi-racialism  and liberalism.

The party is not fielding any  woman
candidate. Yet women  groups backing the
Opposition  have sadly maintained their
silence.

Keadilan and DAP, in an attempt to remove the fears of the  Chinese, have said that PAS  would not come to power.

Not many Chinese voters are  likely to be
convinced. Keadilan,  DAP and PRM
together may  field more candidates than
PAS  but it is almost certain that
PAS  will win the most seats.

The bottomline is that PAS will  call the
shots and be the dominant party in Barisan Alternatif.

The ability of PAS to come to  power is
not unreal, despite the  findings of a
recent survey  showing that 60% of
respondents  backing Barisan.

The survey reported that 52%  of Malay
votes will go to Barisan, 33% to PAS, 10% to Keadilan, 3% to the DAP and 2%
to  others.

Of the Chinese votes, 74% will  go to
Barisan, 4% to PAS, 3% to  Keadilan, 10%
to DAP and 9% to  others.

Of the Indian votes, 91% will  go to
Barisan, 7% to PAS and 2%  to
others.

The survey has basically confirmed the feelings of many Chinese voters and when
the DAP  leadership decided to
partner  PAS and Keadilan, they should  have understood the consequences.

The tie-up, in fact, infuriated  many DAP
veterans.

DAP secretary-general Lim  Kit Siang has
said that the unprecedented opposition unity 
and possibility of breaking the 
Barisan clout itself was worth it.

But the feeling of many Chinese voters is that while they  welcomed the DAP's struggle  for civil liberties, the party had  run contrary to its cause by  working with PAS.

The community is not afraid of  Islam but
rather PAS' brand of  politics and
interpretation of the  religion.

Besides that, the participation  of DAP
leaders in Keadilan linked reformasi demonstrations  has cost the DAP some support.

The Chinese community is  known for its
phobia of luan  (chaos), preferring
economic  and political stability.

The younger DAP leaders may  not
understand this but surely  the veterans
must be able to  gauge the mood of the
Chinese  electorate.

Many people also felt that DAP  deputy
chairman Karpal Singh  had gone
overboard. As a lawyer, he may be doing his best for  his client, Datuk Seri Anwar  Ibrahim, but his courtroom theatrics are not
appreciated.

Chinese voters may sympathise with former MP for Kota Melaka Lim Guan Eng who
was  jailed but they are unlikely to
be  emotional over the Anwar issue.

Most Chinese voters believe  that Dr
Mahathir has performed  very well in
turning the economy  around and
maintaining political  stability.

Many in the Chinese community do not take Keadilan leaders  seriously because they are regarded as people
who had made  money and are now
criticising  the Government, not because
of  injustices but simply because  they are no longer influential.

For the DAP, their strategy  and
inability to read the mood of  their core
supporters would cost  them many
votes.

Realising their weakness, DAP  leaders
now tell Chinese voters  the party is in
danger of closing  shop if the votes
don't come in.

The sympathy tactic may work  to some
extent, but the DAP  should have fought
its own battle   like what the PBS is
doing in  Sabah.

The PBS, as a predominantly Christian party, understood the  situation and refused to be part  of Barisan Alternatif.

Among the opposition front  component
parties, PAS looks  set to do better than
the DAP,  PRM or Keadilan.

If Keadilan fares badly, many  of its
leaders will likely apply to  rejoin
Umno. As part of establishment for the last 16 years  and having benefited from the  system, it is unlikely that the  Keadilan leaders are able to bear  the difficulties of being in the  Opposition.

To most Chinese voters, Barisan Alternatif is no alternative to  Barisan Nasional.

There will probably be some  who will weep openly and later,  put up a brave front to pressmen  that they accept the leadership's  decision in the name of party  unity and the struggle.

According to insiders, Umno  headquarters
has been bombarded with telegrams and appeal letters over the past month.

It's the same with the respective heads of Barisan's 14 component parties.

Many of these messages come  with
impressive resumes, including the academic results of  the intending candidates' college  examinations.

If that is not enough, some  candidates
openly admit they are  prepared to use
their spouses to  strengthen their
case.

