Dying slowly: Displaced Palestinian mother Samah Matar holding her malnourished son Youssef at a school where they are sheltering amid a hunger crisis in Gaza City. — Reuters

IT’S plain murder on a massive scale, starving the Palestinians to death in defiance of global opinion.

What is happening in Gaza now is one of the world’s worst hunger crises being deliberately carried out right before our eyes.

This famine is not the result of a drought, a failed harvest, or a natural disaster. It is man-made — driven by the choices of governments, the inertia of international institutions, and the indifference of too many with the power to stop it.

These are cruel, deliberate, and intentional acts to slowly and painfully wipe out an entire nation of people by starving them to death.

Israel is carrying out this heinous genocide because it knows the world cannot do anything much it, or does not want to.

The United States, its most powerful ally, has not said anything about the famine. The European Union has at least warned Israel over the worsening starvation crisis in Gaza. The US has reportedly said its envoy Steve Witkoff will head to Europe for ceasefire talks and to create an aid corridor.

It will just be words and words and more words. We know these are mere hypocrisies and the US and EU must bear a heavy responsibility.

These are the countries that supply arms, offer diplomatic cover, and issue standard statements of “deep concern” while failing to compel change in the aggressor.

Worse, they have taken action against individuals and institutions who have spoken up for the Palestinian cause, with such criticisms often conveniently labelled “anti-Semitism’’.

In Gaza, the water systems have reportedly been destroyed, and food production has ground to a halt. The media has reported that a strict blockade – tightened further since the war began – has left aid agencies struggling to deliver even the most basic supplies.

Food convoys are delayed, blocked, or attacked. Aid workers have been killed. Warehouses bombed.

The entire 2.1 million population of Gaza is facing prolonged food shortages, with nearly half a million in catastrophic situations of hunger, acute malnutrition, starvation, illness and death.

It started with the bombings which flattened most parts of Palestine, driving out the people. Now comes the most horrific act, starving the people to death.

All of us, regardless of our faith and culture, are confronting a profound moral test – one we are currently failing.

We should be outraged – Israel is not above moral scrutiny and its actions cannot be justified, and certainly not excused, by the Christian theological belief that Israelis are “God’s chosen people”.

It does not grant them immunity. Like everyone else, they have to be held accountable, as it targets the very space that the Christian faith holds most dear.

The Jews are mostly not Christians, and many have openly shown their contempt for Christian pilgrims visiting Jerusalem. There is enough recorded evidence.

The Jews may have a special place in Biblical history but the modern state of Israel under Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is not beyond reproach.

Recently, at least three people were killed and 10 others wounded, including a priest, in Israel’s attack on the Holy Family Church, Gaza’s only Catholic church, prompting Pope Leo XIV to call for an immediate ceasefire.

The only response from Israel? A note of regret, claiming it was stray ammunition.

How can we do nothing and just watch when innocent people, including elderly people and women and children, are literally being killed by stopping the supply of food.

In many reported cases, when Palestinians gathered to collect their food, they were shot at and killed by Israel soldiers.

Since 2023, three Christian churches have been bombed and the only Christian-run hospital in Gaza, the Al-Ahli Arab Hospital, has been targeted five times.

It was reported that at least one of those attacks killed nearly 500 people – and it was carried out on Palm Sunday.

The systematic genocide has gone into a frenzied mode with the United Nations warning that nearly half of Gaza’s 2.3 million people face catastrophic food insecurity.

One in three children under two is acutely malnourished. These are not projections – they are symptoms of a population on the brink.

The UN has reportedly said at least 500 aid trucks must enter Gaza each day to meet basic needs. On most days, fewer than 100 get through. In the north, the situation is worse. According to Unicef, children are dying of hunger before help can reach them.

What is happening in Gaza is not a Muslim problem. Any God-fearing human being should be outraged.

Israel has violated international humanitarian law, it’s that simple. It is no longer a question of politics or religion. It is a question of basic humanity.

The right to food is foundational. The right of a child to survive cannot be conditional on the outcome of a war.

How can we tolerate and watch as infants die of hunger and doctors operate in hospitals without electricity, clean water, or even milk for newborns?

The least we can do is pray for the Palestinians, show moral support, act with courage, and join the growing global call for a sustained ceasefire.

That means unrestricted access to humanitarian aid. It also means calling into account those obstructing it.

What is happening in Gaza should not be just the concern of congregation prayers in mosques but should also be raised in churches and temples because no one can condone genocide.

No nation is above public accountability and, certainly, the Biblical Israel is not the same as modern day political Israel.

Growth needed: The next five years will thus be crucial for Malaysia if it is to become a high-income nation. — FAIHAN GHANI/The Star

HERE’S the good news – the World Bank has declared Kuala Lumpur, Labuan, Penang, Sarawak and Selangor to be high-income states. The bad news, though, is that Malaysia as a whole is not there yet.

This is the latest high-income data based on Gross National Income (GNI), which is the total amount of factor incomes earned by the residents of a country. The country’s GNI per capita of RM53,400 annually falls short of the high-income threshold of RM63,000.

Kudos to Sarawak as it has solidified its position since joining the high-income state ranks in 2023. It must be doing something right.

Three years ago, there were only three states – Penang, KL and Labuan – on the list but Sarawak joined two years ago and Selangor made the cut last year.

Now, there are a total of five high-income states (including federal territories) but the vast majority of states are below the threshold – and that’s not good as they exert a pull on the country as a whole as it bids to join the club.

The findings, however, do not come as a surprise. Malaysia remains caught in the middle-income trap.

We are too rich to compete with low-cost economies like Vietnam and Cambodia but we are just unable to stand alongside high-income nations like South Korea and Singapore.

South Korea, once poorer than Malaysia in the 1960s, is now a global tech powerhouse. It achieved this through strategic industrial policy, heavy investment in education and R&D, and a relentless focus on productivity.

Singapore, without natural resources, became a financial and innovation hub through clean governance, meritocracy, and human capital development.

Malaysia now finds itself outpaced by these countries that were once on equal or even lesser footing, and if we are not serious about moving up, we could soon be overtaken by Vietnam.

This is not just about achieving a statistical milestone. It’s about ensuring Malaysians enjoy better jobs, stronger public services, global competitiveness, and the ability to keep our brightest minds at home.

The next five years will thus be crucial for Malaysia. We can’t afford to miss the boat.

The upcoming 13th Malaysia Plan (RMK13), covering 2026-2030 and Budget 2026 need to address the issues that are holding us back from becoming a high-income country. If we don’t, we will lose out to more of our neighbours.

RMK13 and Budget 2026 may represent our last – and best – chance to break free and secure high-income status.

For a start, the plans must boldly tackle governance and institutional weaknesses. Policy inconsistency, bureaucratic inefficiency, and rent-seeking behaviour continue to erode investor confidence.

RMK13 must be reform-driven and bold. It cannot be business as usual. Certainly, we don’t need the plan to be tabled with poetic language. It’s the content that matters.

A high-income country needs not only a strong economy, but strong institutions. For one, the judiciary has to be protected and judges must be persons of integrity. Perception is important.

A strong political will is also essential and Malaysia certainly cannot keep changing prime ministers and governments.

We need to fund the future, not the past, and we cannot live like we did in the past, with heavy subsidies which have spoiled Malaysians.

Where RMK13 provides the vision, Budget 2026 must be the engine. Fiscal policy must be repurposed not just to spend, but to invest – in people, productivity, and innovation.

As the world moves rapidly toward a knowledge- and innovation-based economy, Malaysia is at a critical juncture.

We have to increase funding for TVET (technical and vocational education and training), with incentives tied to graduate employability. Among others, we need:

> STEM scholarships and national reskilling initiatives for workers displaced by automation.

> Tax incentives and matching grants for R&D, automation, and green technologies.

> Expanded digital infrastructure, particularly in rural areas, to promote inclusive growth.

> A Malaysian Innovation Fund to support start-ups in Artificial Intelligence, biotech, and climate tech

Malaysia must address its productivity crisis. Growth can no longer rely on cheap labour or natural resources. We must transform our industrial base through digitalisation, automation, and a strong pivot towards advanced manufacturing and services.

This means supporting high-value sectors like semiconductors, electric vehicles, biotechnology, and green energy.

To make these a reality, we must overhaul our education system. Our youth are entering a job market that demands digital skills, creativity, and adaptability.

Are our tertiary institutes producing the right kind of graduates who are trained and marketable? Malaysia needs graduates with strong technical skills in in-demand fields like IT, engineering and healthcare.

Strong soft skills, adaptability and an entrepreneurial mindset certainly help. It will be even better if they have the ability to speak and write in Bahasa Malaysia, English and Chinese.

With due respect, the teaching of the Laos and Cambodian languages in our schools can wait even though they may be just elective courses.

Within Asean, Malaysia has advantages over some member countries. Beside our language skills, we have an established legal system, and we have the British to thank for that.

Malaysia has a strong middle-class base as well as a sound political system. Our democratic system can be noisy at times but it’s often restrained.

Malaysia has enough lawyers and doctors and it doesn’t help that every year we produce students with a string of distinctions who believe they are entitled to places in the top universities in the country.

Are the distinctions secured by our SPM students even on par with the standards imposed by Singapore, Hong Kong and the United Kingdom?

RMK13 must prioritise TVET reform, industry-academia collaboration, and investments in STEM (science, technology, engineering and mathematics) education from an early age.

We are still talking about STEM while China is already introducing AI modules – and at primary school level!

Third, the plan must put innovation and research at the heart of national strategy. Malaysia currently spends less than 1% of GDP on R&D. To become a creator – not just a user – of technology, this must rise to 2–3%, with strong government-industry-academia partnerships.

At the same time, Budget 2026 must address the brain drain by offering meaningful career paths and incentives for Malaysians abroad to return home – including tax relief, housing support, and leadership fast-tracks for top talent.

Expatriates with skills, and who have worked in Malaysia, surely deserve an easier track to be permanent residents.

Malaysia has the resources, the location, and the population to succeed – but seems to lack the political will and strategic coherence to execute bold reforms. We spend a great deal of time on inconsequential and unproductive political discourse, often on murky issues of race and religion.

Tomorrow’s investments in Malaysia are no longer about setting up factories, which outdated aging politicians still seem to think about when questioned about where foreign direct investments would go.

All is not lost, though. Attaining high-income status is not easy for any state or country. This year only one nation – Costa Rica – moved from upper middle income to high-income category.

But it is certainly not going to be easy for Malaysia. No one can predict what next year may bring given the uncertain and volatile economic outlook which doesn’t bode well for trading nations like Malaysia.

The World Bank high-income threshold is not fixed and it adjusts its measurement each year, so a lot depends on how Malaysia would compare with other nations but let’s not forget that even if we grow, other countries could compete harder and that could make the high-income goal even more distant.

Malaysians, especially the politicians, must understand this for the interest of the nation.