No one is sure whether such a  ploy will
work but one Barisan  component leader
has called it  “kitchen politics'' and
he is not  underestimating this
strategy.

Besides their wives,  many of  these politicians are said to be  prepared to send busloads of  family members, friends and  grassroots leaders to Kuala  Lumpur to lobby their case.

At stake is 193 parliamentary  seats and
the coalition wants to  win over 128
seats to ensure a  two-thirds
majority.

Up for grabs are also 365 state  seats.

Everyone of the contenders,  including
those from the Opposition Front, will claim they are  doing it for the people.

That aside, the reality is that  it's
also about power, positions,  prestige
and business opportunities.

The talk is that several Barisan stalwarts will be dropped to  make way for young blood, including  a few top civil servants.

One possible casualty is former information minister Datuk  Mohamed Rahmat while a popular name going
around as a potential new candidate is Chief 
Secretary to the Government  Tan
Sri Halim Ali.

Kedah Mentri Besar Datuk  Sanusi Junid
has confirmed he is  contesting in a
state seat but that  has not stopped
speculation that  he is going to be
dropped.

Then, there are also suggestions of Minister in the Prime  Minister's Department Datuk  Tajol Rosli contesting for a Perak state seat
and taking up the  Mentri Besar's
post.

If the gravepine is be believed, 
Consumer and Domestic Affairs 
Minister Datuk Megat Junid Megat Ayob may go for a state seat.  He is also said to be the other  contender for the Perak MB's  post.

There is also talk that the longest serving MB, Tan Sri Wan  Mokhtar Ahmad, will be  dropped.

Negri Sembilan MB Tan Sri  Mohamed Isa
Abdul Samad may  contest a parliamentary
seat instead.

Word has it that Isa, a four term MB, will be offered either  the Tampin or Teluk Kemang  parliamentary seat.

Immigration director-general  Datuk Aseh
Che Mat, who is  from Kuala Pilah, and
Cycle and  Carriage managing director
Datuk Mohamed Hassan, who is the  Rasah
Umno division chief, are  among those
tipped to succeed  Isa.

In Johor, speculation continues  that MB
Datuk Ghani Othman is  going for a
parliamentary seat.

Umno Youth chief Datuk Hishammuddin Hussein and Defence Minister Datuk Syed
Hamid are said to be possible replacements for the MB's post.

But what is clear is that the Johor state constitution stipulates  that only those born in Johor can  be Mentri Besar.

It is a peculiar clause that  rules out
talented people like Hishammuddin who was born in  London and Syed Hamid, who  was born in Penang.

On the MCA side, Deputy Finance Minister Datuk Wong See  Wah and Deputy Culture and  Tourism Minister Datuk Teng  Gaik Kwan have been confirmed  dropped.

Contrary to speculation, Local 
Government and Housing Minister Datuk Dr Ting Chew Peh and  Deputy Sports Minister Datuk  Loke Yuen Yow will contest.

Dr Ting, the MP for Gopeng  and Loke, the
MP for Tanjung  Malim, have, in fact, hit
the campaign trail.

Beginning tomorrow, the Mentris Besar of all states, except  Kelantan, who are also state  Umno liaison chiefs, will wait  outside Dr Mahathir's office.

The first on the appointment  list is
Pahang Mentri Besar Datuk Adnan Yaakob, who will submit his list of potential
candidates.

Tan Sri Khalil Yaakob, as the  Pahang
Umno liaison chief, will  have a strong
influence on the  choice of
candidates.

While Adnan is almost certainly to defend his Pelangai state  seat, there is talk that some Mentris Besar
will be dropped.

Their fate will almost certainly be known when they face Dr  Mahathir and other members of  the powerful Umno political bureau.

The bureau, headed by Dr Mahathir, includes vice-presidents  Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad  Badawi and Datuk Seri Najib  Tun Razak, Khalil (who is also  Umno secretary-general) and  treasurer Tun Daim Zainuddin.

On Tuesday, the bureau will  finalise the
lists of candidates.  The day's work will
begin with  the crucial line-up for
Kelantan  with Tengku Razaleigh
Hamzah  handling the task.