Look at the graph – the bottom three worst performing states are Kedah, Perlis and Kelantan, which speaks volumes. We can’t help these states if they prefer politicians who have promised them a ticket to heaven, while little is done for the here and now.

RMK13 and Budget 2026 can change that – if they are driven by vision, evidence, and courage.

For the country, the window to become a high-income nation is closing. We must act – boldly, intelligently, and urgently – before it shuts for good.

Urgent attention needed: Unlike this vernacular school in Petaling Jaya, many of the Tamil schools in the country are in a bad state. Furthermore, 12% of Indian children are born underweight and 18% suffer from stunting. — ART CHEN/The Star

THE causes behind the problems faced by a significant segment of the Malaysian Indian community have been mostly identified. Now, it should be the time to find effective and sustainable solutions.

Certainly, it cannot be done overnight after seven decades of Merdeka when many in the community remain entrenched in a cycle of poverty and structural exclusion.

But short- and medium-term initiatives must be done so the community sees that actual actions are being carried out. Indians have had enough of politicians who make great promises but fail to deliver.

This is not just a Malaysian Indian problem but a Malaysian problem and it signals a national development failure, as stated in a working paper.

The proposals were put up by Yayasan IItizam and Sustainable Inclusive and Consultative Council (SICC) under the guidance of Prof Dr Mahendran Saggaran Nair and Prof Santha Vaithilingam from Sunway University.

“Rising school dropout rates, a widening income gap within the community, constrained access to economic opportunities, and chronic underrepresentation in high-growth sectors are no longer merely socioeconomic concerns; they pose an emerging threat to national cohesion and resilience,” the report said.

If allowed to persist, “this structural inequity will not only undermine national productivity but will also deepen cynicism, erode trust in public institutions, and diminish participation in democratic processes.

“Inaction, therefore, is not a neutral policy position but a liability. In short, the policy of inaction is no longer tenable. However, the future need not mirror the past.”

Not known to many is that, late last year, Yayasan IItizam and SSIC, sat down with over 200 Indian participants from youth, women, community leaders, civil servants and professional bodies as well as small-and-medium size enterprise leaders.

Among the attendees was PKR deputy president Nurul Izzah Anwar, who was there as the executive chairman of the think tank, Polity.

Without much fanfare, she took part in the workshops, listened to the participants, took questions and in the end, together, they provided inputs to transform the ideas and issues into policies, with the coming 13th Malaysia Plan (RMK13) in mind.

The plan is crucial as it is a strategic development plan for the period 2026-2030 as Malaysia navigates a post-pandemic recovery, technological upheaval, and an uncertain global economy, while our society contends with rising living costs, educational inequalities, and cracks in national unity.

The RMK13 is not just another policy document – it is Malaysia’s most important national blueprint to rebuild equitably, grow sustainably, and move forward together.

While we think the RMK13 will mostly be like previous plans, which will lay out the standard development priorities across the economy and society, we expect more from the Madani Government.

The Plan must go further – it must be bolder, more inclusive, and unapologetically people-first.

Malaysians who had voted Pakatan Harapan into power understand that it is not the dominant party in government, in particular PKR, and it has been weighed down by compromises and promises not fulfilled yet – or what many see as unkept.

Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim has to get this one right. It doesn’t help that the previous Economy Minister Datuk Seri Mohd Rafizi Ramli has quit and that Finance Minister II Datuk Seri Amir Hamzah has to table it in Parliament this month.

It will not be an easy development plan.

The interests of the predominantly Malay voters need to be properly addressed, and certainly the Madani Government does not want to be accused of any neglect by their opponents.

Then, there are the unhappy Chinese voters, who used to be political fixed assets, but their goodwill now needs to be renewed again, as they face an increasingly tough economic environment.

For the Indians, there is no question that the government has to win back their faith too, as they too, have become disillusioned.

While the Indian community has contributed significantly to the nation’s development – in education, business, civil service, and culture – segments of the community remain economically and socially vulnerable.

Persistent issues such as low household income, limited access to higher education, under-representation in high-skilled jobs, and urban poverty continue to impact many Malaysian Indians, particularly those in the bottom 40%.

RMK13 must move beyond broad-based approaches and adopt targeted, data-driven interventions that directly uplift Indian households.

The participants have proposed dedicated education funds for Indian students in underperforming schools, entrepreneurship and upskilling grants tailored to Indian youth and small business owners, support for non-governmental organisations (NGOs) already doing groundwork in Indian communities and recognition of the unique socioeconomic conditions faced by estate workers and urban poor Indians in national poverty frameworks.

They also proposed the restructuring of the Malaysian Indian Transformation Unit (Mitra) into a statutory agency with a clearly defined mandate with governance and oversight by the government, the private sector and community.

They also suggested an Indian Development Innovation Fund to support women and youth venturing in emerging sectors including launching “Rebel Builders” such as Youth Startups and incubators to promote innovation and businesses, including investment in the green economy.

Another proposal was for a national mapping of Indian SMEs in critical technologies to create opportunities in the digital economy.

Today, Malaysian Indians account for a mere 1.3% of national equity while 90% of students from B40 families drop out before completing Form 5.

Unemployment among Indian youth rates close to 9.5%, nearly double the national average.

The study paper said social distress indicators are equally alarming: 71.8% of known gang members are Indian, and rates of substance-abuse among urban B40 Indian populations are surging.

Furthermore, 12% of Indian children are born underweight, 18% suffer from stunting and 19% of single mothers in Malaysia are Indians – most of whom live in poverty.

This is further compounded by pervasive hiring discrimination, with only 9% of Indian candidates receiving interview call backs compared to 44% of Chinese applicants with identical qualifications and experience, thus creating an additional barrier to fair wages and career progression for Malaysian Indians.

The result is a labour market that disincentivises education and traps communities in low-skilled, low-wage sectors.

For Malaysian Indians, the promise of education as a vehicle for social mobility is becoming increasingly elusive.

The surge in Indian gang related activity and substance abuse in B40 Indian neighbourhoods demands heightened policing, judicial, and rehabilitation expenditures, a report added.

The report, however, also used the term “B60” to refer to the bottom 60% of income earners within the community to reflect a data-driven recognition that socio-economic vulnerability now extends beyond the traditional B40 bracket.

For many in this B60 group – especially the youth and families in urban and semi-urban areas – education remains the best avenue for upward mobility and for breaking the cycle of intergenerational poverty.

However, pouring in hundreds of millions into these programmes would be meaningless if there is no accountability and governance.

The money should not be to benefit political cronies but for real people who need and deserve the support. Piecemeal handouts to Indian voters, as was done in the past, won’t help to resolve the woes of the community.

Let’s hope that these over 40 detailed proposals, at least some of them, will be included in the RMK13 and Budget 2026.

They have been submitted to the Prime Minister’s Office via the Indian Community Affairs Department, and to the Economy Ministry.

They are not aspirational ideas but ready-to-execute initiatives, and certainly the powers that be should seriously consider these proposals. Merely studying them is not enough.

As the writers of the proposal wrote, this is not about special treatment for the Indian community – it’s about equitable opportunity. Development cannot be meaningful if it leaves a community behind.

Hoping for better: S. Sobashini Priya and husband M. Hesharhishi Rao after casting their vote in Penang during the 15th General Election. Indian Malaysians make up about 6.6% of the population, translating to roughly 2.2 million people, with about 1.5 million eligible voters. — CHAN BOON KAI/The Star.

A WEEK is a long time in politics, the late British prime minister Harold Wilson is reputed to have said. He was right.

In politics, much change can occur in a short space of time.

The next general election is still over two years away, and it may seem like a long time but it will be foolish of any political parties, including the present government, to take lightly the frustrations of Indian voters.

They used to be the locked-in voters of Pakatan Harapan but over the past few months, it may have lost a substantial number of them.

One does not need a survey to gauge the unhappiness of Indian voters who feel that they have been used like pawns in every election, lured with sweet promises that never materialised.

It does not matter which party the politicians are from but this time, the weight of resentment and unforgiving mood is greater than before, maybe because they had higher expectations of Pakatan.

The old play book, with the theatrics of song and dance routines, greetings in Tamil, garlands and Indian outfits, are not likely to work anymore.

Candidates can also forget about last-minute handouts in walkabouts, with silly attempts at making thosai for the media.

Indian Malaysians make up about 6.6% of the population, translating to roughly 2.2 million people, with about 1.5 million eligible voters.

Though numerically small, their votes have outsized influence in marginal urban and semi-urban constituencies across Selangor, Perak, Penang, Negri Sembilan, Melaka and parts of Johor.

Everyone knows that every single vote will matter in the next general election as the race would probably be the tightest in the country’s electoral history.

Unless an understanding is reached, we may even see component parties of the unity government contesting against each other, causing a split in votes.

For Indians, the list of grievances is long but topping the list is that their voices are often missing from national conversations.

It’s not enough that they are merely included in tourism promotion videos and dances to reflect Malaysia’s diversity.

They are not looking for charity but want respect and fairness. In fact, even though they are a minority and one of the founding races in achieving independence, they are not even asking for affirmative action.

While steps have been taken by the government to help the Indians, there is a need to reform its approach to economic empowerment, which must include a targeted strategy to lift B40 households through skills training.

The Vanigham Financing Scheme launched by the SME Bank, aimed at supporting the growth of small and medium enterprises, particularly among Indians, is a good initiative. It makes sense to help entrepreneurs as they create jobs and opportunities.

It provides financial assistance for asset acquisition, commercial vehicles, and working capital, helping businesses expand and become competitive. SME Bank has reportedly allocated RM50mil for the Vanigham Financing Scheme.

Then, there is the Malaysian Indian Transformation Unit (Mitra), led by the Prime Minister’s Department, which is a special unit to address the socioeconomic development of the Indian community.

Its tasks include helping Tamil schools, Indian entrepreneurs, and the social development of the community.

So it would be unfair to claim that the Madani government has not done anything to help the Indians. But those tasked with carrying out these huge responsibilities need to go beyond mock cheque presentations by politicians. They need to use social media platforms to show the faces of real people who have benefited from these programmes.

It would be even better if these video clips carry touching human interest stories of the beneficiaries, with subtitles so non-Indian voters can also know what has been done to assist their fellow Malaysians.

If religious leaders like Ustaz Ebit Liew, with 6.5 million followers on Instagram, and Human Resources Minister Steven Sim, with 47,000 followers, can do it, certainly other leaders can use the same template to record their contributions.

Announcements of millions of ringgit being given out have become blind spots and the voters, especially the Indians, have become cynical.

It is also important that voters know how the SME grants have been disbursed, with indepen-dent audits and clear metrics of success.

The upcoming 13th Malaysia Plan (2026-2030) provides an opportunity to address the needs of the community in a mean-ingful and strategic manner.

As a minority, Indian students surely deserve a fair shot, even if they’re not prioritised, at getting scholarships from the Public Service Department (JPA) and other sources, as well as chances at university placements. Surely they are not about to take away places from other races.