Dr Mahathir, who is also Barisan Nasional chairman, will meet  the heads of the component parties in the
afternoon beginning  with MCA president
Datuk Seri  Dr Ling Liong Sik.

On Wednesday, it will be the  turn of
party leaders from Sabah  and Sarawak,
who will each be  given one hour to
present their  case.

For Barisan, especially Umno,  it is
imperative that fresh blood  be
introduced to rejuvenate the 
coalition.

Many of the old timers have  contributed
greatly to the party  and nation but they
can also be  an obstacle to further
progress.

New faces will attract new  members,
especially young professionals and entrepreneurs to  join the main Barisan parties.

By fielding more new faces,  the Barisan
will also remove possible offensive strategy from the  opposition.

It would also be a good strategy to field prominent civil servants, especially
those with  sound track records, as they
will  be able to get the support of the  civil servants.

It appears to be a case of tit-for-tat  as the political temperature soars in  the run-up to the coming general  election.

Just a few days earlier, Umno had  hit
out at DAP deputy chairman Karpal Singh, questioning his ethics as a  lawyer. The MP for Jelutong was  criticised for allegedly abusing the  courts for his political agenda.

To emphasise the ideological differences of the Opposition, the MCA  rapped PAS deputy president Abdul  Hadi Awang for his attempt to table a  Bill to curb the propagation of religions
other than Islam.

The message was clear: PAS is bent  on
setting up an Islamic state and the  DAP
is guilty by association.

The latest relevation by Murad will  work
two ways. To reformasi supporters, the allegations of huge slush  funds would just be another government
conspiracy to discredit Anwar,  while
allegations made by the Opposition, particularly PAS, are believable and
acceptable.

No amount of explanation by Barisan leaders would make a difference.

Murad's expose would, however,  make an
impression on the fence-sitters. It could damage Anwar's credibility and set
back his campaign.

More importantly, the various issues over the past week have put the  Opposition on the defensive.

For the last six months, the Opposition has come up with all kinds of issues
ranging from the construction  of
Putrajaya to the alleged arsenic 
poisoning of Anwar.

The poisoning episode, however,  proved
to be damaging to the Opposition as tests carried out locally and  overseas have proved negative.

With no arguments left, the Opposition resorted to calling for a Royal  Commission of Inquiry to be set up.

In a bid to return to the spotlight,  the
Opposition unveiled its election 
manifesto last week. Although Malaysian elections have never been  won on manifestos, the move by the  Opposition is refreshing.

As our voters become more educated and urbanised, they would want to  study the programme and written  promises by political parties. It is  likely to be a trend in the coming  years.

The biggest achievement by the 
Opposition is, perhaps, the decision 
by PAS to drop its “Islamic state'' demand in the manifesto. This
must  have been the result of a
compromise  among the leaders of Parti
Keadilan  Nasional, PAS, DAP and
PRM.

The Opposition was clear on its decision to repeal the Internal Security  Act if it comes to power.

The biggest flaw, however, is the  lack
of clarity on other laws which  the
Opposition has claimed to be draconian in nature.

Despite its talk of justice, the Opposition is only ready to commit itself to
review laws such as the University and University Colleges Act  and the Printing and Publications  Act.

Setting up committees to review  these
laws with no time-frame will be  perceived
as a delaying tactic with no  sincerity
in abolishing these laws.

The Opposition's follow-up action  of
presenting an alternative budget  was an
unprecedented move although  it received
scant attention.

In fact, it would do the Malaysian 
political system a lot of good if they 
take it a step further by setting up a 
Shadow Cabinet.

If Dr Jomo Sundram has drawn up  an
alternative budget, along the lines  of a
shadow finance minister, surely  Keadilan
leader Irene Fernandez can  be shadow
human resources minister. It would be interesting to see  what she has to offer Malaysian  workers, after fighting for foreign  workers for years.

The biggest blow to the Opposition  must
surely be Budget 2000 tabled by  First
Finance Minister Tun Daim 
Zainuddin.

Call it an election budget if you  must;
the fact remains that it is a bag  of
goodies.