The bottom line is this: it is a needs-based issue and a recognition of the compounded disadvantage Indian students face.

It is commendable that Indians have been given representation in the Malaysian government, especially in the police and Foreign Ministry with several high-profile appointments.

But this needs to be extended to many other areas in the civil service, judiciary, government-linked corporations, and policymaking bodies with meaningful roles and participations, not merely token appointments.

Rightly or wrongly, the community also wants to see genuine Tamil representation in the Cabinet and state executive councils. To them, Sikhs are not Tamils, who make up the majority of Indians in Malaysia.

They feel proper representation would empower the community in discharging the responsibilities.

It does not matter that numerous Tamil leaders have failed previously, including at Cabinet level, but to many in the community, it is a matter of recognition.

It isn’t just about political correctness but also about basic respect in a plural society.

Politicians who remain silent in the face of insensitive remarks made against Hindus by recalcitrant individuals, especially religious preachers who get away without facing criminal charges, aren’t going to win Indian votes.

This perceived inaction in the face of hate speech has caused much unhappiness in the Indian community, and that is surely unacceptable in multiracial Malaysia, especially when the line is clear – anything against race, religion, and royalty cannot be tolerated.

There is still time for meaningful reforms and actions. Two years is sufficient time to regain the Indian vote.

In a 2024 national youth survey, the Merdeka Center said it found that Indians think they face high-level discrimination and the community feels marginalised, with 62% of Indians reporting they experience unfair treatment and discrimination and only 28% feeling they are fairly treated.

The bottom line is that the Indian vote cannot be won with last-minute aid before elections. Time is running out fast to regain the trust of their small-in-volume but crucially decisive votes.

The government needs to engage with Indian organisations at various levels, and while not everything can be done, half the battle is won when our leaders, including the Prime Minister, listen to people.

The community is seeking a real leader who can provide hope, not empty promises.

When thousands of young Malaysian Indians, including schoolchildren, reportedly turn up in full force for funerals of gang leaders and underworld figures, as former Member of Parliament Charles Santiago revealed, then something has gone terribly wrong.

It is a classic case of how the marginalised and disen-franchised behave when established and mainstream community leaders have failed them, in their eyes.

They then seek powerful, defiant figures to hero worship, even if they are criminals or gangsters, as pointed out by Urimai’s Dr P. Ramasamy.

Ironically, there are over 12 Indian-based political parties, including Indian Muslims and Sikhs, claiming to represent the community but all have failed to live up to the community’s expectations.

The Tamil poor, especially in the B40 (low income) group, live in low-cost houses in urban areas and estates in rural areas but there are also many well-educated and well-travelled Indians, who are tired of being boxed into ethnic politics.

They want the leadership to speak and listen to all Malaysians – not just to racial categories.

If Indian voters – who used to be Pakatan’s fixed assets – abandon the party, they also are not about to give their votes to Perikatan Nasional, simply because they don’t want PAS.

But if they stay away from voting, it should worry Pakatan.

There is still hope for Pakatan to reach out to Indian voters and not wait until the next general election. If it does not, there is a danger the Indians will just stay home and watch Vaanavil on TV – for more entertaining and less painful dramas.

Keeping it together: While some feel the pace of reform under Anwar’s administration is too slow, the reality is that getting anything done with a coalition government is not easy or quick anywhere in the world. — Filepic/The Star

THE Anwar administration is midway into its five-year term and one of the strongest criticisms it faces is that reforms are slow. Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s opponents have even gone so far as to say that reforms are dead.

The reality of many Opposition leaders anywhere is that when they get into government, they find out one major truth: change cannot happen overnight.

It is even more difficult when it is a coalition government.

In the case of Malaysia’s unity government, it involves partners who had fought each other in the elections. Anwar’s party, PKR, does not even hold the largest number of seats in Parliament.

It may not be acceptable to his hardcore supporters but the inevitability is that expectations must be grounded. Anwar does not have the kind of all-powerful authority to issue executive orders with a stroke of the pen like US President Donald Trump does.

Over two years into his administration, while key reforms have been initiated, the pace and scope of change have led many to call for a more realistic lens through which to view the progress of his legacy.

Anwar had positioned himself as a reformist leader committed to restoring trust in governance, rebuilding the economy, and steering Malaysia towards a more equitable and transparent future.

He has had to make unpopular economic overhauls like targeted subsidy reforms and, most recently, broadening the sales and service tax (SST).

Anwar’s administration has focused heavily on fiscal discipline. The 2025 federal budget – amounting to RM421bil – is the largest in Malaysia’s history, with a growth target of 4.5% to 5.5% for the year.

Among the key reforms are the rationalisation of blanket subsidies and a shift towards targeted assistance for lower-income groups, and removing subsidies for the wealthy and foreign nationals. Minimum wage has been increased by 13% to RM1,700 to keep pace with inflation and cost of living.

Malaysians, including the rich, are so used to subsidised items like petrol that anything that is taken away can only lead to resentment.

Our petrol is the cheapest in the region, if not in the world, and while wages are not high, the cost of living is relatively low.

Unfortunately, no thanks to debt-funded excess spending accumulated over the last 28 years of budget deficits, RM16 out of every RM100 that the Federal Government earns goes to interest payments.

Anwar has a serious legacy issue. If he does nothing now – just to be popular – the coming generations will have to pay even more and suffer.

The latest moves, while fiscally responsible, have raised public anxiety amid rising prices and a weakening ringgit, highlighting the delicate balance between reform and public sentiment.

Let’s recap what other reforms the unity government has carried out since he became PM in November 2022.

Anwar pledged to strengthen Malaysia’s democratic institutions, and several early steps have been taken:

> The Abolition of Mandatory Death Penalty Act 2023 was passed, giving judges discretion in sentencing.

> Preliminary efforts to separate the roles of the Attorney General and Public Prosecutor are underway, with policy papers and studies being developed.

> A draft Political Financing Act has been introduced, aimed at curbing money politics and increasing transparency in campaign funding.

However, critics still argue progress is slow, and recent high-profile corruption court cases ending in DNAA (discharge not amounting to acquittal) have reignited concerns over the integrity and independence of the Judiciary.

It’s a bit oxymoronic: the public expects the PM not to interfere in the Judiciary but they also want him to tell the courts to keep unpopular politicians linked to corruption in jail.

Anwar himself has lost a civil suit brought against him by Yusoff Rawther, a former aide who alleged that the PKR leader sexually assaulted him at the party president’s Segambut, Kuala Lumpur, home in 2018.

The Federal Court also ruled recently that the Selangor fatwa does not apply to companies such as Sisters in Islam Forum, and that the state-level decree cannot direct federal agencies to block social media accounts.

In a step towards strengthening media freedom, the government introduced a new Media Council Act and journalism ethics code.

While Malaysia’s press freedom ranking dipped in 2024, it has since gone up by 19 places to 88th out of 180 in the World Press Freedom Index 2025 released by Reporters Without Borders last month.

For a journalist who was out of work in 1987 following Operasi Lalang, when then PM Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamed shut down The Star, Sin Chew Daily, and the now defunct Watan, much has improved; although by the same token, much still needs to be done.

Communications Minister Fahmi Fadzil has successfully set up the Malaysian Media Council which will allow self-regulation – a crucial step towards greater media freedom. The pro-tem committee chairman is Premesh Chandran, formerly of news portal Malaysiakini.

Still, advocacy groups urge greater legal protection for journalists and access to information, noting that institutional change requires more than symbolic measures.

What many journalists want is to see the abolition of the Printing Presses and Publications Act, which is clearly obsolete in the digital age.

Many of the reforms are already in the drafting stages, but what is holding back Anwar’s Malaysia Madani framework which centres on values such as sustainability, compassion, and innovation?

It serves as the philosophical foundation for the government’s policy direction but transforming ideas into action remains a complex task.

Entrenched bureaucracy and internal political compromises within the multi-party coalition government have slowed bold decision-making.

The PM may not say it but coalition fragility, especially with ideologically diverse partners such as Umno, Pakatan Harapan, and the Borneo-based parties, has forced Anwar to navigate reforms with caution.

While his reform agenda is commendable, he also faces several constraints such as global economic headwinds, including inflation, currency depreciation, and geopolitical instability, all of which limit the government’s fiscal room.

Public frustration over the cost of living, housing affordability, and stagnant wages persists, but governments all around the world are facing those issues.

Our inflation rate for May 2025 was 1.2%, which was the lowest in 51 months. However, the Consumer Price Index the same month increased by 1.2% year on year, especially food and beverages (2.1%), housing, utilities, gas, and other fuels (1%), and transport (0.7%). There will be further impacts after the expanded SST kicks in on Tuesday.

In early 2025, Malaysia’s unemployment rate remained stable at 3.1% with the number of employed persons increasing and the number of jobless people decreasing, which was a record high in April.

Let’s give credit where it is due. Malaysia secured RM89.8bil in approved investments in the first quarter of 2025, a 3.7% increase year on year with Johor recording the highest investment during the first quarter of 2025, with approved investments reaching RM30.1bil.

Malaysia also anticipates a 5% increase in investments for this year in line with gross domestic product growth.

Our ringgit has continued to remain steady against the US dollar and appreciated despite global uncertainties. Remember, just over a year and a half ago, many of us feared it would hit RM5 against the greenback.

We also know the first quarter has been sluggish for Malaysian corporations. Analysts have lowered their year-end targets citing US tariffs that continue to weigh on global trade flows.

No one is clear whether the ceasefire between Israel and Iran will hold, and any escalation there will impact the price of oil.

The disappointing first quarter (1Q2025) results align with Malaysia’s GDP growth of 4% year on year for the period, down from 4.8% in 4Q2024, mostly the result of external factors.

It is hard to explain complex economic scenarios, such as supply change from wars and US tariffs, to the average man in the street as they would only be concerned about the increasing cost of living in their daily lives.

The Anwar administration unfortunately, as with all governments, has to bear the brunt of the voters’ complaints.

Without doubt, the Reformasi legacy set a high bar.

Many Malaysians who supported Anwar for decades expect swift, sweeping change, but institutional reforms often require time, political will, and public consensus.

There is another factor to consider: realpolitik – the political necessity of compromise, especially in a unity government – means not all decisions will reflect progressive reform.

In some cases, they reflect political survival, to keep the government intact. Malaysia cannot afford to have another change of PM in the short-term.

Reformasi is a marathon, not a sprint, and miracles cannot be expected overnight after a 60-year-old entrenched political system dominated by the same political coalition of race-based component parties as well as a religion-based party.

Funding the nation: Money is needed for public services, education, and healthcare reforms, while new challenges such as artificial intelligence technology and digitalisation also demand the disbursement of funds. — 123rf

TAXATION in any form and name is never popular, and the expansion of the sales and service tax (SST) is no exception. It is unpopular, full stop.

Nobody likes taxes but there is no such thing as looking for a better time in the future to impose the taxes for the government to increase revenue.