So what if Budget 2000 is aimed at 
getting votes? After all, the whole 
point of an Alternative Budget is to 
win votes.

Civil servants, some of whom have  been
involved in anti-government activities, should be grateful for the increase in
wages and other perks.

Unlike workers in the private sector, they enjoy job security or what is  known as the “iron rice-bowl'' during  an economic crisis.

Now that the Government has been 
generous in the budget, civil servants 
should focus their attention on improving efficiency and
productivity.

More important, the budget will  lead to
a trickle-down effect, so the  economic
recovery can be felt by all 
Malaysians.

With the euphoria over the budget,  it
won't be long before the general 
election is called.

It is a step in the right direction  as the proposed council would  serve as a forum to discuss and  sort out issues of mutual concern.  One of the sore points among the  students is the perception that  their voices have been stifled.

During the one-hour closed door meeting in Putrajaya last  week, Abdullah heard the 35 student leaders
out.

The meeting was the result of a  recent
demonstration at Universiti Malaya when Abdullah delivered a lecture there.
Instead of  turning his back on them, he
met  the demonstrators.

He accepted a memorandum  from them and
promised to meet  them. He kept his
promise by  meeting them last week.

No one should expect miracles  from one
meeting. But what seems  like a
confrontational situation a  few months
ago has become more  amiable.

The student leaders who agreed  to the
council have shown their  leadership
qualities. They have  stood their ground,
insisting on  changes to certain laws
affecting  them, such as the University
and  University Colleges Act.

At the same time, they have  shown their
maturity by their  willingness to listen
to the views  of others.

It is thus a shame that another  student
group has opposed the setting up of the council.

Even their fax inviting journalists to a press conference was  from Suaram, a non-government  organisation known for its anti government
stand.

Any student leader will tell you  that
student representatives have  their own
offices in the campus,  complete with
clerical support.

These students shouldn't allow 
themselves to be used. As student 
leaders, they must demonstrate 
their ability to make decisions on 
their own.

The proposal to set up the council is a good first step. The students should
insist the council  should not merely
talk but must  produce results.

If they want to have a say in any  change
to the UCCA, then this  council must be
able to play its  part. Results are
important to justify their support for the council.

Those who are against the council must put aside their sentiments  and analyse whether the Opposition is able to
form the next government.

If the answer is no, then it  doesn't
hurt them to start talking  to the
Government.

No one is suggesting they burn  their
bridges with their PAS and  Parti
Keadilan Nasional idols.

There are good reasons for having the UCCA. It stops student involvement in
factional or ethnic  politics in
campuses; such political clubs will only result in further polarisation among
students.

At this point, the type of politics 
which seems dear to student leaders can hardly be regarded as liberal,
progressive, non-ethnic and  rational
because PAS seems to be  the dominant
player in campuses.

The success of the proposed  consultative
council would depend  on the student
leaders themselves.

Those who have agreed to it  should
demonstrate their sincerity  by being
committed. They are not  answerable to
any opposition leaders if they believe in their independence.

The issue is not politics. It is  grouses
which the students have  with the
government of the day.

The Government has met the  students half
way and it is up to  them now to decide
whether they  want to resolve issues
through negotiations.

At the same time, student leaders must understand that negotiations cannot be
conducted if they  threaten the
Government with  demonstrations.

They must understand and accept that they represent the students, not the
people of Malaysia.

They should also remember that  they are
students and not politicians. While students should be  beware of political developments,  their priority is to study hard.

Now, they are given a chance to  sit down
with the Deputy Prime  Minister who is
willing to listen to  them.

They shouldn't waste this opportunity. Neither should they let  down a leader who has shown his  sincerity.

If the student bodies can sit  down and
think rationally rather  than be
influenced by certain  groups and take a
confrontational  attitude, it will be
easier to solve  problems.

Our student leaders must now  prove
whether they have the skills  to
negotiate, persuade and compromise.

These are the qualities of good 
leaders  which we believe our  student representatives should be  in the future.

To possess these abilities, they  have to
do their homework and  brush up  their language and negotiating skills.