Putrajaya knows well that this decision won’t make the Prime Minister and his government popular. But it has to be done.

Even if the Madani government were not in power, another government would still have needed to carry out this exercise, maybe under another name.

The government is already two months behind its self-imposed May 1 target but the SST will finally take off on July 1.

What needs to be done is to have as many communication engagements as possible with the media, as well as social media influencers, business and professional groups, non-governmental organisation leaders, and other stakeholders.

Finance Minister II Datuk Seri Amir Hamzah Azizan remains the best person to explain the issue but it is not the job of one person to do all the explaining.

Some questions are easier to answer while some are more complicated, but clarifications and some convincing are needed for a national buy-in.

The T20 (top 20% of income earners) has questions and priorities that are different from the M40 (middle income) and B40 (low income) groups. Business-men who read financial newspapers will scrutinise interviews with Amir as well as a host of analysts giving different perspectives.

The loudest grumble but certainly a reasonable concern is the inclusion of commercial rental and leasing under the SST, alongside selected goods and services.

The additional cost burden, at a time when many businesses are already struggling with rising operational expenses – including minimum wage adjustments and heightened regulatory compliances – will surely put pressure on margins.

This segment is justified in worrying about increasing operational costs while staring at weak business prospects and the continuing storms of the global trade wars.

The M40, which comprises mostly wage earners, are worried that they might have to pay more for their meals and rentals while members of the B40 group are left struggling and probably have no time at all to read the narratives about the SST.

Let’s not kid ourselves that all will be hunky-dory and that our lives will still be the same. Our pockets will be hit.

We read news reports that an additional revenue of RM5bil is expected in the second half of 2025 from the expanded SST to bolster the Federal Government’s revenue estimate to RM51.7bil, or 2.5% of GDP, from RM46.7bil, or 2.2% of GDP.

The revenue boost is reportedly RM10bil, or 2.5%, per annum but it is still short of about RM7bil to RM12bil of the 3% of GDP that could have come from the goods and services tax (GST).

But of course, no politician is going to touch another round of GST, even though the net spread is wider. The backlash from the word itself would be tremendously negative.

So, in simple language, the targeted collection of revenue from the broadened SST would still be insufficient.

What is needed from the narratives isn’t how much can be collected, but what the extra money from the SST would be used for.

Amir said in an interview: “The role of the government is to be judicious in how it spends and to be smart about how it actually tries to manage the reform.

“But we can see this reform, this transformation, is materially making a difference for Malaysia,’’ he said.

Taxpayers want to know where the money will go. They know development has a cost but it is always good to share with the rakyat again and again.

Money is needed for public services, education, and healthcare reforms while new challenges such as artificial intelligence technology and digitalisation also demand the disbursement of funds, and more funds.

Malaysians also need to wake up to the fact that PETRONAS is no longer the golden goose. We can no longer depend on dividends from PETRONAS as its contributions have dropped. It even had to downsize its own staff to ensure a tighter ship.

Even the rich oil-producing Arab nations started looking for other sources of revenue a long time ago.

Who would have thought that the day would come that conservative Saudi Arabia opens its doors to non-Muslim tourists?

I took a trip to various parts of the country, except Mecca, in 2023 and saw with my own eyes how it is aggressively promoting tourism.

One day, I was sitting at a bar in Al Ula that was blasting loud rave party music and the next, I was standing outside the holy Prophet’s Mosque, the Al Masjid an Nabawi, in Medina, which was previously forbidden to non-Muslims.

Malaysians need to be told that we cannot continue spending more money than the revenue we collect year after year.

That’s what we have been doing for a long time, with our debt-funded excess spending for the last 28 years of budget deficits. The SST collection just isn’t enough to service that debt.

This is a country that has relied on subsidies for almost everything – our petrol, for one, remains the cheapest in the region – but subsidies need to be cut, although this is another move that will never be popular.

The government has to do the necessary surgical cuts now instead of passing the burden to the next generation.

It has over two years before the next general election and can still do what is correct and not what is popular.

That window will close as soon as the election looms.

In fact, the campaigning has already started.

SST collection is not an interesting subject and the focus has been reduced to a debate on why imported fruits should be taxed.

Malaysia is not the only country that has imposed such a tariff in varying ways on imported fruits. For us, they included imported bananas, pineapples, apples, pears and grapes, for example.

Just Google and check. In the United States, a Congress reports states that about 60% of fruits and vegetables gets a tariff of less than 5%. In China, it is said that the tariff ranges from 25% to 40% depending on the fruit types, with tropical fruits getting the hit mostly.

The other countries included Egypt, Japan, South Korea and the European Union nations. It is a flawed argument that our local fruits are mostly seasonal. Our choices are plenty including bananas, guavas, papayas, watermelon, jackfruit and dragon fruits.

But there are good reasons to listen to calls that apples and oranges should be exempt as they are hardly luxury items. It is commendable that the government is prepared to relook these items as they should not be regarded as luxury goods.

World Bank Malaysia lead economist Apurva Sanghi tweeted: “Imported food price inflation is a concern but it may be overblown – only RM16bil of RM79bil imports affected.’’

The SST needs plenty of improvements, and many of the criticisms are justified, but more importantly, the conversations must continue and be encouraged if we are to make Malaysia a better place.

Apurva said: “Tax hikes are painful but people can bear them – if they are meaningful. This means faster progress, especially on governance reforms, and that would increase trust.

“Malaysia needs to spend more; not less. But there are areas where spending can be cut, waste arrested; and foregone revenues clawed back.’’

He cited that both revenue and spending have dropped – 30% lower since 2012 levels, which is well below global peers.

That is not to say we cannot criticise the government. If we are critical of Malaysia, it is because we love our country, and taxpayers should be regarded as customers by the Inland Revenue Board. And we should also adopt the attitude that it is a virtue to pay taxes.

What Malaysians cannot tolerate are horrendous leakages and the stealing of public money by politicians and people that we put our trust in.

Every year the Auditor-General uncovers and makes public losses in funds, irregular payments, and wastage across various ministries.

As Apurva says, the Government Procurement Act has been delayed. Faster progress on such reforms that build trust with the rakyat can make it easier to swallow bitter tax hikes.

He aptly quoted award-winning Japanese writer Haruki Murakami: “I can bear any pain as long as it has meaning.”

Disturbing discovery: The Budak2 Sekolah Rendah group on Facebook, which features photos of schoolchildren, is said to have over 12,000 followers. — 123rf

IT’S a wake-up call for all of us. Not just parents, teachers and students but every one of us – we need to be vigilant to confront online sex predators, including paedophiles.

The recent expose by social media influencer Wee Yun Nee of a Facebook group that uses photographs of schoolchildren is most commendable.

Wee, also known as Mekyun, has taken the trouble to lodge police reports beyond just highlighting the issue after she found her pictures, from when she was younger, being used.

The group, called Budak2 Sekolah Rendah (Primary School Children), is said to have over 12,000 followers, and that is very disturbing.

We do not know how many of these followers are actually unknowing school kids or adults but the group sure attracted the attention of mental sickos with paedophilic tendencies.

It is said to have started as an undercover “community” disguised as a nostalgic forum for sharing memories of school life.

Eventually, it grew into something far more insidious as a gathering place for adults using coded language and imagery to indulge in paedophilic behaviour.

Rightly, it has been shut down by the Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission (MCMC).

Mekyun shared some of the lewd comments brazenly posted on Facebook and it was clear that there are predators out there who get sexually aroused just by ogling children, mostly in tudung and baju kurung school uniforms.

Wee, also known as Mekyun, has taken the trouble to lodge police reports beyond just highlighting the issue after she found her pictures, from when she was younger, being used.

These perverts openly expressed their sexual desires; about what they wished to do with these children and fetishising school uniforms. They were also said to be using coded language that’s common among paedophile networks.

It was clear that these degenerates treated the Facebook page as a digital playground to exploit children and sexualise the school environment. The pictures of the unknowing children were posted on the account by these degenerates.

Closing down the page is not enough. Every effort must be made by MCMC and the police to trace and hunt down the account holders who have posted nauseating comments. Some of these accounts have profile pictures, real or otherwise.

They should be publicly shamed for their actions, even if they are the average father and uncle. We must adopt zero tolerance for this.

Sinar Harian quoted a Twitter user as saying that these culprits should be reported to their wives with screenshot evidence of their husbands’ – or grandfathers’ – comments. They must be held accountable.

Mekyun showed screenshots of these indecent comments to prove the shocking behaviour of these deviants.

In Malaysia, such offences may fall under Sections 292 and 292A of the Penal Code, relating to the dissemination of obscene material and the sexual exploitation of children. Offenders could face lengthy prison sentences and mandatory registration as sex offenders.

In a country still grappling with rising online threats to children, the exposure of Budak2 Sekolah Rendah serves as a chilling reminder of the need for vigilance, policy reform, and zero tolerance toward those who exploit the most vulnerable members of society.

The fight against these online predators is an ongoing one. In fact, last year, the MCMC and police launched “Op Pedo” to track down individuals who possess, store, and distribute pornographic and child abuse materials (CSAM).

Raids were conducted across six states and territories, namely Kuala Lumpur, Selangor, Johor, Terengganu, Penang, and Perak. The ages of those arrested ranged from 20 to 74 with some suspects admitting to finding and buying explicit content via social media and messaging platforms such as X and Telegram.

The New Straits Times quoted Bukit Aman’s D11 principal assistant director Senior Assistant Commissioner Siti Kamsiah Hassan as saying that “access to such pornography has made predators even more brazen, with some going to the extent of attempting to abduct children.”

According to the 2022 “ICT Use and Access by Individuals and Households Survey Report” released by the Statistics Depart-ment in May 2023, “Households with Internet access increased to 96% in 2022 compared with 94.9% in 2021”.

And, as reported by the Focus news portal, in 2018, the number of IP addresses linked to sex crimes spiked up to 2,660 and it kept increasing dramatically afterwards – escalating to 48,752 IP addresses in 2021.

“In total, there were 93,368 IP addresses detected engaging in cyberpaedophilia activities until the first quarter of 2022,’’ it said.

Communications Minister Datuk Fahmi Fadzil had reprimanded Meta (which owns Facebook) for its continued failure to curb paedophilia and sexual grooming on Facebook, saying this was one example why the social media licence was needed – to curb crimes, including sexual crimes against children.

It is not an infringement of the media’s freedom or of the right to privacy as some naively believe.

Meta has made plenty of promises to have strong moderation and strict policies to protect minors but these haven’t been effective.

It is probably even harder to track down the offenders in non-English speaking countries; in Malaysia, Bahasa Malaysia is widely used on social media platforms. It is not just a moderation failure but a systemic failure.

Fighting these shady manipulative characters is not just the work of the enforcement agencies, it is a public responsibility.

All of us need to speak up against such behaviour.

The clampdown on Budak2 Sekolah Rendah should not be an isolated case. We must never allow similar groups to crop up again.